DOCSLIB.ORG

Root Causes of the Non-Enforcement of the Domestic Judicial Decisions

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Root Causes of the Non-Enforcement of the Domestic Judicial Decisions NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE π 3-4 (175-176) CONTENT UKRAINE ON THE EVE OF ELECTION YEAR: PUBLIC DEMAND, 2018 POSITIONS OF POLITICAL ACTORS, OUTLINE OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT Founded and published by: (Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre) ................................................... 2 1. UKRAINIAN SOCIETY ENTERING THE ELECTION YEAR ................................ 3 1.1. Situation inside the country: Assessments and outlook ....................... 3 1.2. Attitudes towards reforms .................................................................. 12 UKRAINIAN CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC & POLITICAL STUDIES 1.3. Political values and orientations, attitudes towards political actors, NAMED AFTER OLEXANDER RAZUMKOV electoral behaviour ............................................................................. 20 2. CITIZENS’ ATTITUDES TOWARDS POLICY ALTERNATIVES Director General Anatoliy Rachok IN VARIOUS SPHERES ................................................................................ 35 2.1. Policy priorities in various spheres: Regional and Editor-in-Chief Yuriy Yakymenko socio-demographic specifics ..............................................................36 Editor Valeriya Klymenko 2.2. Attitudes towards policy alternatives depending on Hanna Pashkova the citizens’ sentiments and political orientations ..............................47 3. THE STRUCTURE OF POLITICAL COMPETITION AND SUBSTANTIVE Photo-editor Andriy Khopta ASPECTS OF 2019 ELECTION CAMPAIGNS ................................................ 60 Layout and design Tetiana Ovsianyk 3.1. Presidential elections: Positioning of potential candidates, consistency between “political proposals” Oleksandr Shaptala and voters’ expectations .....................................................................60 Technical support Volodymyr Kekukh 3.2. Parliamentary elections: Main actors and lines Yevhen Skrypka of inter-party divisions........................................................................74 3.3. Political dynamics of 2019: Main scenarios ....................................... 82 This journal is registered with the 4. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS ........................................................................... 87 State Committee of Ukraine for Information Policy, POLITICAL LEADERS ON THE UPCOMING ELECTIONS AND registration certificate KB №4122 THE COUNTRY’S PROSPECTS (Interviews) .................................................................................................... 93 Published since 2000 in Ukrainian and English Petro POROSHENKO, Yulia TYMOSHENKO, Anatoliy HRYTSENKO Circulation: 1,300 copies THE 2019 PRESIDENTIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS: EXPERT INTERVIEWS .................................................................................... 97 Editorial address: 16 Lavrska str., 2nd floor, Halyna ZELENKO, Volodymyr KIPEN, Oleksandr MAYBORODA, Kyiv, 01015 Oleh POKALCHUK, Anatoliy ROMANIUK, Vasyl YABLONSKY tel.: (380 44) 201-11-98 THE UKRAINIANS ABOUT THE GOVERNMENT, STATE POLICY fax: (380 44) 201-11-99 AND ELECTIONS: FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS .......................................... 106 e-mail: [email protected] І. Vision of ideal government, effectiveness criteria, web site: www.razumkov.org.ua public demand and ways to restore public confidence in renewed government institutions .................................................... 106 Reprinted or used materials must refer to ІІ. Models of relations between the state and the citizens ....................... 109 “National Security & Defence” ІІІ. Elections and the Parliament: Assessments, attitudes, proposals ............................................................................ 110 All photographs in this publication are taken from the public sources. POLITICAL PARTIES OF UKRAINE, IDEOLOGIES AND POLICIES: THE EXPERT SURVEY .................................................................................. 115 © 2018 Razumkov Centre Ideological positioning of political parties ............................................... 115 Referring parties to policy alternatives .................................................... 116 This publication is supported by The presence of political issues in public rhetoric ................................... 119 Konrad Adenauer Foundation Attitudes towards the reform course ....................................................... 120 Office in Ukraine Leaders’ impact on the position of the party ........................................... 120 UKRAINE ON THE EVE OF ELECTION YEAR: PUBLIC DEMAND, POSITIONS OF POLITICAL ACTORS, OUTLINE OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT (Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre) ear 2019 is not going to be easy. Apart from challenges caused by Russian military aggression against YUkraine, the presidential and parliamentary elections scheduled for March and October will be the main internal political factors further aggravating the situation in the country. The 2019 elections will take place in a challenging environment. First of all, this concerns the ongoing war with Russia, which will try to influence the elections results in efforts to bring loyal political leaders and parties to power in Ukraine. Other negative aspects include the society’s disappointment with current government, coupled with low public support of its institutions, individual political leaders and pro-government political forces. The nature and results of the upcoming election will be further affected by the division of supporters of Ukraine’s European path and the political forces