Public Opinion in Ukraine 2009 Findings from an Ifes Survey

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Public Opinion in Ukraine 2009 Findings from an Ifes Survey PUBLIC OPINION IN UKRAINE 2009 FINDINGS FROM AN IFES SURVEY Project Funded by the United States Agency for International Development Is Ukraine on the Path of Stability or Instability? Trend Data 76% 74% 47% 43% Stability 33% Instability 21% 13% 15% 6% 7% Feb 2005 Nov 2005 Sep 2007 Oct 2008 Nov 2009 “Do you think Ukraine is on the right track toward stability and prosperity in the future, or do you think Ukraine is on a path toward instability and chaos?” (n=1,502) Majority of Ukrainians Likely to Vote in 2010 Presidential Elections Likelihood to vote in January 2010 Presidential Elections NATIONAL Northern Definitely 67% VL Very will not vote, 4% 20% SL unlikely, DK/NR, 2% 3% Western Somewhat Kyiv unlikely, 77% VL Eastern Central 59% VL 3% 17% SL 70% VL 50% VL 28% SL 18% SL 32% SL Somewhat Southern Likely, 72%VL 21% 13% SL Very Likely, 67% AR Crimea 57% VL 32% SL “Now, let’s turn our attention to the upcoming presidential elections on January 17, 2010. How likely are you to vote in 3 these elections? Are you very likely, somewhat likely, somewhat unlikely, or very unlikely to vote?” (n=1,502) Issues on which Winning Presidential Candidate should Focus Issue % of cases % out of total; multiple responses allowed; ranked from highest to lowest according to citations (n=1,497) 1) Creating Jobs 71% 2) Reducing inflation 56% 3) Reducing corruption 48% 4) Improving health care services 33% 5) Creating political stability 33% 6) Addressing the gas situation with Russia 17% 7) The status of the Russian language 9% 8) Improving the quality of education 8% 9) Reform of electoral code (to elect candidates not parties) 6% 10) Status of Ukraine and EU 3% 11) Status of Ukraine and NATO 1% Don’t know/Refused 7% “On this card are several issues that are being discussed in Ukraine and are a focus of the campaign for president. To you, which three issues are most important for the winning presidential candidate to address as soon as they take office?” Positive and Negative Impressions of Prominent Politicians (in %) Negative Don't Know Positive 14% 11% 22% 22% 32% 32% 31% 30% 4% 42% 8% 23% 3% 24% 12% 9% 4% 18% 83% 69% 60% 67% 65% 55% 50% 56% 54% “I will now name several prominent politicians. For each of these, please tell me whether you have very positive, somewhat positive, somewhat negative, or very negative impressions of the politician?” (n=1,498) Presidential Candidate Support Viktor Yanukovych 31.2% Yulia Tymoshenko 19.1% Serhiy Tygypko 4.8% Arseniy Yatsenyuk 4.7% Petro Symonenko 3.8% Viktor Yuschenko 3.5% Volodymyr Lytvyn 2.8% Oleh Tyahnybok 1.8% Inna Bohoslovska 0.7% Anatoliy Hrytsenko 0.7% Other 2.4% Will not vote [Volunteered] 5.0% Against all 7.9% DK/Refused 11.6% “Please continue to look at this list of possible candidates. If the Presidential Elections took place next Sunday and the voting list included the following candidates, which of the candidates would you vote for?” (n=1,502) Regional Presidential Candidate Vote Preferences North 22.8% 20.6% 2.8% 6.1% West 1.1% East 36.2% 49.8% 12.5% 8.2% 3.6% 33.5% 22.1% Kyiv 5.4% 4.4% 5.5% 17.3% 15.9% 10.3% 6.2% 7.2% 3.2% 4.9% 0.0% 3.8% 2.1% Center 51.6% Yanukovych 5.3% Tymoshenko 5.3% 3.2% 44.6% Tygypko 1.1% Yatsenyuk South 7.0% Yuschenko 7.0% 0.5% 1.1% AR Crimea 7.
