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Geheime Feldpolizei from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Create account Log in Article Talk Read Edit View history Geheime Feldpolizei From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Not to be confused with the Feldgendarmerie, the ordinary military police. Navigation The Geheime Feldpolizei (help·info) (Secret Field Police) or GFP, was the secret Main page Geheime Feldpolizei military police of the German Wehrmacht until the end of the Second World War. Contents Active 1939 - 1945 These units were used to carry out plain-clothed security work in the field such as Featured content Country counter-espionage, counter sabotage, detection of treasonable activities, counter- Nazi Germany Current events propaganda and to provide assistance to the German Army in courts-martial Branch Heer Random article investigations. GFP personnel, who were also classed as Abwehrpolizei, operated as Type Military Police Donate to Wikipedia an executive branch of German military intelligence detecting resistance activity in Role Security, counterinsurgency and Germany and occupied France. counter-espionage Interaction Nickname Gestapo der Wehrmacht The need for a secret military police developed after the annexations of the Disbanded 8 May 1945 Help Sudetenland in 1938 and Czechoslovakia in 1939. Although security einsatzgruppen (or About Wikipedia security task forces) belonging to the Nazi Security Services had been used during Commanders Community portal these operations, the German High Command felt it needed a specialist intelligence Heerespolizeichef SS and Police Leader William Recent changes agency with police functions that could operate with the military but act like a security Krichbaum Contact page service to arrest potential opponents and eliminate any resistance. After studying data collected in Spain, Austria and Czechoslovakia, Generaloberst Wilhelm Keitel, commander in chief of the OKW, issued the "Dienstvorschrift für die Geheime Feldpolizei" (Regulations for the secret police). -
French Connection 1 French Connection
French Connection 1 French Connection The French Connection was a scheme through which heroin was smuggled from Turkey to France and then to the United States. The operation reached its peak in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and was responsible for providing the vast majority of the illicit heroin used in the United States. It was headed by the Corsican criminals Paul Carbone (and his associate François Spirito) and Antoine Guérini, and also involved Auguste Ricord, Paul Mondoloni, Salvatore Greco,[citation needed] and Meyer Lansky.[citation needed] Most of its starting capital came from assets that Ricord had stolen during World War II when he worked for Henri Lafont, one of the heads of the Carlingue (French Gestapo) during the German occupation in World War II.[citation needed] From the 1930s to the 1950s Illegal heroin labs were first discovered near Marseille, France, in 1937. These labs were run by the notorious Corsican gang leader Paul Carbone. For years, the Corsican underworld had been involved in the manufacturing and trafficking of illegal heroin abroad, primarily to the United States.[1] It was this heroin network that eventually became known as the "French Connection". The Corsican Gang was closely allied with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the SDECE after World War II in order to prevent French communists from bringing the Old Port of Marseille under their control. [2] Historically, the raw material for most of the heroin consumed in the United States came from Indochina, then Turkey. Turkish farmers were licensed to grow opium poppies for sale to legal drug companies, but many sold their excess to the underworld market, where it was manufactured into heroin and transported to the United States. -
The Pink Swastika
