ScotMUN 2020 13th – 15th March

Committee Study Guide: Crisis

Table of Contents Welcome from the Directors ...... 3 Introduction to Crisis ...... 4 Basic Mechanics - Cabinets, Directives and Sessions ...... 4 Cabinets ...... 4 Directives ...... 5 Sessions ...... 6 What Delegates Can Expect ...... 6 What We Expect from Delegates ...... 7 Historical Background ...... 9 The Establishment of the Vichy Government ...... 9 The Emergence of the Resistance ...... 9 German Actions Against the Resistance ...... 10 A Move Towards a Unified Resistance ...... 11 Cabinet A: Vichy ...... 13 Cabinet B: The ...... 15 Useful Espionage Principles ...... 16 References ...... 19

2 Welcome from the Directors

Dear Delegates,

Welcome to the ScotMUN Crisis! This year we will be focusing on the fight of the French Resistance against the Vichy French and the German Occupation. Often within Crisis, the thought of tackling a World War II topic seems unfathomable as there are so many belligerents and fronts. By focusing on a more specific aspect of the larger conflict, we hope to bring to life some of the dilemmas and challenges of this period, as seen through a much smaller lens than you’d have in a war room.

We are looking for delegates to appreciate the complexity of the topic and be mindful of the context of the crisis when writing your directives. Whether this is your first crisis, or your 5th or 10th, we will endeavour to push you to achieve more within the confines of the crisis timeline.

We look forward to seeing you all in March 1943!

Best wishes,

Maria Slobodina Crisis Director

Martin Galland Crisis Assistant Director

3

Introduction to Crisis

Crisis isn’t at all like the standard committees in Model United Nations. General Assembly and other main branch committees operate primarily using a series of moderated caucuses that are regulated by the chair. In crisis there are little to no moderated caucuses, and the chair is also a character in the crisis. The chair is there to guide the committee and to help it achieve its goals, but the events of the crisis can and will affect them just like they could affect a delegate. In crisis, you do not represent a particular country, instead - you will receive a biography of a specific person prior to the crisis and would be expected to effectively become the character throughout the crisis. Whereas the main written product of a GA delegate would be a resolution, crisis delegates achieve most of their success through communicating via unmoderated caucuses and individual/collective directives.

Directives are messages sent to the Crisis backroom where they are assessed and processed to either forward or challenge your progress. In essence, a directive should tell the backroom staff two things: what and how you want to do things. In a holistic approach, crisis basically lets you interact with the world beyond that of the discussions within the committee sessions.

However, do not worry, as we will explain everything to all of you again at the very beginning of the conference, and we will be very happy to help you in the times before and during the conference!

Basic Mechanics - Cabinets, Directives and Sessions

If you are new to Crisis, or even if you are familiar to crisis, then there are a few things that you will need to know for ScotMUN Crisis Committee sessions. This section will cover the three main components that are essential to this year’s LIMUN crisis format: the Cabinets, Directives and the Sessions.

Cabinets

Cabinets are the physical rooms to which you sit and contain the other delegates you may choose to interact with. In crisis, cabinets can represent a country's government or other specific institutions. Do remember that you alone are responsible for meeting with people inside your cabinet, while the facilitation of meeting people outside your cabinet is the responsibility of the backroom staff.

Be thoughtful that each cabinet and character can have their own motives and objectives. Of course, as in real life, the cabinets are not to restrict your imagination, but to guide you in the initial steps of the crisis. As the crisis develops, your positions will change, the nature of cabinets will change, and you will have much more flexibility to choose from with your character. A brief description of your title will be included in your bio. In general, these descriptions of your title will show you the limitations and capabilities of your position within and outside the cabinet.

4 However, in no way do they limit what you can do. The backroom can easily miss things out, and within the context of the crisis, we can accommodate information / capabilities / powers you think are missing from your bio / character. In general, this crisis will have two cabinets:

• • The French Resistance

Directives

Directives are the backbone of any crisis. They effectively act as requests which can bolster your own position and alter the crisis as a whole. However, beware everyone within the crisis is also sending directives. All directives are sieved into the backroom and from there they are processed. The extent to which a directive is approved will often depend on how logical it can be for the backroom. Directives also come in all shapes and sizes, so don’t worry too much if you don’t have much experience. However, in a nutshell, directives should follow three points. Directives should be:

1. Realistic

Think about it, can your character accomplish this with the resources currently available to them? If not, backtrack your plan a little bit and see if you can first acquire the necessary resources for your plan to be feasible.