Recommended publications
  • Ukraine's Presidential Election Result
    BULLETIN No. 21 (97) February 8, 2010 © PISM COMMENTARY Editors: Sławomir Dębski (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Mateusz Gniazdowski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Agnieszka Kondek (Executive Editor), Łukasz Kulesa, Marek Madej, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Ukraine’s Presidential Election Result Łukasz Adamski By securing a narrow majority of electoral support, Viktor Yanukovych triumphed over Yulia Tymoshenko in Ukraine’s presidential election. His contender may feel inclined to challenge the legitimacy of the vote, an effort in all probability doomed to failure. In the coming months Yanukovych is expected to oust Tymoshenko as Prime Minister and form a favouring government. With 48.95% of the popular vote, Yanukovych outdid rival Tymoshenko who scored slightly fewer votes, closing at 45.47%. The total of 4.4% of the ballots were cast against the two main contenders, thus giving the winner less than 50% of the votes. The insignificant difference in the number of ballots cast for each of the candidates may push Tymoshenko to seek an appeal requesting the courts to nullify the election result. In her election night address she failed to acknowledge Yanukovych’s victory. Even before the ballot her campaign team warned of Yanukovych’s fraudulent plans and advertised irregularities in the elections statute. What may underlie the potential attempt to undermine the election result will not be the desire for the ballot to be run again (a scenario having little chances of success in light of positive appraisal of the vote by monitoring teams) but rather the hope to persuade Yanukovych and his Party of Regions to seek compromise with the PM currently in office.
    [Show full text]
  • Svoboda Party – the New Phenomenon on the Ukrainian Right-Wing Scene
    OswcOMMentary issue 56 | 04.07.2011 | ceNTRe fOR eAsTeRN sTudies Svoboda party – the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene NTARy Me Tadeusz A. Olszański ces cOM Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing incre- ase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines tudies participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern s Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it astern refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist move- e ments, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition entre for parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its c independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will beco- me a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. NTARy Me Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, ces cOM it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes.
    [Show full text]
  • Decommunization, Memory Laws, and “Builders of Ukraine in the 20Th Century”*
    ACTA SLAVICA IAPONICA, TOMUS 39, PP. 1–22 Articles Decommunization, Memory Laws, and “Builders of Ukraine in the 20th Century”* David R. Marples INTRODUCTION This paper provides a critical overview of the Decommunization campaign in Ukraine up to the spring of 2017, which marked two years since the beginning of the program introduced by the four Memory Laws ratified by Ukraine’s president Petro Poroshenko in May 2015. In reality, the process of removing Soviet statues and memorabilia began well before Euromaidan, especially in Western Ukraine where Lenin monuments and others of the Soviet period were swiftly removed from the late 1980s into the early years of independence.1 But I address the formal campaign headed by the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance (hereafter referred to as INR), which began in the spring of 2015. I provide an analysis of the program and its results, the results of opinion polls, some critiques and also the reasons why it remains controversial, particularly outside Ukraine. The particular focus is 20th century “builders of Ukrainian independence” as defined by these laws because this question has solicited the most attention, along with the physical changes that have resulted to the map of Ukraine, mon- uments, and memorials. Decommunization has a wider context than the Mem- ory Laws, including a program of administrative decentralization and a new Education Law, introduced in draft form on September 5 and approved by the president on September 25, 2017, which will gradually render the Ukrainian language as the only language of instruction in schools and higher educational institutions.2 Clearly the decentralization program cannot be fulfilled while a conflict situation remains in the eastern parts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions.