THE PINK SWASTIKA Homosexuality in the Nazi Party by Scott Lively and Kevin Abrams 1 Reviewers Praise The Pink Swastika “The Pink Swastika: Homosexuality in the Nazi Party is a thoroughly researched, eminently readable, demolition of the “gay” myth, symbolized by the pink triangle, that the Nazis were anti- homosexual. The deep roots of homosexuality in the Nazi party are brilliantly exposed . .” Dr. Howard Hurwitz, Family Defense Council “As a Jewish scholar who lost hundreds of her family in the Holocaust, I welcome The Pink Swastika as courageous and timely . Lively and Abrams reveal the reigning “gay history” as revisionist and expose the supermale German homosexuals for what they were - Nazi brutes, not Nazi victims.” Dr. Judith Reisman, Institute for Media Education “The Pink Swastika is a tremendously valuable book, replete with impressive documentation presented in a compelling fashion.” William Grigg, The New American “...exposes numerous lies, and tears away many myths. Essential reading, it is a formidable boulder cast into the path of the onrushing homosexual express...” Stan Goodenough, Middle East Intelligence Digest “The Pink Swastika is a powerful exposure of pre-World War II Germany and its quest for reviving and imitating a Hellenistic-paganistic idea of homo-eroticism and militarism.” Dr. Mordechai Nisan, Hebrew University of Jerusalem “Lively and Abrams call attention to what Hitlerism really stood for, abortion, euthanasia, hatred of Jews, and, very emphatically, homosexuality. This many of us knew in the 1930’s; it was common knowledge, but now it is denied...” R. J. Rushdoony, The Chalcedon Report “...a treasury of knowledge for anyone who wants to know what really happened during the Jewish Holocaust...” Norman Saville, News of All Israel “...Scott Lively and Kevin Abrams have done America a great service...” Col. -
The Reinvention of José Giovanni
o be a fan of film noir is to be a connoisseur of moral ambiguity. The movies may be black and white, but the stories are a swirl of gray: among the shadows, we find ourselves empathizing with criminals, even murderers, and grappling with the irreducible complex- ity of human character and behavior. Or so we like to tell ourselves. In truth, this is easier when the crooks are fictional, and their crimes can be finessed in ways that soothe or Tdistract our consciences. When the facts are real, it is trickier to navigate the boundaries of the forgivable, SECOND the murky no-man’s-land between admiration and moral revulsion, judgment and agnostic tolerance. What prompts this particular reflection is the life of the writer and director José Giovanni, one of the most fas- cinating figures in French cinema. A prolific novelist, screenwriter, and director, he earned his place in the noir pantheon chiefly as the source for three indisputable masterpieces, Le Trou (The Hole, 1960), Classe tous ris- ques (The Big Risk, 1960), and Le deuxième souffle (Second Wind, 1966). His familiarity with the underworld and his status as an ex-con who had done time on death row were well known in his heyday, and lent cred- ibility—not to say glamour—to his chronicles of gangsters and life “inside.” For almost fifty years, Giovanni suc- ceeded in keeping certain facts about his background hidden even as he mined his biography to great acclaim. But, as noir teaches, the past never stays buried. In 1993 two Swiss newspapers, La Tribune de Genève and 24 Heures, published their findings that the crimes for which Giovanni—born Joseph Damiani—had been convicted ranged from collaborationism during the Occupation of France to involvement in kidnapping, extor- tion, and murder. -
Lm970507.Pdf
LeMonde Job: WMQ0705--0001-0 WAS LMQ0705-1 Op.: XX Rev.: 06-05-97 T.: 13:20 S.: 111,06-Cmp.:06,13, Base : LMQPAG 20Fap:99 No:0500 Lcp: 196 CMYK LE MONDE DES INITIATIVES a Les effets de la baisse des charges a 5 pages d’annonces classées CINQUANTE-TROISIÈME ANNÉE – No 16259 – 7 F MERCREDI 7 MAI 1997 FONDATEUR : HUBERT BEUVE-MÉRY – DIRECTEUR : JEAN-MARIE COLOMBANI a Londres Trois ans européenne L’appel pour changer la République Le nouveau gouvernement britannique b Cinq constitutionnalistes s’attaquent à la « déprime française » b Leurs propositions : de prison a confirmé, lundi 5 mai, ses bonnes intentions vis-à-vis du processus de mandat présidentiel à cinq ans, cumul interdit, référendum facilité, démocratie locale, construction communautaire. p. 2 Etat impartial b Selon la Sofres, 64 % des Français jugent négatif le bilan de M. Chirac avec sursis et un point de vue page 15 « CHANGER la République » : moins d’un quart (22 %) la jugent pour Pierre Suard, tel est l’ordre du jour qu’imposent, satisfaisante. 