declaring the same course into two camps, depending on their attitudes towards the current government. The rise of radicalism in the activities of some opposition parties, as well as significant growth of populism are quite alarming trends in the Ukrainian politics. Holding both elections in one year with brief interval between them is likely to escalate political struggle, which may result in reduced efficiency of the government with further suspension of the reform processes in anticipation of successive change of the President, the Parliament and the Cabinet of Ministers. The results of 2019 elections should give answers to the following key questions: will Ukraine continue its European integration course approved by the people of Ukraine during the Revolution of Dignity? Will newly elected institutions continue reforms? Which political leaders and forces will assume responsibility for the reforms and their results? Answers to these questions primarily depend on the Ukrainian voters, as well as on candidates and political forces competing for public confidence. The Razumkov Centre’s project “Ukraine on the Eve of Election Year: Public Demand, Outline of the New Government, and the Future of Reforms” aims at exploring current sentiments of citizens who will cast ballots on the one hand, and analysing readiness of political actors and suitability of their political “supply” for society’s “demand” on the other. By doing so, the project is set to outline the new Ukrainian government and its potential policies. The analytical report consists of four sections. The first summaries public opinion about current situation in the country and the prospects of its development; section presents citizens’ views of the reforms implemented since 2014; explores ideological and political orientations of voters and their attitudes towards political actors (potential presidential candidates and political parties), electoral processes and motivations. The second explores political preferences of the Ukrainians, their attitudes towards policy alternatives, “political section proposals” in various spheres, as well as variations in voters’ preferences depending on their socio- demographic characteristics, geopolitical orientations, visions of preferred development vectors and models of social organisation. The third studies political positioning of the leading candidates and political parties ahead of the election year; section examines the content of main programmes and their compliance with voter expectations; and outlines possible scenarios of further development of political situation depending on the presidential race results. The fourth provides general conclusions about the peculiarities of political processes in 2019, consistency of section the “political supply” with people’s “political demand”, assessments of future configurations of key government institutions and their policies, as well as the impact of the above factors on Ukraine’s future development. 2 • RAZUMKOV CENTRE • NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE • No.3-4, 2018 UKRAINE ON THE EVE OF 1. UKRAINIAN SOCIETY ELECTION YEAR: PUBLIC ENTERING THE ELECTION YEAR DEMAND, POSITIONS OF POLITICAL ACTORS, OUTLINE he 2019 elections will take place in the environment that has been shaped by controversial events Tand processes of 2014-2018. This has resulted in negative attitudes towards many issues. For example, rising expectations of positive changes after signing of the EU-Ukraine Association OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT Agreement and the start of European integration reforms were replaced by disappointment caused by a sharp decline in living standards of most Ukrainians. The surge of patriotic sentiments at the outset of Russian aggression has gradually eroded into the “war fatigue” or “ignorance”. The trust in the new government formed in 2014 has transformed into total distrust and even hostility towards it. In this context, people’s choices in the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections will largely represent a synthesis of how they
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Cyber Insecurity
    #1 (107) January 2017 How economic recovery Ukraine's response to hacker attacks Kyiv in the life can change Ukrainian politics against strategic infrastructure of Oleksandra Ekster CYBER INSECURITY WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 4 Where’s the elite? Who can make the foundation of Ukraine’s transformed political machine POLITICS 8 A toxic environment: The present and future of the President’s party 10 Migration and mimicry: How much parties in Donetsk Oblast changed after the Maidan 12 Ride that wave: Political challenges of the possible economic recovery in 2017 16 Emerging communities: Decentralisation of Donetsk Oblast in the time of war ECONOMICS 18 Lessons learned: The benefits and flaws of PrivatBank transfer into state hands 20 Privatization, sanctions and security: How the Rosneft deal happened with the Russia sanctions in place NEIGHBOURS 24 Listen, liberal: Does Alexei Kudrin’s strategy to liberalise Russia’s economy stand a chance? 26 The unknown: Michael Binyon on what Europe expects from the presidency of Donald Trump 28 Nicolas Tenzer: “It makes no sense to negotiate with Putin” French political scientist on the prospects of ending the war in Ukraine, global and European security FOCUS 31 The other front: What cyber threats Ukraine has faced in the past two years 34 Shades of the Lviv underground: How Ukrainian hackers fight the cyber war SOCIETY 36 The invisible weapons: Ukraine’s role in the information warfare 38 The titans: Stories of people who build the future on a daily basis CULTURE & ARTS 46 The champion of Avant-Garde: The life and inspiration of Oleksandra Ekster 50 French films, Ukrainian Surrealism and contemporary theatre: The Ukrainian Week offers a selection of events to attend in the next month E-mail [email protected] www.ukrainianweek.com Tel.