    [Show full text]
  • Yes 2012 Report.Pdf
    CONFERENCE OPENING Dear Friends, Today, countries are in a global race that gets faster and faster. I am not a political scientist - as an art collector I like to use art when I speak about global challenges. Let me use the famous photographer Andreas Gursky’s “Boxenstopp” as an analogy. A pit stop in Formula 1. One team is blue and yellow. This is Ukraine; these are Ukraine’s colours. What is the Ukrainian team doing? I believe - reforms. In the global race, reforms are pit stops allowing you to change and speed up. Some countries which were slow before improve their position. Like cars that put on the right new tires and fill up with the right amount of gasoline, they can overtake others. Others put on the wrong equip- ment or lose too much time in the pit stop and fall behind. I hope Ukraine’s team will be successful. And I hope for all of us this conference will be an intellectual pit stop where we refuel and re-equip ourselves, take in new energy and ideas, to help all our respective countries become smarter, better, more productive, more just. For this, we have fantastic speakers with us in Yalta, political leaders, business leaders, social leaders, intellectuals. I look forward to our discussions. Victor Pinchuk, Founder and Member of the Board, Yalta European Strategy 1 AGENDA 9th YALTA ANNUAL MEETING Ukraine and the World: Addressing Tomorrow’s Challenges Together AGENDA Thursday, September 13 21:20 – 21:25 Welcoming Remarks Aleksander Kwasniewski, President of Poland (1995-2005); Chairman of the Board, Yalta European Strategy
    [Show full text]
  • FROM DESPAIR to HOPE LGBT Situation in Ukraine in 2014
    FROM DESPAIR TO HOPE LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014 LGBT Human Rights Nash Mir Center Council of LGBT Organizations of Ukraine Kyiv 2015 From Despair to Hope. LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014 This publication provides information that reflects the social, legal and political situation of the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) community in Ukraine in 2014. Here are to be found data and analyses on issues related to the rights and interests of LGBT persons in legislation, public and political life, public opinion, and examples of discrimination on the ground of sexual orientation etc. Authors: Andrii Kravchuk, Oleksandr Zinchenkov Project Manager of Nash Mir Center: Andriy Maymulakhin The authors would like to thank NGOs Association LGBT LIGA, Gay Forum of Ukraine, Lyudy Bukoviny, LGBT Union You Are Not Alone and all active participants in the LGBT Leaders e-mailing list and Facebook groups who collect and exchange relevant information on various aspects of the situation of LGBT people in Ukraine. Very special thanks to J. Stephen Hunt (Chicago, USA) for his proofreading of the English text and long-lasting generous support. The report is supported by Council of LGBT Organizations of Ukraine. The report “From Despair to Hope. LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014” was prepared by Nash Mir Center as part of the project “Promoting LGBT rights in Ukraine through monitoring, legal protection & raising public awareness”. This project is realised by Nash Mir in cooperation with the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, within the framework of the program "Promotion of human rights and rule of law for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons in Ukraine" which is funded by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • October 12, 2012 His Excellency Viktor Yanukovych President Of
    CAREY R. DUNNE PRESIDENT Phone: (212) 382-6700 Fax: (212) 768-8116 [email protected] October 12, 2012 His Excellency Viktor Yanukovych President of Ukraine Administration of the President of Ukraine 11 Bankova Str., Kyiv 01220 Ukraine His Excellency Volodymyr Lytvyn Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Vul. M. Hrusthevskoho 5 01008, Kyiv, Ukraine Dear President Yanukovych and Chairman Lytvyn: I write on behalf of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York (the “Association”) to express our condemnation of Draft Law No. 8711 passed by the Verkhovna Rada on October 2, 2012 (the “Draft Law”) and currently scheduled for a second reading on October 16, 2012.1 In the Association’s view, the Draft Law threatens the fundamental rights and freedoms of individuals who are lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (“LGBT”) and Ukrainian individuals and organizations that support LGBT rights. Moreover, because the explanatory note to the Draft Law claims that the “promotion” of homosexuality is tied to the spread of HIV/AIDS,2 the Draft Law not only will stigmatize the Ukrainian LGBT community but also will hamper rather than help public health efforts with regard to HIV/AIDS. Furthermore, the Association strongly disagrees with the notion that this law would protect 1 See Website of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, “The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted as a basis the bill to amend several legislative acts of Ukraine (re protection of children’s right to safe information space),” available at http://portal.rada.gov.ua/rada/control/en/publish/article/info_left?art_id=319722&cat_id=105995.