64 % des Français esti- a Le chantier de selon cinq spécialistes de science ment que le bilan de l’action du politique et de droit public, la dis- chef de l’Etat est négatif. Jamais de- ex-PDG d’Alcatel solution de l’Assemblée nationale puis la création, en 1975, de cette l’emploi des jeunes et le scepticisme qu’inspire aux enquête annuelle, un président LE TRIBUNAL correctionnel L’ANPE reçoit chacun des 120 000 chô- Français la campagne électorale. n’avait atteint un tel niveau d’im- d’Evry (Essonne) a condamné, meurs de moins de vingt-cinq ans sans Guy Carcassonne, Olivier Duhamel, popularité. -
Zkg2.Pdf (1.377Mb)
DARK YEARS, DARK FILMS, LONG SHADOWS: THE OCCUPATION, NOIR, AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN FRENCH FILM AND CRITICISM A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Zachary Kendell Gooch January 2014 © 2014 Zachary Kendell Gooch DARK YEARS, DARK FILMS, LONG SHADOWS: THE OCCUPATION, NOIR, AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN FRENCH FILM AND CRITICISM Zachary Kendell Gooch, Ph.D. Cornell University 2014 Although the term arises in French film criticism, “noir” has long been associated with American cinema and a certain, recognizable type of visual and thematic style. Through a return to the French critics of the late 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s this dissertation defamiliarizes and redefines noir’s value to film and French studies by demonstrating its negatively constitutive role in the negotiation of French national identity and the central place of the Occupation in any discussion of French noir. By locating noir within criticism and performing close readings of the critical archive, which includes figures as diverse as Georges Sadoul and André Bazin, Lucien Rebatet and François Truffaut, I argue that noir critical discourse is defined by a tension between the category’s ever-changing value and the efforts of those who deploy it to fix the meaning of the nation before, during, and after the Occupation through careful omissions of the historical, collective memory. Because noir is central to debates on how the nation should and, more precisely, should not be represented, I also resist conventional, generic approaches to advance that individual films noirs are secondary to noir critical discourse. -
Historical Dictionary of World War II France Historical Dictionaries of French History
Historical Dictionary of World War II France Historical Dictionaries of French History Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution, 1789–1799 Samuel F. Scott and Barry Rothaus, editors Historical Dictionary of Napoleonic France, 1799–1815 Owen Connelly, editor Historical Dictionary of France from the 1815 Restoration to the Second Empire Edgar Leon Newman, editor Historical Dictionary of the French Second Empire, 1852–1870 William E. Echard, editor Historical Dictionary of the Third French Republic, 1870–1940 Patrick H. Hutton, editor-in-chief Historical Dictionary of the French Fourth and Fifth Republics, 1946–1991 Wayne Northcutt, editor-in-chief Historical Dictionary of World War II France The Occupation, Vichy, and the Resistance, 1938–1946 Edited by BERTRAM M. GORDON Greenwood Press Westport, Connecticut Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Historical dictionary of World War II France : the Occupation, Vichy, and the Resistance, 1938–1946 / edited by Bertram M. Gordon. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–313–29421–6 (alk. paper) 1. France—History—German occupation, 1940–1945—Dictionaries. 2. World War, 1939–1945—Underground movements—France— Dictionaries. 3. World War, 1939–1945—France—Colonies— Dictionaries. I. Gordon, Bertram M., 1943– . DC397.H58 1998 940.53'44—dc21 97–18190 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright ᭧ 1998 by Bertram M. Gordon All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 97–18190 ISBN: 0–313–29421–6 First published in 1998 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. -
Répressions Et Déportations En France Et En Europe. 1939-1945
