The British Left Intelligentsia and France Perceptions and Interactions 1930-1944
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France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
Nancy Wilson Ross
Nancy Wilson Ross: An Inventory of Her Papers at the Harry Ransom Center Descriptive Summary Creator: Ross, Nancy Wilson, 1901-1986 Title: Nancy Wilson Ross Papers Dates: 1913-1986 Extent: 261.5 document boxes, 12 flat boxes, 18 card boxes, 7 galley folders (138 linear feet) Abstract: The papers of this American writer encompass her entire literary career and include manuscript drafts, extensive correspondence, and subject files reflecting her interest in Eastern cultures. Call Number: Manuscript Collection MS-03616 Language: English Access Open for research Administrative Information Acquisition Purchase, 1972 (R5717) Provenance Ross's first shipment of materials to the Ransom Center accompanied her husband Stanley Young's papers, and consisted of Ross's literary output to 1975, including manuscripts, publications, and research materials. The second, posthumous shipment contained manuscripts created since 1974, and all her correspondence, personal, and financial files, as well as files concerning the estate of Stanley Young. Processed by Rufus Lund, 1992-93; completed by Joan Sibley, 1994 Processing note: Materials from the 1975 and 1986 shipments are grouped following Ross's original order, with the exception of pre-1970, special, and current correspondence which were interfiled during processing. An index of selected correspondents follows at the end of this inventory. Repository: Harry Ransom Center, The University of Texas at Austin Ross, Nancy Wilson, 1901-1986 Manuscript Collection MS-03616 2 Ross, Nancy Wilson, 1901-1986 Manuscript Collection MS-03616 Biographical Sketch Nancy Wilson was born in Olympia, Washington, on November 22, 1901. She graduated from the University of Oregon in 1924, and married Charles W. -
The Attlee Governments
Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensa- tion, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confi- dence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin, outraged at their plotting and disloyalty. Bevin apparently hated Morrison, and thought of him as ‘a scheming little bastard’.3 Certainly he thought Morrison’s conduct in the past had been ‘devious and unreliable’.4 It was to be particularly irksome for Bevin that it was Morrison who eventually replaced him as Foreign Secretary in 1951. The Attlee government not only generated great excitement on the left at the time, but since has also attracted more attention from academics than any other period of Labour history. Foreign policy is a case in point. The foreign policy of the Attlee government is attractive to study because it spans so many politically and historically significant issues. To start with, this period was unique in that it was the first time that there was a majority Labour government in British political history, with a clear mandate and programme of reform. Whereas the two minority Labour governments of the inter-war period had had to rely on support from the Liberals to pass legislation, this time Labour had power as well as office. -
Crossing the Floor Roy Douglas a Failure of Leadership Liberal Defections 1918–29 Senator Jerry Grafstein Winston Churchill As a Liberal J
Journal of Issue 25 / Winter 1999–2000 / £5.00 Liberal DemocratHISTORY Crossing the Floor Roy Douglas A Failure of Leadership Liberal Defections 1918–29 Senator Jerry Grafstein Winston Churchill as a Liberal J. Graham Jones A Breach in the Family Megan and Gwilym Lloyd George Nick Cott The Case of the Liberal Nationals A re-evaluation Robert Maclennan MP Breaking the Mould? The SDP Liberal Democrat History Group Issue 25: Winter 1999–2000 Journal of Liberal Democrat History Political Defections Special issue: Political Defections The Journal of Liberal Democrat History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group 3 Crossing the floor ISSN 1463-6557 Graham Lippiatt Liberal Democrat History Group Editorial The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of 5 Out from under the umbrella historical topics, particularly those relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Tony Little Party and the SDP. The Group organises The defection of the Liberal Unionists discussion meetings and publishes the Journal and other occasional publications. 15 Winston Churchill as a Liberal For more information, including details of publications, back issues of the Journal, tape Senator Jerry S. Grafstein records of meetings and archive and other Churchill’s career in the Liberal Party research sources, see our web site: www.dbrack.dircon.co.uk/ldhg. 18 A failure of leadership Hon President: Earl Russell. Chair: Graham Lippiatt. Roy Douglas Liberal defections 1918–29 Editorial/Correspondence Contributions to the Journal – letters, 24 Tory cuckoos in the Liberal nest? articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles Nick Cott submitted will be reviewed. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
The Algerian War, European Integration and the Decolonization of French Socialism