    [Show full text]
  • Will Ukraine's 2019 Elections Be a Turning Point?
    Will Ukraine’s 2019 Elections Be a Turning Point? UNLIKELY, BUT DANGERS LURK PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 552 November 2018 Oleхiy Haran1 University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Petro Burkovsky2 National Institute for Strategic Studies (Kyiv) Next year, amid an ongoing conflict with Russia, sluggish economic recovery, and the rise of populism, Ukrainians will elect a new president (in March) and a new parliament (in October). Although the Ukrainian public is fragmented in its support of the six or seven frontrunners and parties, the outcome of both elections is not likely to bring radical change to Kyiv’s foreign and security policies—unless Russia decides to intervene, with or without violence. Ukrainians may be wary about Russian-backed activities, such as fostering a divisive referendum about conflict resolution in the Donbas or stirring up tensions between the government and ethnic minorities or Moscow patriarchate zealots. The country’s Western partners should not downplay the Kremlin’s potential interventions, nor should they overreact to any new configurations of Ukrainian political power. Perhaps the most important imperative for both Ukrainians and the West is to continue pushing for the separation of oligarchs from the levers of governance. Although much can change over the next five months, the current outlook is that political developments in 2019 are not expected to produce another major turning point in the colorful history of Ukraine. Poroshenko’s Legacy: Baking “Kyiv Cake” for Others? We argued in 2014 3 that three major challenges would define the course of President Petro Poroshenko’s presidency. First, he had to avoid actions that would lead to full- scale war with Russia or rampant civil war.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukrainian Far Right
    Nations in Transit brief May 2018 Far-right Extremism as a Threat to Ukrainian Democracy Vyacheslav Likhachev Kyiv-based expert on right-wing groups in Ukraine and Russia Photo by Aleksandr Volchanskiy • Far-right political forces present a real threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. This brief seeks to provide an overview of the nature and extent of their activities, without overstating the threat they pose. To this end, the brief differentiates between radical groups, which by and large ex- press their ideas through peaceful participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which use physical violence as a means to influence society. • For the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence, far-right groups had been undisputedly marginal elements in society. But over the last few years, the situation has changed. After Ukraine’s 2014 Euro- maidan Revolution and Russia’s subsequent aggression, extreme nationalist views and groups, along with their preachers and propagandists, have been granted significant legitimacy by the wider society. • Nevertheless, current polling data indicates that the far right has no real chance of being elected in the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in 2019. Similarly, despite the fact that several of these groups have real life combat experience, paramilitary structures, and even access to arms, they are not ready or able to challenge the state. • Extremist groups are, however, aggressively trying to impose their agenda on Ukrainian society, in- cluding by using force against those with opposite political and cultural views. They are a real physical threat to left-wing, feminist, liberal, and LGBT activists, human rights defenders, as well as ethnic and religious minorities.
    [Show full text]
  • IFES Faqs on Elections in Ukraine
    Elections in Ukraine 2019 Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org March 22, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Why is this election important? .................................................................................................................... 1 What is the role of the president? ................................................................................................................ 1 What is the legal framework governing the elections? ................................................................................ 1 What is the electoral system? ....................................................................................................................... 2 Who are the candidates? .............................................................................................................................. 2 How are elections administered? ................................................................................................................. 3 Who can vote in these elections? ................................................................................................................. 4 How do citizens register to vote? ................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Ukraine — Presidential Election, 17 January 2010
    NATO Parliamentary Assembly Assemblée parlementaire de l’OTAN INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Ukraine — Presidential Election, 17 January 2010 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The first round of the 17 January presidential election in Ukraine was of high quality and showed significant progress over previous elections. This election met most OSCE and Council of Europe commitments. Civil and political rights were respected, including freedom of assembly, association and expression. Election day was conducted in an efficient and orderly manner. This election saw a diverse field of candidates representing alternative political views, offering a genuine choice to the electorate. Candidates were able to campaign freely across the country without impediment. The campaign period was generally calm and orderly. Unsubstantiated allegations of large-scale electoral fraud negatively affected the pre-election atmosphere and voters’ confidence. In contradiction with the law, administrative resources were misused by candidates in official positions. More transparent campaign financing is necessary during the pre-election period. By voting in large numbers and freely expressing their will, Ukrainians have shown the desire to decide on the course of the country. The intertwining of political and economic interests had a negative influence and undermined public confidence in the political process, posing a challenge for Ukraine’s leadership. Election rules have to be set clearly and should not be a permanent subject of discussion. Regrettably, a unified election code has not yet been adopted in Ukraine. The existing election law as amended in August 2009 was a step backward compared to previous legislation. As a result, the legal framework remains unclear and incomplete.