Répressions et déportations en France et en Europe. 1939-1945. Espaces et histoire CNRD 2018-2019 Travail réalisé par Emma DI BENEDETTO Jénovie MASSALA Louis GONNET Hugo LAMOUR Damien MERCIER Tristan MIGNON et Matthieu PETITPREZ Travail encadré par Mme Natacha BANAIX et M. Vivien ROUZIOU Lycée Jean Calvin Rue Jean Moulin 60400 NOYON tto Heller est né en Autriche en 1897 au sein d’une famille fortunée juive originaire de Bohême. En raison de ses fonctions de journaliste et d’écrivain et O de ses convictions communistes, il est amené à voyager dans toute l’Europe. Son instruction fait de lui un homme cultivé qui constate et souffre rapidement de la montée des régimes totalitaires. Au début de la Seconde guerre mondiale, Otto Heller se trouve en France. Dans ce contexte tourmenté, il doit faire face à des formes de répressions de plus en plus cruelles et subit finalement le 31 juillet 1944 la déportation vers Auschwitz au sein du convoi 77, le dernier convoi de déportation de Juifs depuis Drancy. Le parcours d’Otto Heller témoigne nettement du lien évident entre les événements mondiaux et locaux. Il illustre de même la multitude des espaces occupés, de gré ou de force, par des personnes considérées à l’époque comme différentes et donc hostiles au régime nazi et à leurs alliés. De son récit, six thèmes ont ainsi émergé et ont donné lieu à la création de six photo-mosaïques imprimées sur du plexiglas. Le choix de ce support et des thématiques vise à rendre hommage à tous les résistants et déportés. -
This Is an Accepted Manuscript of an Article Published in Revue D'histoire De La Shoah
“This is an accepted manuscript of an article published in Revue d'histoire de la Shoah. It is not the copy of record.” After “Holocaust”. The Shoah in televised fiction in Italy and in France: a compared reading of public memory and representation (1979-2011) Emiliano Perra University of Winchester In the vast and ever expanding body of scholarly works exploring Holocaust memory and representation, television is a relatively late and largely overdue addition. This relatively small, but steadily growing body of work shows that if we want to understand the place of this event in popular memory culture, we need to look at television. Much of the existing literature in this field centres on the analysis of single countries such as the United States, Germany, Israel, Britain, or the two discussed in this article, France and Italy.1 However, only a handful of studies have developed a comparative approach,2 and most of this body of work is about documentaries, while works of fiction such as made-for-TV films, miniseries and series are still relatively understudied.3 And yet, TV fictions are important. As the then Fiction Manager for France Télévisions (and currently Project Manager for ARTE France) Vincent Meslet stated in 2010, ‘la fiction, c'est une 1 See at least Jeffrey SHANDLER, While America Watches: Televising the Holocaust, New York (NY), Oxford University Press, 1999 on the United States; Wulf KANSTEINER, In Pursuit of German Memory: History, Television, and Politics after Auschwitz, Athens (OH), Ohio University Press, 2006 on Germany; Oren MEYERS, Eyal ZANDBERG, and Motti NEIGER, «Prime Time Commemoration: An Analysis of Television Broadcasts on Israel’s Memorial Day for the Holocaust and the Heroism», in Journal of Communication, 59, 2009, p. -
Face À La Répression Et À La Déportation De Gaulle Et Ses Compagnons
De Gaulle et ses Compagnons face à la répression et à la déportation (Concours national de la Résistance et de la Déportation) Entretien avec Tristan lecoq Comme chaque année désormais, le Bulletin de l’AFCL apporte sa contribution au Concours de la Résistance et de la Déportation. « Répressions et déportations en France et en Europe. Espaces et histoire » : vaste thème, à propos duquel l’inspecteur général Tristan Lecoq, président du Jury national des correcteurs, nous a apporté de précieux éclaircissements. Nous avons choisi délibérément de centrer notre dossier sur les Français libres et les résistants face à la répression de Vichy et de l’occupant et à la déportation, ainsi que sur quelques cas de Compagnons ayant été poursuivis, torturés, condamnés, déportés, assassinés ou ayant disparu dans les camps d’extermination. Soldats allemands paradant sur l’avenue des Champs-Élysées, le 14 juin 1940. TROIS QUESTIONS À qui les continuent, les ministères qui