2. Detailed

If you submit a very short directive, it’s likely that it is not detailed enough to pass, and this can seriously backfire and sometimes even damage your character long-term. Here it’s good to ask yourself questions. How? When? For example, if you want to follow another character ‘discreetly’, you might want to think about what clothes you are wearing, what distance will you keep from your target and how you will avoid detection by whatever security detail they may have. Here, your aim is to close all the potential loopholes in your plan.

3. Precise

Directives should be precise and to the point. Where possible, like with military operations and acquiring assets, try to specify numbers. Again, think about what would be realistic. Being detailed is good, but too much detail will also slow down the processing time for your directive. In principle, every sentence of your directive should add something meaningful to your plan.

However, it is important not to neglect intra- and inter-cabinet diplomacy. You can accomplish a lot with your own directives but diversifying your tactics in committee can potentially let you finish the crisis with even bigger gains. It’s not just about what directives you write, but what kind of directives you can persuade your committee members to write or, in fact, not write. In theory, convincing someone to lower their guard for you could be the difference between death and a successful cabinet defection.

5 Sessions As mentioned, crisis is mainly composed of unmoderated sessions with a chair who is also a character within the crisis. However, crisis also includes unique styled sessions that move beyond just this standard session, as determined necessary by the backroom directives. There will probably be fewer cross-cabinet meetings than in some other crises you might have seen but they will likely still occur.

Cabinet sessions themselves will also be accompanied by news updates throughout. You will also have access to the News screen and it is very important that you read through all the updates, even though they might not necessarily look like they relate to your cabinet / character. Remember that in crisis there is always a reason for an update or news. Hence, you can expect that even though something might seem illogical or irrelevant, you can count on some other delegate building up something to achieve their own goals. In these news updates all public announcements will be published along with any important events.

What Delegates Can Expect

Delegates can expect the staff to do their best to respond to their directives in a timely manner. If your directives are not consistently receiving responses with a latency of over 15 minutes, then please notify your chair or one of the directors directly so we can investigate. Please note that during high points of the crisis, it is natural for the backroom to be a bit slower - that helps us minimise inconsistencies across cabinets storylines. The ratio of backroom staff to delegates is approximately 1 staff for each 3 delegate – so please keep this in mind.

You can also expect the staff to respect you, your positionality and also experience level in terms of crisis. Therefore, for those of you with little to no crisis experience, we will attempt to guide you as far as possible through the process and give constructive feedback, especially at the beginning of the crisis. In order for us to be able to spend more time facilitating the learning process for beginners, we will not be giving as many hints to more experienced cabinet members and will be more critical of the loopholes in your plans.

If we would like something to be clarified, we will let you respond to our directive response in order to streamline the approval process. Remember that staff can also be convoluted with current situations and the use of one-sentence summaries of the general overview of your respective line of enquiry (in terms of approved directives) are the easiest and most helpful ways to communicate with us. If things are even more complicated, then do not worry, as we are also willing to talk to you in person to clarify the situation. You can definitely expect us to all be friendly people, regardless of being staff!

That said, as the crisis goes on, we will not be providing the same standard of support for beginner delegates as we expect you to start taking on our earlier comments and implementing them in your subsequent directives. Though, we will consistently aim to make responses informative and helpful for the progression of your future plans. We will never reject a directive without stating a justification for doing so. If you are consistently receiving arbitrary answers, please notify your chair so we can investigate the issue further.

6 You might have heard stories about backroom messing with delegates’ directives over minor spelling or grammatical errors - the ScotMUN backroom staff team is not like that and the crisis team understands the differences of your English usage and will not move to punish you in this sense. We will never penalize spelling errors and will always try to clarify things if we don’t understand them.

You can expect to be treated with respect by all members of the Crisis staff and we hope we can create a great conference so that you too can feel similarly. As such we are looking forward to seeing you at ScotMUN.

What We Expect from Delegates

As a rule of thumb, be logical and faithful to the time period, but also do not restrict your imagination.