    [Show full text]
  • (Re)Conceptualization of Memory in Ukraine After the Revolution of Dignity
    ARTICLES (Re)conceptualization of Memory in Ukraine 46 Csilla FEDINEC István CSERNICSKO after the Revolution of Dignity (Re)conceptualization of Memory in Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity Csilla FEDINEC István CSERNICSKO Abstract In Ukraine, having arrived at a critical stage of its history, three areas can be highlighted at the level of legislation during the struggle for the way forward since the end of 2013: the language issue, the constitutional process, and the efforts to eliminate the Soviet legacy. The subject of our analysis is the four laws belonging to the 2015 legislative package on decommunization, with an outlook to the broader context, as well. The four laws in question decide about who are heroes and who are enemies in history; what Ukraine’s relationship is with World War II, as well as with the Communist and Nazi regimes. The laws point out firmly and excluding any further debate the primacy of the country’s independence over all else, and the protection of the ideal of independence by any means concerning both the past and the present. The laws prescribe impeachment as a sanction for denying their contents. This story – hot memory influenced by politics – will be summarized for the period of 2015–2016. Keywords Ukraine, "decommunization package", national memory, identity crises, democratic values Jan Assmann’s impactful concept of memory developed in the 1990s breaks up the unitary categories of history and memory, and offers a nuanced typology of the typical uses of the past today. Regarding the latter, Assmann distinguishes between ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ memory. Hot memory directly shapes our present lives.
    [Show full text]
  • 17Th Plenary Session
    The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities 20 th SESSION CG(20)7 2 March 2011 Local elections in Ukraine (31 October 2010) Bureau of the Congress Rapporteur: Nigel MERMAGEN, United Kingdom (L, ILDG)1 A. Draft resolution....................................................................................................................................2 B. Draft recommendation.........................................................................................................................2 C. Explanatory memorandum..................................................................................................................4 Summary Following the official invitation from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to observe the local elections on 31 October 2010, the Congress appointed an observer delegation, headed by Gudrun Mosler-Törnström (R, Austria, SOC), Member and Vice-President of the State Parliament of Salzburg. Councillor Nigel Mermagen (L, UK, ILDG) was appointed Rapporteur. The delegation was composed of fifteen members of the Congress and four members of the EU Committee of the Regions, assisted by four members of the Congress secretariat. The delegation concluded, after pre-election and actual election observation missions, that local elections in Ukraine were generally conducted in a calm and orderly manner. It also noted with satisfaction that for the first time, local elections were held separately from parliamentary ones, as requested in the past by the Congress. No indications of systematic fraud were brought
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Relations with the EU and Russia
    Ukraine’s relations with the EU and Russia: Why geopolitics and domestic reforms are linked Iryna Solonenko1 Introduction After Ukraine’s former President Viktor Yanukovych refused to sign the country's Association Agreement (AA) with the EU in November 2013, a series of events unfolded that dramatically changed Ukraine’s relationship with the EU and Russia. The Euromaidan protests, or the “Revolution of Dignity,” which resulted in the transition of power from Yanukovych to the opposition, was followed by Russia’s military intervention, first the illegal invasion and annexation of Crimea and then the rise of Russian-backed separatists in the Donbas region. Although Russia denies its role in the proxy war taking place in the Donbas, ample evidence points to Russia’s direct involvement; Ukrainians overwhelmingly perceive the situation as the result of Russia’s actions.2 Russia annexed Crimea within less than a month in March 2014, and wrested part of Ukraine’s border territory in the Luhansk and Donetsk regions from Ukraine’s control. By May 2015, the war had left over 6000 people dead and more than 1.5 million displaced.3 This situation has already had a defining effect on Ukrainian-Russian relations and will continue to do so for years to come. Ukraine used to vacillate between integration projects with the EU and with Russia, avoiding a definitive choice between the two. This balancing act was also reflected in the protracted post-communist transformation and the lack of reforms that would Europeanize Ukraine. The prospect of signing the AA with the EU on the one hand and pressure from Russia to join the Customs Union (which, as of 2015, has become the Eurasian Economic Union) on the other hand demanded a choice in favor of one.
    [Show full text]
  • Will Ukraine's 2019 Elections Be a Turning Point?
