Battle the Balkan·S

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Battle the Balkan·S ' - ) LET OFFIC There are two possibilities. One is a part and parcel of the democratic war itself South Slav Federation comp?sed of Serbs, and that they can be of help not only in Croats, Slovenes and Bulgarians with which shortening the war greatly but in solving the other Balkan nations-Rumania, Greece a variety of problems. and Albania - would collaborate. Russia, In the matter of the terrible devastatiqn The which qoes not look sympathetically on the wrought by fascist Italian troops in the Bal­ idea of any bloc federated on the basis of kans or by satellite Bulgarian fascist groups, regionalism, favors this possibility. The the round table has agreed it is vital that other solution is a Balkan Federation, with full restitution be made· for the devastated all the Balkan peoples participating and areas. You have concurred in recommend­ BATTLE renouncing their small nationalisms in .a ing that all resources (particularly those bf federated state within a democratic frame- the Axis nations) be po9led in order· to re­ work, each country ret.aining a ~ imited .establish prosperity and help·the victimized sovereignty. The great powers must' not peoples to cope with the problems of divide the Balkan community into spheres disease, ruined property and so forth. ·for of influence; a united democratic, inde- In the matter of boundary problems the pendent community of the Balkan peoples members of the round table were of the would constitute the firmest of links be- unanimous belief that those areas which tween Russia and the rest of Europe. have ·been occupied by the Axis countries THE BALKAN·S Dolivet - May I now submit the conclu- and which have suffered so terribly from sions we have reached? The round table the enemy should be returned immediately. has, ·first of all, agreed that we must devise In other cases where there is disagreement a more precise definition of the term "Bal- about boundari'es a complete transforma­ kans," a term that up to now has been tion, both of the political philosophy and wrongly identified with a regime of corrup- of the machinery and the men responsible, tion, disorganization, inefficiency. -In reality is vital if the purposes for which we are MAR there have at times been extremely strong waging war are not to be endangered. Meas­ 9 ~ :J44 tendencies toward national independence 'in ures' must be taken which respect the will the Balkan countries; but there, as else- of the majority of the people in th9se terri­ I.. where, a minority composed of reactionary, tories before fascist usurpations. · - anti-popular forces has been able (with the You have concurred in thinking it would help in some cases of foreign powers) to be highly desirable to entrust the solution impose its regime on the people. of those problems to the democratic, pro- A ROUND TABLE The round table held divergent views gressive forces-because there is a concrete on the influence which those interventions prospect that these progressive forces can LOUIS ADAMIC • LOUIS DOLIVET • JOSEF HANC by foreign powers have had. Some members solve the problems; whereas the nationalists /. SAVA N. KOSANOVICH • BOGDAN RADITSA of the round table believe they were a will never be able to solve them because primary factor in the establishment of reac- as their point of departure they take mys­ GAETANO SALVEMINI• VICTOR SHARENKOFF tionary regimes, whereas others among you tical conceptions which in the end might ' RUSTEM VAMBERY • BASIL VLA VI.ANOS believe that these interventions were not lead to permanent conflicts. decisive.,-that within the various. countries Finally, the members of the round table J. ALVAREZ DEL VAYO th~re were local forces responsible for the have agreed that neither the Balkan coun­ establishment of reactionary regimes. tries nor the other peoples of Europe wil,l But the. round table was in complete permit Soviet Russia or any other country agreement that the United Nations must to be isolated .by a cordon sanitaire. begin now to deal with the various ~ibera- They are convinced it is to the interest tion movements; for they ·are our sole guar- of the Balkan countries to develop the full­ antee that democratic governments can be es.t collaboration within the framework of established in the Balkans and that the dif- European democratic unity and within a ferent boundary and other problems which world organization; and that there should may arise will be solved in line with dem- be full cooperation with the major United Reprinted from the November 1943 Issue of the ocratic principles and w~th the full agree- Nations powers, on a basis of equality. mc;;~eofm~~~~~~re~~e~:ee~~~-d table are. Adamic-1 want to congratulate you on FR~E WORLD .MAGAZINE · the splendid way in which you have sum- agreed about the grave danger growmg marized the discussion. I should also like for the United Committee of South-Slavic Americans out of the fear of revolution shown by. some of the major powers within the United you to note that Mr. Salvemini and I feel 1010 Park Avenue, New York 28, New York . Nations. The members are also agreed that that the problem· of the proper boundary · h b · line between Italy and Yugoslavia is thrown democratic revo1 uuons ave ecome in- evitable and indispensable - that they are open to discussion. 