    [Show full text]
  • Center for Civil Liberties
    CENTER FOR CIVIL LIBERTIES ANNUAL REPORT 2019 ANNUAL REPORT OF THE CENTER FOR CIVIL LIBERTIES 2019 ADDRESS: 9g Baseina Str., of. 28, Kyiv, Email: [email protected] www.ccl.org.ua fb.com/ccl.org.ua Rapporteur — Serhii Okuniev Kyiv 2020 CONTENTS 1. Opening remarks 4 2. About Center for Civil Liberties 7 2.1 Reorganisation 8 2.2 Volunteers and interns 9 3. Coalitions and initiatives of the CCL 12 3.1 Activities of the Human Rights Agenda Platform 13 3.2 Overcoming the effects of armed conflict 19 3.3. #SaveOlegSentsov Campaign and actions in support of all Kremlin prisoners 24 3.4 OZONE Public Watchers Group 30 3.5. Euromaidan SOS 36 4. Protection of human rights and certain vulnerable groups 40 5. Human rights education and enlightenment 42 6. International advocacy 45 7. International solidarity 47 8. Achievements 50 9. Center for Civil Liberties team 52 10. Communications and cooperation with mass media 55 11. Financial report for 2019 56 WWW.CCL.ORG.UA 1. OPENING REMARKS re-election 2019 interim when I went to the platform The situation is complicat- year summed up the was a phone talk of a train ed by fragmentation within P previous five post- station employee — “Have you civil society itself and the Maidan years. Unfortunately, seen the faces of those scoun- widening gap within the after the Revolution of Dignity, drels in Parliament?” We move general public. The number there was no fundamental on to the next stage of course of of citizens involved in reset of political elites.
    [Show full text]
  • Polarizing the Country? YANUKOVYCH’S AUTHORITARIAN GAME BETWEEN RUSSIA and the EU on the EVE of UKRAINE’S 2012 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
    Polarizing the Country? YANUKOVYCH’S AUTHORITARIAN GAME BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE EU ON THE EVE OF UKRAINE’S 2012 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 204 June 2012 Olexiy Haran University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Ukraine is too regionally and politically diverse to allow a single entity to monopolize power—this “pluralism by default” makes the Ukrainian political system more balanced than the Russian one. The electoral divide between, on the one hand, Ukraine’s south and east and, on the other, its west and center has persisted in every election since 1990. However, in the 2004 presidential election, Ukrainian politics were deliberately and dangerously polarized by former president Leonid Kuchma, who relied on Kremlin support to secure the succession of his prime minister Viktor Yanukovych. By contrast, opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko managed to move beyond traditional voting patterns, whereby national-democrats existed mainly in the geographic west and center. Yushchenko concentrated on slogans common to the whole country—European values, social justice, rule of law, and the struggle with corruption. This proved to be an important factor in his electoral victory and in the Orange Revolution struggle against electoral fraud. Nonetheless, due to polarizing strategies that his opponents employed, including pro-Russian slogans and an anti-Western, anti-American propaganda campaign, the country emerged from the 2004 elections extremely polarized. Polarization Under Yanukovych: A Useful Strategy? To a great extent, President Yushchenko’s policies appeared counterproductive and reinforced polarization. The anti-corruption struggle remained only on paper and reforms stalled. As a result, Yushchenko’s ratings dropped to only 3-5 percent by 2008.
    [Show full text]