As the backroom, we love to see a grasp of the historical environment, but also the use and moulding of that environment to create the outcomes you desire. Though you are not restricted by your character bios, you are rationally bound by the logics and ideologies which inform said character and the factions they identify with. In essence, faithfulness to the bio as of the starting date is usually merited.

When you write directives and when you refer to other people who are taking part in the crisis, please put their character’s full name and title so that the backroom can easily keep track and process your directives faster.

However, as much emphasis is placed on the directives in crisis, our observation of good delegates are not made just by the quality or speed of directives. We would like to place heavy emphasis on the fact that good delegates are also those who can maintain a consistent high-quality conduct and attitude within the cabinet environment. Good delegates who imbue the true nature of their character and who use their imaginative initiatives (which you all have) are the ones we love to interact with. We would also hope that you are able to engage in self-reflection and extrapolate our feedback into future directives and not just plug in potential holes within current issues based on our comments. Though, don’t fret, as we will always be at hand to help!

Whether you are a veteran or a first-time crisis delegate, do not be afraid to ask chairs, the backroom or even the directors about any matters or questions regarding your situation during the crisis. We are all friendly people and our primary objective is to make sure you folks (the delegates) can have an enjoyable time within this historical crisis. Most importantly though, have fun! Each delegate, from beginners to veterans will all have something to offer to the crisis and the best advice we can give is to tackle everything head on and not to get discouraged if something doesn’t go your way the first (or the second or the third) time.

THE MOST CRUCIAL POINT: Please remember that when you come up with crucial strategies and cooperative plots, whether on your own or with other delegates, please send them as directives in full detail to the backroom. This is so we can keep track and also help your strategies become a reality. Do not assume that the backroom always knows, and always refer to previous directives whenever possible.

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8 Historical Background

The Establishment of the Vichy Government

Named after the French spa town which had been declared the capital of the new French State, the Vichy regime was established in the aftermath of the Armistice at Compiegne. Pre-war divisions within French society and politics which had resulted in such a quick collapse following the German invasion combined with the general pessimism of the French military staff resulted in rapid movement towards reaching an armistice with Germany. While Reynaud had wanted to continue the fight from French North Africa, with the French colonial empire and the French Navy at his disposal, the rest of the government forced his hand into the Armistice. With Reynaud out of the way, Marshal Phillip Petain, the 84-year old Vice-Premier and hero of Verdun, became the Head of Government. General Charles Hutzinger, the French delegate in the negotiations was briefed that France could not concede its fleet, the entirety of its territory, or any of its overseas possessions. With Germany seeing far more strategic value in a friendly French government than a costly direct occupation, none of these conditions were violated.

As a result, France was divided into the German-occupied and administered zone and the Free Zone or , comprising approximately 2/5ths of France, entirely in the South. The Vichy government was allowed a limited military for garrison and internal security missions, with severely curtailed offensive capabilities, while their fleet was to be disarmed but maintained under their control. Petain became Chief of State and Prime Minister, yielding the latter position in 1942 to , while a number of far-right French figures; of which there had been many in the runup to the outbreak of war, joined the administration. The belief was prevalent that it was in the best interests of France to cooperate and spare itself the destruction rather than fight in a pointless war against a seemingly invincible German enemy, and the status of Petain as a Marshal of France and a household name for his role in the First World War meant that a certain degree of legitimacy was accorded in the eyes of the French people, as well as with the entirety of the colonial administrations of France.

The Emergence of the Resistance

The French Resistance was born out of the desire of many French citizens to resist the Vichy government and assist the Allies against Germany. The term ‘the French Resistance’ covers many anti-German movements within France, and for the majority of the Resistance’s existence, the actions of the different groups were uncoordinated.1 The main aims of the Resistance were to provide the Allies with valuable intelligence and help Allied airmen escape when needed. The Resistance also orchestrated attacks on the Germans and their sympathisers when possible, but not routinely.