16 Dolivet-Would you agree with ROUND ESSENTIAL FINDINGS THE this, Mr. Vlavianos? Basil Vlavianos-In so far as . For many years the word "Balkans" has been used the Balkan spirl.t is identified TABLE I derogatively with the implication of corruption, dis­ with the . spirit of fighting for order and anarchy. In reality the Balkan peoples have liberty. That is the essence of set amazing examples of heroic battle for the prin- BATTLE No. 20 . ciples of freedom and independence. Therefore a re­ the Balkan spirit. It is also definition of the term "Balkan," in the sense of its identified with Balkan troubles real meaning, is necessary. because various powers have al­ ROM inside and outside FOR THE ways considered the Balkans as The overwhelming majority of the Balkan peoples the Balkans powerful Allied 2 were and are in favor of truly democratic regimes but falling within their sphere of forces are closing in on the up to now they have been oppressed by tyrannicar influence. minorities who have often received help from outside F Axis armies. Almost daily in­ Ad,amic...:... I should like to add powers. side.the Balkans the splendid guerrilla a little to the definition of the and partisan groups are striking at The most important pro-United Nations forces in the Balkan spirit. I believe that the the enemy with a courage and de­ 3 Balkans are the vari9us liberation and underground Balkan spirit is now coming to · termination unsurpassed in history. movements, composed of men of all shades of political a head and that it is much more conviction. Without distinction of race or nationality From the outside the powerful Soviet, they are fighting not only against the Axis and satellite T OUIS DOLIVET-The Balkans will concrete than it used to be. Formerly there Br·itish and Americ_an Armies ·a..re regimes but for the freedom of the Balkans and for L undoubtedly play an important role was a great deal of nebulous thinking about social transformation in line with the interests of the in any peace settlement on the Euro­ liberty and so forth. Now, I believe, that daily closing a _ring of steel around majority of the people. the Nazis. Therefore no subject pean Continent. I wish Mr. Kosanovich idea is becoming concrete in that the Balkan would start the ball rolling. nations want to withdraw the peoples and seemed more appropriate to the Edi- The liberation movements and armies are composed of the lands of the Balkans from the grasp and , .. tors of FREE WoRLD than the "Battle 4 p~asants, workers and intellectuals and include various Sava N. Kosanovich-}'ugoslavia is the kinds of political forces, ranging from . democratic and mOfit interesting part of the Balkans. I be­ from the interplay of the imperialistic pow­ for the Balkans." That is why we socialist groups to Communists. have invited reptesentative demo­ lieve the fact that Yugoslavia has been fight­ ers, whether they are ·Axis or not.· ing the occupation for more than two years Dolivet-May I ask Mr. Salvemini's opin­ . cratic leaders and experts on the The liberation movements are opposed to any cordon , Balkan question to participate in a sanitaire directed against Soviet Russia or any other is the expression of the true Balkan spirit. ion on this subject? power. They want, on the contrary, the full cooperation Gaetano Salvemini:-The Balkan peoples thoroughgoing discussion of the vari- Dolivet-What do you call the true Bal­ of all the United Nation powers, on a basis of equality. kan spirit? have, no doubt, fought for liberty if by ous aspects of the Balkan. problem. Kosanovich-It is a big mistake to use liberty one means natio;nal independence On behalf of FREE WORLD\ Louis Do­ All the territories taken over by the Axis and satellite the word "Balkanization" derogatively. It from the Turks. In their national revolts livet presided. 6 regimes must be returned to the peoples to whom they . is an offense against peoples who for cen­ against the Turks they set a matvelous e.x7 Those who took part in the discus- belong; and the fate of those areas. which are con~ested must be decided in accordance with the free· will of turies fought for liberty. The Balkan ample to all of Europe.