    Will Ukraine’s 2019 Elections Be a Turning Point? UNLIKELY, BUT DANGERS LURK PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 552 November 2018 Oleхiy Haran1 University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Petro Burkovsky2 National Institute for Strategic Studies (Kyiv) Next year, amid an ongoing conflict with Russia, sluggish economic recovery, and the rise of populism, Ukrainians will elect a new president (in March) and a new parliament (in October). Although the Ukrainian public is fragmented in its support of the six or seven frontrunners and parties, the outcome of both elections is not likely to bring radical change to Kyiv’s foreign and security policies—unless Russia decides to intervene, with or without violence. Ukrainians may be wary about Russian-backed activities, such as fostering a divisive referendum about conflict resolution in the Donbas or stirring up tensions between the government and ethnic minorities or Moscow patriarchate zealots. The country’s Western partners should not downplay the Kremlin’s potential interventions, nor should they overreact to any new configurations of Ukrainian political power. Perhaps the most important imperative for both Ukrainians and the West is to continue pushing for the separation of oligarchs from the levers of governance. Although much can change over the next five months, the current outlook is that political developments in 2019 are not expected to produce another major turning point in the colorful history of Ukraine. Poroshenko’s Legacy: Baking “Kyiv Cake” for Others? We argued in 2014 3 that three major challenges would define the course of President Petro Poroshenko’s presidency. First, he had to avoid actions that would lead to full- scale war with Russia or rampant civil war.
    [Show full text]
  • Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
    Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington.
    [Show full text]
  • Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse Und Errungenschaften: 2020  Band 4
    25. Dezember, 2020 München, Deutschland 71 . DOI 10.36074/25.12.2020.v4.23 UKRAINIAN STUDENTS’ COPARTNERSHIP IN THE REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY (2013-2014) ORCID ID: 0000-0001-8350-8069 Melnyk Nadiia а postgraduate student of Department of History and Culture of Ukraine Pereiaslav-Khmelnytskyi Hryhorii Skovoroda State Pedagogical University SCIENTIFIC SUPERVISOR: Shevchuk Vasyl Petrovych Doctor of Historical Science, Professor of the department of Ukrainian history and culture of the National institution of higher education Pereiaslav-Khmelnytskyi Hryhorii Skovoroda State Pedagogical University UKRAINE The transitional economic system of Independent Ukraine caused a chain of social issues. One of those issues was educational devaluation due to the rigid labor market. That was the reason for the protest caused by unsatisfied students in November 2013. The students were ready to take part in the revolutionary movement, regardless of the risk of expulsion from the universities. That movement became a decisive factor of Euromaidan, which grew into a Revolution. After the government's decision not to sign the agreement with the European Union (EU), the chain of events happened in the city of Lviv. On the 22nd of November, more than one hundred students gathered in front of the building of the city rada. They protested against the governmental decision. The students improvised the EU flag and declaimed all-Europian slogans. After some time, they decided to turn their meeting into a street demonstration and appealed others students and passers-by to join them. In a short period of time, the demonstration increased to several thousand. Moreover, the academic power of local universities and collegiums stated about students support.
    [Show full text]
  • IFES Faqs on Elections in Ukraine
    Elections in Ukraine 2019 Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org March 22, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Why is this election important? .................................................................................................................... 1 What is the role of the president? ................................................................................................................ 1 What is the legal framework governing the elections? ................................................................................ 1 What is the electoral system? ....................................................................................................................... 2 Who are the candidates? .............................................................................................................................. 2 How are elections administered? ................................................................................................................. 3 Who can vote in these elections? ................................................................................................................. 4 How do citizens register to vote? ................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition
    Helmut Kurth/Iris Kempe (Ed.) PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION KIEV – 2004 The following texts are preliminary versions. Necessary corrections and updates will be undertaken once the results of the election process are final. These preliminary versions are not for quotation or citation, and may only be used with the express written consent of the authors. CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................. 5 Timm Beichelt/Rostyslav Pavlenko Presidential Election and Constitutional Reforms in Ukraine ............................................................................ 7 Olaf Hillenbrand Consensus-Building and Good Governance – a Framework for Democratic Transition ........................... 44 Oleksandr Dergachov Formation of Democratic Consensus and Good Governance ....................................................... 71 Oleksandr Sushko/Oles Lisnychuk The 2004 Presidential Campaign as a Sign of Political Evolution in Ukraine....................................... 87 Iris Kempe/Iryna Solonenko International Orientation and Foreign Support of the Presidential Elections ............................................ 107 5 Preface Long before Kiev’s Independence Square became a sea of orange, it was clear to close observers that the presidential election in 2004 would not only be extremely close and hard fought, but also decisive for the country’s future development. Discussions