les soutiennent, au TRISTAN LECOQ sein desquels tous expriment leur volonté d’accompagner l’Ecole dans le travail qui est le sien. C’est ainsi que la Inspecteur général de l’Education nationale Fondation de la Résistance, la Fondation de la France Libre, Professeur des Universités associé (histoire militaire et mari- la Fondation pour la mémoire de la Shoah ont accepté, sous time contemporaine) l’autorité de l’Inspection générale de l’Education nationale, Sorbonne Université de coordonner le travail des universitaires, des enseignants, Président du Jury national des correcteurs du CNRD des inspecteurs pour que soient conçus, construits et acces- sibles les textes et documents qui encadrent le CNRD. -
1939-1945 "Occupation Et Libération" Volume 1
1939 - 1945 - Occupation et Libération Volume 1 France 0 Serge Fiorèse Avant-Propos Le Volume 1 présente une synthèse de la période 1939-1945. L'objectif poursuivi est de fournir un cadre aux évènements décrits dans le Volume 2 et, ainsi, de permettre de mieux comprendre ces évènements, en les considérant dans une perspective plus globale. Pour rester dans un nombre de pages réduit, le choix a été fait de limiter le récit au territoire de la France métropolitaine. Seules les grandes lignes de ce qui a constitué la vie des français dans la période ont été traitées. Il manque donc forcément des détails ou des sujets sur lesquels certains lecteurs souhaiteront aller plus loin. A eux de se reporter à des ouvrages plus complets pour voir développés ces sujets ou trouver d'autres points de vue et d'autres explications. Il s'agit de présenter les heures sombres, ou glorieuses, de la guerre et de l'Occupation ainsi que les évènements plus exaltants et glorieux de la Libération. Cette présentation risque cependant de donner l'impression que tous les "méchants" étaient dans un camp et tous les "bons" dans le camp opposé. La réalité est bien sûr plus complexe et l'appât du gain, la recherche de la gloire, le désir de s'ériger en justicier, la cruauté, le goût de la violence et du sang ont pu ternir certains des actes relatés ici. Saclay le 24 septembre 2014 Bibliographie Les principales sources utilisées sont citées dans le texte. Certaines sources qui présentent des visions globales sont mentionnées ici : • La France et les Français dans la seconde Guerre Mondiale, Edition LBM • Musée de la résistance en ligne = : www.museedelaresistanceenligne.org 1 • www.lexikon-der-wehrmacht.de/ • 2db.forumactif.com • Wikipedia (Français, Anglais ou Allemand). -
Le Sport Dans La France Du Gouvernement De Vichy (1940-1944)
Le sport dans la France du gouvernement de Vichy (1940-1944) CHRISTOPHE PÉCOUT1 Au cours de lÊhistoire, le sport est devenu un enjeu idéologique et politique qui a servi les régimes autoritaires. Dans la France du gouvernement de Vichy (1940-1944), celui-ci devient un instrument dÊencadrement et dÊendoctrinement de la population et plus pré- cisément de la jeunesse. Décrété nouvelle chevalerie moderne, le sport intervient dans la politique de maintien de lÊordre vichyste en propageant auprès de la population les préceptes de la Révolution nationale. LÊimposante propagande sportive participe active- ment à lÊexaltation du culte de Pétain. Enfin, le sport apparaît pour les partisans de la collaboration comme un moyen supplémentaire de soutenir lÊEurope nouvelle dÊHitler. Over history, sport has become an ideological and political issue used by authoritarian regimes. In France under the Vichy Government (1940-1944), sport became an instrument for constraining and indoctrinating the population in general and youth in particular. Decreed to constitute the new modern chivalry, sport played a role in the Vichy policy of maintaining order by promoting precepts of the National Revolution to the population. Extensive sports propaganda was actively used to glorify the cult around Pétain. Finally, the partisans of collaboration saw sport as an additional means of supporting HitlerÊs new Europe. PORTEUR DE VALEURS, de règles et de représentations, le sport participe à la nor- malisation des esprits. Il n’est donc pas étonnant qu’au cours de l’Histoire, le sport ait régulièrement servi les partisans de l’ordre dans leur projet d’embrigadement et d’endoctrinement idéologique des masses.