Some groups were more closely linked with the British secret Special Operations Executive, whilst others were unified based on political beliefs or desire for

1 C N Trueman "The French Resistance" historylearningsite.co.uk. The History Learning Site, 18 May 2015. 11 Feb 2020.

9 independence. In the north of France, Resistance movements targeted mainly the Germans whilst in the South, the Vichy government was as much of a target.2

The Special Operations Executive (SOE) was an important ally of the Resistance. They provided the necessary supplies to the French, in exchange for intelligence. The SOE agents were trained in espionage, sabotage and guerrilla warfare, skills that they passed onto the Resistance. Additionally, by 1941, the SOE had two radio stations operating in France that transmitted coded messages to Resistance members.3

There were several key dates for the Resistance in the period between 1941 and 1943:

May 5th, 1941 - The first agent from the British Special Operations Executive lands in France to make contact with the French Resistance;

June 22nd, 1941 - Following the german invasion of Russia (Operation Barbarossa), all Communist resistance groups in France merge into a single organisation;

August 21st, 1941 - The first assassination of a German officer by the Resistance happens, when Pierre Georges kills Anton Moser in the Metro;4

November 11th, 1942 - German forces occupy all of France. Anti-German sentiment in the South grows further.

German Actions Against the Resistance

Following the assassination of Anton Moser, Military Governor General Otto von Stülpnagel retaliated by shooting 3 innocent Frenchmen and announced that every French person within German controlled territories were now hostages.5 This was an unfortunate turn for civilians living in France, but also demonstrated the German’s then limited capacity to effectively apprehend actual members of the Resistance.

When two more German officers were assassinated in 1941, the threats proved to be true as hundreds of French hostages were rounded up and killed in retaliation. These events resulted in a debate amongst the French people. Some argued that continuing with the assassinations would simply result in more innocent French casualties in numbers that far outweighed the single-digit killings of the German officers. Others who opposed that view suggested that to stop with the assassinations would mean that the French are conforming to German demands and letting themselves be pushed around by a foreign invader within their own borders.

Charles de Gaulle addressed the French people, asking for the end to the assassinations. He reasoned that killing single German officers would not significantly change the outcome of the War, but it would still result in hundreds of civilian French

2 C N Trueman "The French Resistance" historylearningsite.co.uk. The History Learning Site, 18 May 2015. 11 Feb 2020. 3 Crowdy, Terry (2007). French Resistance Fighter: France's Secret Army (PDF). Oxford: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84603-076-5. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid.

10 deaths. The Communist resistance groups did not, however, recognise the authority of de Gaulle and continued with their assassination attempts.6

When Germans did manage to capture members of the Resistance, they often succeeded in ‘turning’ them and releasing them back as double agents. This tactic resulted in many resistance networks being compromised, which greatly frustrated the SOE.7

On the 7th of December 1941, Hitler signed the “Night and Fog” decree that allowed German forces to send anyone suspected to be helping the Resistance to Germany. This resulted in the deportation of thousands of French people, half of whom did not survive the journey.8

A Move Towards a Unified Resistance

Talk of a unified Resistance movement began in 1941, when more and more resistance groups started emerging. Those that supported unification did so because they thought that more could be achieved if the Resistance movements acted together than separately. One of the leaders of the movement towards unification was Jean Moulin, a former prefect of Chartres. To further his agenda, Moulin left for Britain in the Autumn of 1941.

Moulin met de Gaulle in October 1941 and named him his representative in France. was looking for more resistance groups to recognise de Gaulle's Free French National Committee in London at a time when few resistance networks actually did so. Following the meeting, de Gaulle also created the BCRA (Bureau Central de Renseignements et d'Action – Central Office for Intelligence and Action) under André Dewavrin to provide support to the resistance similar to the British SOE. Although, in theory, more results would have come about if the two intelligence services cooperated, in practice, de Gaulle disliked the SOE. This resulted in some tensions amongst the Allies and the Resistance movement as some groups identified as Gaullist and others as non-Gaullist which affected their relationships with the Allied intelligence. The SOE split its Section F into two, RF which dealt with the pro-de Gaulle groups and F which dealt with the non-Gaullists. Complicating this further was the German attack on the United States in December 1941, after which the American Office for Strategic Services (OSS) joined the SOE to support the French Resistance. The Americans did not want de Gaulle as the leader of France after the war, which naturally made them more attuned to the non-Gaullist groups.