    [Show full text]
  • Lessons from the Orange Revolution in Ukraine 17 Olexiy Haran
    Between Russia and the EU: Lessons from the Orange Revolution in Ukraine 17 Olexiy Haran Tunisian and Egyptian people have succeeded with non-violent uprisings and regime change. But where will revolutions lead these two countries? Seven years ago, a similar peaceful revolution took place in Ukraine – ‘the Orange Revolution’- when for more than two weeks, beginning on the 22 November 2004, Ukraine was in the spotlight of international attention. Previously, the post-Soviet space was viewed by many policy-makers as a sphere of Russian influence, where post-Soviet, anti-Western political culture dominates and prevents movement to Europe based on democratic values. However, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians stood in freezing winter temperatures at Kyiv's central square - Maidan - displaying the fascinating people’s collective power. It prevented authoritarian Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma from bringing to office his chosen candidate and, in this way, to repeat the “Yeltsin–Putin scenario”. The revolution was non-violent, its participants demonstrated a high level of inter- ethnic and inter-confessional tolerance; hence, its importance as an example for divided societies. Many democratic movements made a reference to the Orange Revolution: from Belarus to Kenya, and from Taiwan to the 2005 Cedar Revolution in Lebanon. However, the high hopes and expectations of the Orange revolution have been thwarted. Paradoxically, the process of democratic elections, which started with the Orange Revolution, led to the 2010 electoral victory of the candidate, who lost the 2004 election in disgrace and who is now trying to revert the country back in many ways to where it had been in terms of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections, Revolution and Democracy in Ukraine
    ELECTIONS, REVOLUTION AND DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE: REFLECTIONS ON A COUNTRY’S TURN TO DEMOCRACY, FREE ELECTIONS AND THE MODERN WORLD By Jeffrey Clark With Jason Stout October 2005 DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATES: STRENGTHENING ELECTORAL ADMINISTRATION IN UKRAINE PROJECT This publication was made possible through support provided by the Regional Mission for Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova, U.S. Agency for International Development, under the terms of Agreement No. 121-A-00- 04-00701-00. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the U.S. Agency for International Development. PREFACE A USAID-supported activity known as the Strengthening Electoral Administration in Ukraine Project (SEAUP), administered by Development Associates, played a decidedly important role in facilitating Ukraine’s turn to democracy in 2004. The pages that follow provide evidence of that unequivocal conclusion, but just as importantly offer reflections on how the project was perceived and implemented of interest to promoters of free elections and democratization elsewhere. SEAUP’s success would have been unattainable without the unwavering support USAID gave the initiative and the trust placed in its professional staff. The Kyiv Mission granted considerable administrative flexibility that proved essential as political tensions increased and unplanned program inputs had to be devised virtually overnight to meet the challenges of a massively fraudulent vote and a court-ordered revote. The efforts of external players to foment anti-American sentiments further complicated the environment and imposed additional constraints on project implementers. USAID sponsored other implementing agencies actively supporting democratic consolidation in Ukraine, working directly with NDI, IRI, Freedom House, InterNews, and ABA/CEELI.
    [Show full text]
  • Opora Final Report on Observation at the 2019 Regular Presidential Elections in Ukraine
    OPORA FINAL REPORT ON OBSERVATION AT THE 2019 REGULAR PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE Kyiv― 2020 The publication was made possible due to support of American people pro- vided by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Any opinions and statements expressed in this publication may not coin- cide with the official position of USAID and US Government. Authors Oleksandr Kliuzhev Oleksandr Neberykut Olha Kotsiuruba Robert Lorian Iurii Lisovskyi Grygorii Sorochan Endorsed by Olga Aivazovska Translation Svitlana Bregman Design by Viktoria Arkhypenko ISBN 978-617-7142-56-9 © OPORA, 2020 CONTENT ABOUT OPORA OBSERVATION 5 BACKGROUND INFORMATION OF THE REPORT 7 DETAILED SUMMARY 13 ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND ELECTORAL LAW 31 REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATES FOR THE POSITION OF THE PRESIDENT OF UKRAINE 35 CAMPAIGNING ACTIVITIES OF PARTIES AND CANDIDATES 39 Peculiarities of the early campaigning 40 Format of campaigning activities and early campaigning subjects 41 Campaigning activities of candidates within the electoral process 46 Campaigning activities of candidates during the preparation for the second round of voting 51 ADMINISTRATION OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE 55 CEC operations 56 Formation and activities of district election commissions 64 Establishing district election commissions 64 The first sessions of district election commissions 69 Rotation of the DEC membership 72 Formation of precinct election commissions 72 Launch of operations of precinct election commissions 78 Formation and organization of DEC operations
    [Show full text]