Brian Shaev, University Lecturer, Institute for History, Leiden University The Algerian War, European Integration, and the Decolonization of French Socialism Published in: French Historical Studies 41, 1 (February 2018): 63-94 (Copyright French Historical Studies) Available at: https://read.dukeupress.edu/french-historical-studies/article/41/1/63/133066/The-Algerian- War-European-Integration-and-the https://doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254619 Note: This post-print is slightly different from the published version. Abstract: This article takes up Todd Shepard’s call to “write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration” by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party’s European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France’s colonies during the Algerian War. The war split socialists who favored the European communities into multiple parties, in which they cooperated with allies who did not support European integration. French socialist internationalism became a casualty of the Algerian War. In the decolonization of the French Socialist Party, support for European integration declined and internationalism largely vanished as a guiding principle of French socialism. Cet article adresse l’appel de Todd Shepard à «écrire à la fois l’histoire de la guerre d’Algérie et l’histoire de l'intégration européenne» en examinant le Parti socialiste. L’internationalisme socialiste, basé sur une analyse de l’histoire européenne, dénonça le nationalisme et exalta le supranationalisme. -
The Creative Process
The Creative Process THE SEARCH FOR AN AUDIO-VISUAL LANGUAGE AND STRUCTURE SECOND EDITION by John Howard Lawson Preface by Jay Leyda dol HILL AND WANG • NEW YORK www.johnhowardlawson.com Copyright © 1964, 1967 by John Howard Lawson All rights reserved Library of Congress catalog card number: 67-26852 Manufactured in the United States of America First edition September 1964 Second edition November 1967 www.johnhowardlawson.com To the Association of Film Makers of the U.S.S.R. and all its members, whose proud traditions and present achievements have been an inspiration in the preparation of this book www.johnhowardlawson.com Preface The masters of cinema moved at a leisurely pace, enjoyed giving generalized instruction, and loved to abandon themselves to reminis cence. They made it clear that they possessed certain magical secrets of their profession, but they mentioned them evasively. Now and then they made lofty artistic pronouncements, but they showed a more sincere interest in anecdotes about scenarios that were written on a cuff during a gay supper.... This might well be a description of Hollywood during any period of its cultivated silence on the matter of film-making. Actually, it is Leningrad in 1924, described by Grigori Kozintsev in his memoirs.1 It is so seldom that we are allowed to study the disclosures of a Hollywood film-maker about his medium that I cannot recall the last instance that preceded John Howard Lawson's book. There is no dearth of books about Hollywood, but when did any other book come from there that takes such articulate pride in the art that is-or was-made there? I have never understood exactly why the makers of American films felt it necessary to hide their methods and aims under blankets of coyness and anecdotes, the one as impenetrable as the other. -
La Règle Du Jeu: France and the Paradox of Managed Globalization
La Règle du Jeu: France and the Paradox of Managed Globalization Rawi Abdelal Sophie Meunier Harvard Business School Princeton University [email protected] [email protected] To be presented at the Tenth Biennial Conference of the European Union Studies Association, Montreal, Canada, May 17‐19, 2007. We would like to thank Matthew Baldwin, Pascal Lamy, and Hubert Védrine for sharing their views with us. Thanks also to Suzanne Berger, Jean‐Francois Brakeland, Peter Katzenstein, and Nicolas Véron for their comments on an earlier version of this paper. All errors, of course, remain ours. A previous version of this paper was presented at the 2006 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 30th‐September 3, 2006. La Règle du Jeu: France and the Paradox of Managed Globalization Abstract Globalization is often portrayed as a tidal wave that originated in the US and its policy of laissez‐faire liberalization. This paper argues, however, that globalization is not made only by striking down regulations, but also by making them. During the 1980s, French policy makers began to develop the doctrine of “managed globalization,” or what World Trade Organization (WTO) head Pascal Lamy calls today “globalization by the rules.” Central to the doctrine has been the French – and European – effort to make rules and build the capacity of international organizations such as the European Union (EU), Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), International Monetary Fund (IMF), and WTO. These organizations then would have the authority to govern commercial and financial globalization. These organizations, however, have also used this capacity to promote liberalization. -
Kiss Me Deadly: Communism, Motherhood, and Cold War Movies Author(S): Michael Rogin Source: Representations, No