A major breakthrough for the unification came about in January 1943, when Moulin convinced three large resistance groups Franc-Tireur, Liberation and Combat to join together under a single banner - MUR (Mouvements Unis de Résistance or United

6 Crowdy, Terry (2007). French Resistance Fighter: France's Secret Army (PDF). Oxford: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84603-076-5. 7 Ousby, Ian (2000) [1999]. Occupation: The Ordeal of France, 1940–1944. New York: Cooper Square Press. ISBN 978-0712665131. 8 Ibid.

11 Resistance Movement). Within the MUR there was an armed wing called AS or the ‘Secret Army’.9

In response to the increased unification of the Resistance, the Vichy regime created the , a paramilitary organisation hellbent on destroying the Resistance movement. The Milice was lead by Joseph Darnard, who was a great proponent of Vichy collaboration with . The Milice also had an internal elite group called the Francs-Gardes.10

In February 1943, the creation of the Service du Travail Obligatoire (STO) was announced. According to new rules spearheaded by the Germans, all able-bodied Frenchmen between the ages of 20 and 22 had to report to the STO and work for two years in Germany. Some groups such as miners, farmers or university students were exempt from this. Although the scheme was advertised as work, it was more akin to slave labour and around 50% of those who’d have to report to the STO did not do so.

At the start of the crisis in March 1943, it is still unclear whether a fully unified Resistance movement in France will emerge. At the same time, The Vichy government struggles against German control as the Germans refuse the Milice the supply of weaponry.

9 Crowdy, Terry (2007). French Resistance Fighter: France's Secret Army (PDF). Oxford: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84603-076-5. 10 Ousby, Ian (2000) [1999]. Occupation: The Ordeal of France, 1940–1944. New York: Cooper Square Press. ISBN 978-0712665131.

12 Cabinet A: Vichy France At the start of the crisis, the Vichy government is in a precarious situation. Since November 1942, the Army previously controlled by the Vichy was disbanded. In March 1943, when the crisis starts, the Germans even refused the Milice weapons which prevented the organisation from effectively dealing against the French resistance. Despite the German occupation of the ‘Free Zone’, the Vichy officials firmly refused Hitler’s demands to declare war on Britain.

(Image: France during German occupation, prior to November 1942.)

The Cabinet is led by Philippe Pétain, as Head of the French State. Although Pétain is a World War I war hero, since Germany occupied the south of France, he is seen by most to be merely a puppet of the German leaders. Pierre Laval, a prominent French politician serves as the 1st Chief of Government (equivalent to Prime Minister). Joseph Darnard also joins the cabinet as head of the Milice, which although aligned with the Vichy government, is now independent with close ties with the Germans. Rene Bousquet is the Secretary- General of the French Police. is the current Vichy Secretary of State for Information and Propaganda and also assists part-time with the Milice. Eugène Bridoux is the Cabinet’s Minister of War and is reportedly extremely loyal to the Germans. Pierre Cathala is the Minister of Finance and the National Economy. He is a long-time friend of Laval. Joseph Barthelemy joins the Cabinet as Minister of Justice. Once a critic of Nazi Germany, Barthelemy’s complicated anti-communist views and pacifist nature led him to the collaborationist stand point that he has today. Jean Bichelonne is the Vichy government’s Minister of Labour, Communication, and Industrial Production. His current situation is made difficult by the recent introduction of the Service du Travail Obligatoire (STO), which is affecting France’s industrial capacity. Lucien Romier is the Vichy Minister of State who is close to Pétain. Aside from his political career, Romier is also a journalist with a good network within the industry. Max Bonnafous is the Minister and Secretary of State for Agriculture and Supplies. Although farmers are currently exempt from STOs oppression, the future for French farmers and the food supply remains uncertain. Abel Bonnard serves as the Minister of Education, he is a supporter of promoting more cultural ties between France and Germany. The Minister of Family and Health is Raymond Grasset, who was previously a practicing physician. The continuous toll of the war on the French makes his job considerably harder.

The Vichy regime is full of some unsavoury figures including Pierre Bonny, a corrupt cop that works for the French , also known as the Carlingue. Bonny is notorious in his pursuit of members of the French Resistance. Joining him in the Carlingue is Pierre Loutrel, also known as ‘Crazy Pete’. Prior to the War, Loutrel was a prominent black market criminal and it’s not clear whether he has changed his ways.

