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Will Ukraine's 2019 Elections Be a Turning Point?
Will Ukraine’s 2019 Elections Be a Turning Point? UNLIKELY, BUT DANGERS LURK PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 552 November 2018 Oleхiy Haran1 University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Petro Burkovsky2 National Institute for Strategic Studies (Kyiv) Next year, amid an ongoing conflict with Russia, sluggish economic recovery, and the rise of populism, Ukrainians will elect a new president (in March) and a new parliament (in October). Although the Ukrainian public is fragmented in its support of the six or seven frontrunners and parties, the outcome of both elections is not likely to bring radical change to Kyiv’s foreign and security policies—unless Russia decides to intervene, with or without violence. Ukrainians may be wary about Russian-backed activities, such as fostering a divisive referendum about conflict resolution in the Donbas or stirring up tensions between the government and ethnic minorities or Moscow patriarchate zealots. The country’s Western partners should not downplay the Kremlin’s potential interventions, nor should they overreact to any new configurations of Ukrainian political power. Perhaps the most important imperative for both Ukrainians and the West is to continue pushing for the separation of oligarchs from the levers of governance. Although much can change over the next five months, the current outlook is that political developments in 2019 are not expected to produce another major turning point in the colorful history of Ukraine. Poroshenko’s Legacy: Baking “Kyiv Cake” for Others? We argued in 2014 3 that three major challenges would define the course of President Petro Poroshenko’s presidency. First, he had to avoid actions that would lead to full- scale war with Russia or rampant civil war. -
Opora Final Report on Observation at the 2019 Regular Presidential Elections in Ukraine
OPORA FINAL REPORT ON OBSERVATION AT THE 2019 REGULAR PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE Kyiv― 2020 The publication was made possible due to support of American people pro- vided by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Any opinions and statements expressed in this publication may not coin- cide with the official position of USAID and US Government. Authors Oleksandr Kliuzhev Oleksandr Neberykut Olha Kotsiuruba Robert Lorian Iurii Lisovskyi Grygorii Sorochan Endorsed by Olga Aivazovska Translation Svitlana Bregman Design by Viktoria Arkhypenko ISBN 978-617-7142-56-9 © OPORA, 2020 CONTENT ABOUT OPORA OBSERVATION 5 BACKGROUND INFORMATION OF THE REPORT 7 DETAILED SUMMARY 13 ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND ELECTORAL LAW 31 REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATES FOR THE POSITION OF THE PRESIDENT OF UKRAINE 35 CAMPAIGNING ACTIVITIES OF PARTIES AND CANDIDATES 39 Peculiarities of the early campaigning 40 Format of campaigning activities and early campaigning subjects 41 Campaigning activities of candidates within the electoral process 46 Campaigning activities of candidates during the preparation for the second round of voting 51 ADMINISTRATION OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE 55 CEC operations 56 Formation and activities of district election commissions 64 Establishing district election commissions 64 The first sessions of district election commissions 69 Rotation of the DEC membership 72 Formation of precinct election commissions 72 Launch of operations of precinct election commissions 78 Formation and organization of DEC operations -
Public Opinion Survey in Ukraine 2008
wh International Foundation for Electoral Systems “Change on the Horizon? Public Opinion in Ukraine before the 2010 Presidential Election” Findings from an IFES November 2009 Survey November 2009 This publication was produced by IFES for the U.S. Agency for International Development concerning Associate Award No. 121-A-00-09-00709-00, under Leader Agreement No. DFD-A-00-08-00350-00. Disclaimer The author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government. Page | 1 Ukraine Public Opinion Survey 2009 “Change on the Horizon? Public Opinion in Ukraine before the 2010 Presidential Election” Findings from an IFES November 2009 Survey Rakesh Sharma and Lauren Serpe © 2010 by IFES. All rights reserved. IFES 1850 K Street, NW Fifth Floor Washington, D.C. U.S.A. Notice of rights All rights reserved. No part of this report can be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 1-931459-45-2 Page | 2 International Foundation for Electoral Systems IFES ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This publication was made possible through the generous support of the American People through the U.S. Agency for International Development, under the terms of Associate Award No. 121-A-00-09-00709- 00, under Leader Agreement No. DFD-A-00-08-00350-00. IFES would like to recognize the research, editing and publication assistance provided by members of its staff. Page | 3 Ukraine Public Opinion Survey 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD ................................................................................................................................................ -
Ukraine's Party System Evolution: 1990-2017