Kiss Me Deadly: Communism, Motherhood, and Cold War Movies Author(s): Michael Rogin Source: Representations, No. 6 (Spring, 1984), pp. 1-36 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2928536 Accessed: 04-03-2015 22:18 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Representations. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 169.234.53.127 on Wed, 04 Mar 2015 22:18:06 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MICHAEL ROGIN Kiss Me Deadly: Communism,Motherhood, and Cold War Movies* I THE HISTORY of demonologyin Americanpolitics comprises three major moments.The firstis racial. "Historybegins for us withmurder and enslavement,not with discovery," wrote William Carlos Williams.' He wascalling attentionto thehistorical origins of theUnited States in violenceagainst peoples of color.The expropriationof Indianland and exploitationof blacklabor lie at theroot not only of America's economic development, but of its political conflicts and culturalidentity as well.A distinctiveAmerican political tradition, fearful of primitivism,disorder, and conspiracy,developed in responseto peoplesof color. That traditiondraws its energy from alien threatsto the Americanway of life, and sanctionsviolent and exclusionaryresponses to them.2 Classand ethnicconflict define the second demonological moment. -
Education and Politics in the British Armed Forces in the Second World War*
PENELOPE SUMMERFIELD EDUCATION AND POLITICS IN THE BRITISH ARMED FORCES IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR* Several eminent Conservatives, including Winston Churchill, believed that wartime schemes of education in the Armed Forces caused servicemen to vote Labour at the Election of 1945. For instance, R. A. Butler wrote: "The Forces' vote in particular had been virtually won over by the left- wing influence of the Army Bureau of Current Affairs."1 So frequently was this view stated that ABCA became a scapegoat for Tory defeat.2 By no means all servicemen voted. 64% put their names on a special Service Register in November 1944, and 37% (just over half of those who registered) actually voted by post or proxy in July 1945, a total of 1,701,000. Research into the Election in the soldiers' home constituencies, where their votes were recorded, suggests that they made little difference to the outcome of the election.3 But the Tories' assumption that servicemen voted Labour is borne out. McCallum and Readman indicate that their vote confirmed, though it did not cause, the swing to Labour in the con- stituencies, and those with memories of the separate count made of the servicemen's ballot papers recall that it was overwhelmingly left-wing, e.g., Labour in the case of Reading, where Ian Mikardo was candidate.4 * I should like to thank all those who were kind enough to talk to me about their experiences on active service or in the War Office, some of which have been quoted, but all of which have been helpful in writing this paper. -
The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2016 The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason Timothy Scott Johnson The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1424 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN THE FRENCH-ALGERIAN WAR (1954-1962): HISTORICAL ANALOGY AND THE LIMITS OF FRENCH HISTORICAL REASON By Timothy Scott Johnson A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2016 © 2016 TIMOTHY SCOTT JOHNSON All Rights Reserved ii The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason by Timothy Scott Johnson This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in History in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Richard Wolin, Distinguished Professor of History, The Graduate Center, CUNY _______________________ _______________________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee _______________________ -
Two New Studies Challenge Received Opinions About How the Soviet
First Films of the Holocaust: Soviet Cinema and the Genocide of the Jews, 1938–1946, Jeremy Hicks (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2012), iii + 300 pp., pbk. $28.95. The Phantom Holocaust: Soviet Cinema and Jewish Catastrophe,Olga Gershenson (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2013), ii + 276 pp., pbk. $29.25, electronic version available. Two new studies challenge received opinions about how the Soviet Union represented the persecution and mass murder of the Jews before, during, and after the “Great Patriotic War.” Many standard histories of World War II and its aftermath in the USSR—Alexander Werth’s classic Russia at War (1964), Amir Weiner’s Making Sense of War (2001), and Yitzhak Arad’s recent The Holocaust in the Soviet Union (2009) are representative examples—underscore the ambivalence, indeed, the outright hos- tility, of Soviet authorities toward singling out Jews as the Nazis’ particular targets. Candid reports or allusions to the slaughter did appear initially in official pronounce- ments and major news outlets, but they soon became infrequent and increasingly vague; Jewish victims were routinely described only as “peaceful Soviet citizens,” their ethnic identities suppressed. Accounts of the Nazis’ killing of Jews were relegated to small-circulation Yiddish newspapers such as Einikayt, sponsored by the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee. The reasons for this suppression of terrible truths were complex. The Communists were, ostensibly, ideologically opposed to differentiating among civilian victims of different national groups, even as they ranked these groups according to their alleged contributions to the defense against the German onslaught.1 Given the extent of civilian deaths, they also feared alienating other ethnic communities.