13 The final addition to the Cabinet is Otto Abetz, the German Ambassador to the Vichy who has a complicated relationship with the German authorities.

14 Cabinet B: The French Resistance The French Resistance is composed of a wide variety of groups from different socioeconomic classes, political leanings and ideologies as well as different personal affiliations. By March 1943, some progress was made towards unification of the Resistance. However, these alliances remain tentative and not all Resistance groups are pro-unification. The Cabinet will have to balance their differences to come up with an effective plan against their common enemies.

(Image: The Lorraine cross, which was picked by Charles de Gaulle to symbolise the Resistance)

Jean Moulin serves as the Chair of the Cabinet, although he is currently in London as part of his role as liaison with the French Government in Exile.

MUR (Mouvements Unis de Résistance or United Resistance Movement)

The MUR consisted of Franc-Tireur, Liberation and Combat, it is currently the largest collection of Resistance supporters in France.

Charles Tillon is the military leader of the Francs-Tireurs et Partisans Français which was made up of mostly communists due to its origins in the PCF (the Communist Party of France). Jacques Duclos also joins the Cabinet in his role as the Interim leader of the PCF.

Claude Bourdet is also one of the leaders of MUR, by virtue of being leader of Combat, one of the constituent organisations. Since the German occupation of the South of France, Combat has gone underground and increased their secrecy and security protocols to deal with increasing threat from the Gestapo. Georges Bidault is the representative of the Christian-Democrats. He also organises the underground press and the Combat underground newspaper after being recruited to do so by Moulin.

Christian Pineau is the leader of Liberation Nord, based in the North of France. He is a close friend of Charles de Gaulle. The resistance group is mostly composed of French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) members. Previously a journalist and a politician, Pascal Copeau is the interim leader of Liberation’s South operations. Andre le Troquer is the representative of the SFIO in France.

Other Resistance Groups

Andre Boyer is the leader of the Brutus network which was set up at the behest of Charles de Gaulle with members of the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO). The Brutus Network is specifically focused on intelligence gathering.

15 Jacques Arthuys sits in the Cabinet as the leader of the Organisation civile et militaire (OCM, "Civil and military organization"). The OCM operates primarily in the North of France. Although previously a right-wing idealist, Arthuys came to strongly oppose the Nazis, resulting in his founding of his resistance movement.

Roger Coquion leads a smaller, but pro-unification movement called the Ceux de la Liberation. Jacques Lecompte-Boinet leads another movement called Ceux de la Résistance" (CDLR), although his stance on unification remains unclear so far. The CDLR operates in the North of France.

Abbe Pierre is a French Catholic priest and and a leader of a section of the Maquis, the guerilla fighter wing of the French Resistance.

Marc Rucart is the representative of the Radical Socialist Party and a member of a Freemasons resistance movement. He is known to be generally pro-unification.

Joseph Laniel is the Representative of the Democratic Alliance (moderate and secular right-wing group). He has previously voted to give Philippe Pétain full powers before becoming more of a supporter of the Resistance, but some members still do not fully trust him.

Jacques Debu-Bridel is the representative for the Republican Federation (conservative and catholic right-wing group). He is also the writer and director for the publishing of the Front National’s publication. Useful Espionage Principles Although this isn’t specifically an intelligence crisis, the nature of the Resistance means that you might find some of these useful when writing directives. ‘Agent handler’ would typically be a member of the SOE or OSS and these tactics would be relevant when executing Resistance operations or meeting Allied intelligence officers.

There are two forms of agent communication: impersonal and personal. Personal contact covers things like meetings, recognition meetings as well as communication through a cut-out (trusted intermediary) or transmission points.

In order to improve the security of meetings, multiple intelligence officers can be potentially used to help detect potential surveillance. Public places serve as best meeting points as appearances there can be easily backed up by cover stories. Restaurants and crowded streets are suitable for short meetings whilst hotels and motels are more suitable for longer meetings that are sometimes necessary if the agent needs to be trained by the case officer in the use of technology or general tradecraft.

The route of access to a meeting point is also very important. Defining a route of access allows for signals to be posted along that route. Knowing and detecting these signals can alert both parties that a meeting has been cancelled. This can also be done with the help of electronic measures in cases where it is the case officer and not the agent that is under surveillance.