RAZUMKOV CENTRE UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 The publication is supported by the Ukrainian Office of Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017 UKRAINE`S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 / Edited by Yu.Yakymenko. – Kyiv: Razumkov Сentre, 2017. – p.62 This publication presents an abridged version of the Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre that examines the emergence and further transformation of Ukraine’s party system in 1990-2017. We have examined key drivers of change at each evolution stage, such as legislation on political parties and elections; political regime; most significant societal cleavages, nature and consequences of their influence; analysed current trends in Ukraine’s party system development. The publication will be useful for everyone interested in post-independence nation-building processes in Ukraine, development of political parties and the party system, experience of political transformations in post-Soviet countries. © Razumkov Centre, 2017 © “Zapovit Publishing House”, 2017 UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 olitical parties are an important institution of a democratic society, P which ensures aggregation and articulation of the interests of various social groups. Interaction among parties in their struggle for power and the exercise of political power by them form a party system. The process of party system formation in Ukraine has been going on for more than 25 years. This publication represents a shortened version of the Razumkov Centre’s report, which examines the fundamental stages of the party system formation in 1990-2017, including intra-party processes, institutional legal and socio-political conditions for their activities and inter-party relations.1 1. STUDY METHODOLOGY The Razumkov Centre’s study uses an approach that combines elements of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of party system dynamics and takes into account changes of the three following components that define party system and/or affect it. -
Interim Report Оn Presidential Elections 2019 Part II
NGO «EUROPEAN COORDINATION COUNCIL» IN COLLABORATION WITH «SENATE OF PUBLIC WARDING» are monitoring the election of the President of Ukraine in 2019 as official observers, in accordance with the Resolution of the Central Election Commission No. 50 dated January 11, 2019. Interim Report оn Presidential Elections 2019 Part II Kyiv 2019 NGO “EUROPEAN COORDINATION COUNCIL” NGO “SENATE OF PUBLIC WARDING”Ā CONTENT Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 4 І. Registration of the candidates to the post as President of Ukraine, basic themes of the election programs, their main points…....................................................................5 Zelenskyi Volodymyr Oleksandrovych .............................................................................6 Tymoshenko Yuliya Volodymyrivna ................................................................................7 Poroshenko Petro Oleksiyovych ........................................................................................8 Boiko Yurii Anatoliyovych ................................................................................................9 Grytsenko Anatolii Stepanovych ......................................................................................10 Lyashko Oleg Valeriyovych .............................................................................................11 Murayev Evgenii Volodymyrovych .................................................................................12 -
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 07/29/2019 12:26:21 PM
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 07/29/2019 12:26:21 PM Enclosed please find informational materials that were forwarded to U.S. media outlets in connection with Wiley Rein’s Aveiro LP representation. Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 07/29/2019 12:26:21 PM Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 07/29/2019 12:26:21 PM NEWSLETTER V BATbKIBLUMHA ISSUE 18,18 February 2019 BATKIVSHCHYNA PARTY NEWS 1. Yulia Tymoshenko participates in Munich Security Conference 2. Yulia Tymoshenko: No compromise with the enemy on the issue of ending the war 3. Interview with DW in Munich: Yulia Tymoshenko: Ukraine heading for 'reset' of government 4. Yulia Tymoshenko, Anatoliy Hrytsenko, Andriy Sadovyi, and other candidates unite and sign a Memorandum on fair elections 5. Yulia Tymoshenko meets with representatives of anti-corruption civic organizations 6. Ukraine has lower quality of life than neighboring countries 7. Hromadske TV: Ukrainian lawmaker claims Poroshenko “makes deals" with Putin on a daily basis © yalta european strategy alta european strategy yalta european strategy Munich Security C O inference i Conference! I lOCr pean strategy yalta euroo*-'Mis’ ^ j ySiCherheilskonferenz Munich Seci © Confer© yalta european strategy $ ilta european Munchner S( Munich Secunty/-r-J Of? Conference! IIOU Munich Security ppg© luropean strategy Munchner Sichemeitskonlerenz Munich 2 ms© yalta strategy lertieitskonlerenz ® % yalta european strategy Munchnerson 1. YULIA TYMOSHENKO PARTICIPATES prospects for the economic development IN MUNICH SECURITY CONFERENCE of our country, and cooperation between On 15-16 February Batkivshchyna Party Ukraine and the IMF. Leader Yulia Tymoshenko together with Yulia Tymoshenko stressed “the need to Deputy Head of Batkivshchyna and continue cooperation with the IMF taking Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada into account the real situation in the Committee on Human Rights Hryhoriy economy and social sphere, so that the Nemyria participated in the Munich issues of the macro-financial stability and Security Conference. -
Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine
Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine December 13-27, 2018 Methodology • The survey was conducted by Rating Group Ukraine on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research. • The survey was conducted throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas) from December 13- 27, 2018, through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The sample consisted of 2,400 permanent residents of Ukraine aged 18 and older and eligible to vote. It is representative of the general population by gender, age, region, and settlement size. The distribution of population by regions and settlements is based on statistical data of the Central Election Commission from the 2014 parliamentary elections, and the distribution of population by age and gender is based on data from the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine from January 1, 2018. • A multi-stage probability sampling method was used with the random route and “last birthday” methods for respondent selection. • Stage One: The territory of Ukraine was split into 25 administrative regions (24 regions of Ukraine and Kyiv). The survey was conducted throughout all regions of Ukraine, with the exception of the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas. • Stage Two: The selection of settlements was based on towns and villages. Towns were grouped into subtypes according to their size: • Cities with populations of more than 1 million • Cities with populations of between 500,000-999,000 • Cities with populations of between 100,000-499,000 • Cities with populations of between 50,000-99,000 • Cities with populations of up to 50,000 • Villages Cities and villages were selected by the PPS method (probability proportional to size). -
1 Post-Election Ukrainian Foreign and Energy Policies: Two Hypotheses
1 Post-Election Ukrainian Foreign and Energy Policies: Two Hypotheses to be Investigated in Seven Areas Taras Kuzio Ukraine‟s ability to pursue European integration are prevented because of the deterioration in seven areas: manipulation of the Constitutional Court to return Ukraine to the 1996 presidential constitution, selective use of justice and imprisonment of opposition leaders, transformation of parliament into a rubber stamp institution, election fraud in the October 2010 local and October 2012 parliamentary elections, growth of corruption, censorship of the media and interference by the Security Service into civil society organisations. The pursuit of these seven factors have stalled Ukraine‟s European integration. Ukraine‟s policies can be described as virtual which are routinely laid out in legislation, presidential decrees and official statement and rhetoric but are ignored by Ukrainian leaders. Virtual policies resemble Soviet style extortions to fulfill five year plans or the extensive human and national rights laid out in Soviet constitutions that were contradicted by actual policies and outcomes and the realities of everyday life for Soviet citizens. Democratization in kraine has twice been threatened during Kuchma‟s second term in office (2000-2004) and immediately following Viktor Yanukovych‟s election in 2010. Ukraine‟s inability to implement policies and changes, including those which Kyiv signs up to with international organizations, reduces the effectiveness of the West‟s engagement with Ukraine and the ability of Kyiv to pursue its declared foreign policy objectives (see Kuzio 2011a). 2 Partnership with Ukraine under Kuchma, Yushchenko and Yanukovych has therefore been followed by Disillusionment in Kuchma‟s second term, Viktor Yushchenko‟s third year and Viktor Yanukovych‟s second year in office. -
UKRAINIAN PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES Populist Volodymyr Zelensky Is Currently Leading in the Polls with 25% to 27%
UKRAINIAN PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES Populist Volodymyr Zelensky is currently leading in the polls with 25% to 27%. Current Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko and former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko are tied for second with roughly 15% to 18%. Pro-Russian Yuriy Boyko is polling fourth with 9% to 13%. All other candidates are trailing in the polls. Polling data is based on a survey of recent poll results.1 Chart citations can be found on the ISW Research Blog. General Information Political Positions Likelihood of Advancing Russia’s Goals Petro Poroshenko POROSHENKO BLOC “SOLIDARITY” Running as Independent2 Poroshenko is unlikely given his history to make voluntary concessions to • Key supporter of Ukraine’s Russia. The Kremlin has likely already expended most of its existing leverage integration into the EU and on Poroshenko. NATO Russia would likely continue to intensify its military provocations and other • Incumbent President • Strong opponent of the forms of pressure on Ukraine in the event of a victory by Poroshenko. It • Founder of Roshen, the largest Kremlin in Ukraine would also likely attempt to limit his presidential powers through the election chocolate company in Ukraine3 • Suffers from negative public of favorable candidates in the Ukrainian Parliament. • Supported Euromaidan ratings due largely to failed Poroshenko stands to hold a diminished ability to shape policy even if he wins Revolution in 20144 anti-corruption reforms reelection. His popular support is slipping and he would likely win only by a slim margin. His bloc also stands to lose ground in the Ukrainian Parliament. Yulia Tymoshenko ALL-UKRAINIAN UNION “FATHERLAND” (Batkivshchyna)5 • Populist • Frames self as pro-Western Tymoshenko’s populist agenda will likely impede the economic and political and Ukrainian nationalist reforms necessary for Ukraine’s further integration with the West. -