16 The exact route that allows an agent to detect surveillance is called a Surveillance Detection Route (SDR). Often, these can take as long as 12 hours before a meeting. As a rule of thumb, a case officer has to leave for a meeting at least three hours before the scheduled time.

Along an SDR, there have to be several stops which can be used as an excuse to naturally change course and return to the point of departure to make another attempt at leaving. It is often quite hard to detect surveillance, but vigilance on the street can help an intelligence officer spot it. Surveillance comes in several forms, often there are surveillance cars / operatives stationed along routes that the counterintelligence believes will be used by the operative. Officers and agents should look out for re- appearance of cars and people no matter what route they take. Sometimes, counter- intelligence officers that follow targets on foot even change clothing. In those cases, it’s good to try and take note of items that cannot be easily changed, like shoes, for example. Being able to disappear into a crowd is an essential skill when losing surveillance, so thinking about your own attire is also a good idea.

Personal communication also includes communication through cut-outs, covert messengers tasked with passing on documents or information from the officer to the agent.

Recognition signals are essential tools for handling sources and meeting other agents. A clever system of recognition signals can do more than help you identify a target; it can even communicate simple messages. Recognition signals are essential for recognition meetings which are in turn essential for any subsequent agent handling operations. Although some Officers would have previously met the agents they are handling, some operations require multiple agents and actions done through cut-outs and it is at those stages that the use of these signals is necessary.

In essence, a recognition signal should be something that would make you or your target, easily identifiable to those that are looking for those particular signals, whilst not seeming out of place for a casual onlooker or passer-by. When coming up with recognition signals, it is important to think about what sort of environment they will be used in.

Final main form of personal communication is the use of live drops. Operators of live drops are also cut-outs and are typically owners or senior employees in small businesses. An agent or an operative would deposit documents in the live-drop site and then post a signal so their counterpart can retrieve the documents.

Impersonal communication is more technologically challenging, especially when radio communication is involved, but - when done properly - it is a lot more secure. Besides radio, there are lots of other forms of impersonal communication like the use of the telephone, postal services, signal posting, dead-drops, and the press services.

For communication within small operating areas shortwave communication can be used. The radius for those is quite short, so there are decreased chances of being intercepted by counterintelligence services. That risk, however, still exists. For the purposes of this crisis, we will assume that all radio communication is encrypted unless otherwise stated. This makes this form of communication very secure. In order to

17 establish agent communication over ultra-shortwave (V. H. F.) radio sets, a timetable for communications has to be agreed upon between the agent and the handling officer.

Dead drops are hidden locations where operational materials and other secret items are deposited by either the agent or the handler and then retrieved by their counterpart. There are some obvious advantages to this as no personal contact means more work for the counterintelligence services and less risk of discovery. In case of need, multiple officers can operate a dead-drop site, also without necessarily knowing the local language or previously meeting the agent. Like with radio use, pre-agreed schedules are essential for organising this type of communication.

However, dead drops are also outside of the control of the concerned parties for a period of time, which makes the dead-drop site easy to compromise if it’s not prepared properly or left for too long. Good stationary dead-drop locations include public parks and other natural environments where objects can be hidden in trees in public monuments or even hidden in the ground. Stationary dead-drop sites are typically only used once.

Portable dead-drop sites are often hidden in plain sight. Documents and materials can be disguised in used packaging and even building materials like pieces of wood. Where there is access to metal structures, magnetic containers can also be used. When using portable dead-drop sites, it is essential to minimise the window between deposit and collection and to make sure it won’t be otherwise moved (by rubbish collectors, for example).

18 References Trueman, C.N. "The French Resistance" historylearningsite.co.uk. The History Learning Site, 18 May 2015. 11 Feb 2020.

Crowdy, Terry (2007). French Resistance Fighter: France's Secret Army (PDF). Oxford: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84603-076-5.

Ousby, Ian (2000) [1999]. Occupation: The Ordeal of France, 1940–1944. New York: Cooper Square Press. ISBN 978-0712665131.

Parker, Philip. The Cold War Spy Pocket Manual: The official field-manuals for spycraft, espionage and counterintelligence. Pool of London Press.

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