UKRAINE: Hrytsenko Aims to Reshape Civil Society
UKRAINE: Hrytsenko aims to reshape civil society Tuesday, April 7 2009 An Oxford Analytica Profile SUBJECT: A profile of Anatoliy Hrytsenko, influential parliamentary deputy and possible 'kingmaker' in Ukraine's October presidential election. SIGNIFICANCE: Hrytsenko is one of a number of relatively young leaders whose popularity is growing at a time when established politicians have been discredited. Regardless of the outcome of the presidential election, he will remain a key figure in civil society and defence policy-making for the foreseeable future. Go to conclusion ANALYSIS: Anatoliy Hrytsenko is unique in Ukrainian politics: he has a deep military background, has attended Western training courses and fellowships, speaks fluent English and has published books and academic articles in Ukraine and abroad. He has combined a military and political background with 15 years of analytical and research experience in the Defence Ministry, National Security and Defence Council (RNBO) and Kiev's leading think tank, the Razumkov Centre. Hrytsenko's academic research focused on democratic civilian control of the armed forces, and he pioneered the study of Ukrainian civil-military relations as a visiting scholar in the Netherlands and, later, as a NATO fellow. He has also written on military reform in Ukraine. © Oxford Analytica 2009. All rights reserved. No duplication or transmission of this document is permitted without the written consent of Oxford Analytica. Contact us: http://www.oxan.com/contact.asp or call +44 1865 261 600 or in North America 1-800 952 7666 UKRAINE: Hrytsenko aims to reshape civil society - p. 2 of 3 Milestones Defence reformer. As such, Hrytsenko was uniquely qualified to serve as defence minister, a position he occupied under two 'Orange' governments (February 2005-August 2006), as well as the government of opposition leader Viktor Yanukovych (August 2006-December 2007). -
Root Causes of the Non-Enforcement of the Domestic Judicial Decisions
NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE π 3-4 (175-176) CONTENT UKRAINE ON THE EVE OF ELECTION YEAR: PUBLIC DEMAND, 2018 POSITIONS OF POLITICAL ACTORS, OUTLINE OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT Founded and published by: (Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre) ................................................... 2 1. UKRAINIAN SOCIETY ENTERING THE ELECTION YEAR ................................ 3 1.1. Situation inside the country: Assessments and outlook ....................... 3 1.2. Attitudes towards reforms .................................................................. 12 UKRAINIAN CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC & POLITICAL STUDIES 1.3. Political values and orientations, attitudes towards political actors, NAMED AFTER OLEXANDER RAZUMKOV electoral behaviour ............................................................................. 20 2. CITIZENS’ ATTITUDES TOWARDS POLICY ALTERNATIVES Director General Anatoliy Rachok IN VARIOUS SPHERES ................................................................................ 35 2.1. Policy priorities in various spheres: Regional and Editor-in-Chief Yuriy Yakymenko socio-demographic specifics ..............................................................36 Editor Valeriya Klymenko 2.2. Attitudes towards policy alternatives depending on Hanna Pashkova the citizens’ sentiments and political orientations ..............................47 3. THE STRUCTURE OF POLITICAL COMPETITION AND SUBSTANTIVE Photo-editor Andriy Khopta ASPECTS OF 2019 ELECTION CAMPAIGNS ................................................ 60 Layout and design Tetiana -
Yushchenko Versus Tymoshenko: Why Ukraine's National Democrats Are Divided
YUSHCHENKO VERSUS TYMOSHENKO: WHY UKRAINE’S NATIONAL DEMOCRATS ARE DIVIDED TARAS KUZIO JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY-SAIS Abstract: Ukraine’s national democrats are divided into pragmatic and ideologically-driven wings resting on their support for different policies towards national communists in the early 1990s and transition winners (i.e. oligarchs) from the late 1990s. Pragmatic national democrats, led by Viktor Yushchenko, supported grand coalitions between Our Ukraine and centrist members of the establishment, such as the Party of Regions, gave lukewarm support to anti-presidential movements in the run up to the Orange Revolution, and preferred round- tables to street protests. Ideologically-driven national democrats, led by Yuliya Tymoshenko, opposed grand coalitions, were at the center of anti-regime movements during the Orange Revolution, and opposed round-table talks with the authorities. his article provides the first analysis of the long-term conflict between Tthe two key national democratic leaders, Viktor Yushchenko and Yuliya Tymoshenko, which was one of the factors that dominated Yushchenko’s presidency. This conflict is of fundamental importance to Ukrainian poli- tics because it defined the evolution of post-Orange Revolution politics and led to the election of Viktor Yanukovych as president in 2010. This article analyzes the relationship between the national demo- crats and the Ukrainian establishment, particularly focusing on how the national democrats related to Ukraine’s sovereign (national) communists in the early 1990s and the small group of winners who became super- wealthy oligarchs in Ukraine’s partial transition. Differences in defining Taras Kuzio is a Non-Resident Fellow, Center for Transatlantic Relations, Johns Hopkins University-SAIS ([email protected]).