Recommended publications
  • The Balkan Entente in Turkish-Yugoslav Relations
    Middle Eastern Studies ISSN: 0026-3206 (Print) 1743-7881 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić To cite this article: Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić (2016) The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective, Middle Eastern Studies, 52:6, 1011-1024, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 Published online: 18 Aug 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 113 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmes20 Download by: [Koc University] Date: 16 January 2017, At: 00:18 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES, 2016 VOL. 52, NO. 6, 1011À1024 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 The Balkan Entente in TurkishÀYugoslav relations (1934À41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlasa and Anđelko Vlasicb aDepartment of History, Koc¸ University, _Istanbul, Turkey; bCroatian Institute of History, Branch for the History of Slavonia, Syrmia and Baranya, Slavonski Brod, Croatia Most of the works written in Turkey on the formation of the Balkan Entente in 1934 and its effects on the region reflect the Turkish perspective. This perspective intended to glorify the role of Turkey, by emphasizing how Ankara initiated such a pact and was able to con- vince other Balkan countries to participate in its establishment. In other words, the Turkish perspective underlined how Ankara’s policy was driven not by self-interest, but by the interests of all Balkan countries during the formation of the Balkan Entente.1 However, in other Balkan countries, there exist more nuanced views of the Balkan Entente and the Turkish role in its formation.
    [Show full text]
  • France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
    France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so.
    [Show full text]
  • Nancy Wilson Ross
    Nancy Wilson Ross: An Inventory of Her Papers at the Harry Ransom Center Descriptive Summary Creator: Ross, Nancy Wilson, 1901-1986 Title: Nancy Wilson Ross Papers Dates: 1913-1986 Extent: 261.5 document boxes, 12 flat boxes, 18 card boxes, 7 galley folders (138 linear feet) Abstract: The papers of this American writer encompass her entire literary career and include manuscript drafts, extensive correspondence, and subject files reflecting her interest in Eastern cultures. Call Number: Manuscript Collection MS-03616 Language: English Access Open for research Administrative Information Acquisition Purchase, 1972 (R5717) Provenance Ross's first shipment of materials to the Ransom Center accompanied her husband Stanley Young's papers, and consisted of Ross's literary output to 1975, including manuscripts, publications, and research materials. The second, posthumous shipment contained manuscripts created since 1974, and all her correspondence, personal, and financial files, as well as files concerning the estate of Stanley Young. Processed by Rufus Lund, 1992-93; completed by Joan Sibley, 1994 Processing note: Materials from the 1975 and 1986 shipments are grouped following Ross's original order, with the exception of pre-1970, special, and current correspondence which were interfiled during processing. An index of selected correspondents follows at the end of this inventory. Repository: Harry Ransom Center, The University of Texas at Austin Ross, Nancy Wilson, 1901-1986 Manuscript Collection MS-03616 2 Ross, Nancy Wilson, 1901-1986 Manuscript Collection MS-03616 Biographical Sketch Nancy Wilson was born in Olympia, Washington, on November 22, 1901. She graduated from the University of Oregon in 1924, and married Charles W.
    [Show full text]
  • Evanthis Hatzivassiliou Greek-Yugoslav Relations Is A
    Evanthis Hatzivassiliou From Adversity to Alliance: Greece, Yugoslavia and Balkan Strategy, 1944-1959 Greek-Yugoslav relations is a subject of pivotal importance for understanding the shaping of twentieth century Balkan balances. In the post-war period this relationship became even more interesting: Greece and Yugoslavia had radically different political, economic and social systems; they were bitterly divided in 1944-1948, but then they norma­ lized relations, participated in a Balkan alliance together with Turkey, and when this alliance broke down, they continued their co-operation on a bilateral basis. In this paper it will be argued that the factor which divi­ ded Greece and Yugoslavia in 1944-1948 was not ideology, but strate­ gy; and it was strategy that brought them closer after Tito’s split with Stalin. After 1948 both countries shaped their policy on the basis of a mild realism, and their relationship was dominated by their perception of their respective national interests. In this paper, emphasis will be placed on Greek perceptions and assessments, but Yugoslav views will also be mentioned. I During the inter-war period Greece’s major problem with Yugo­ slavia derived from the latter’s great size: Belgrade was a powerful neighbour, capable of pressing Athens and of attracting support from the great powers, mainly France. At that time Greece was afraid of Yugo­ slavia’s hegemonist tendencies in the Balkans, as well as of its desire to pose as the protector of the Slav-speaking minority of Greece and as a suitor for the port of Thessaloniki. It was clear that, facing Bulgarian revisionism, it would be impossible for Athens to resist pressures from both its northern neighbours; this was why the possibility of a Bulgarian- Yugoslav rapprochement was the nightmare scenario of the Athens policy-makers'.
    [Show full text]
  • YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation
    YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation Svetozar Rajak Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London February 2004 UMI Number: U615474 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615474 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ” OF POUTICAL «, AN0 pi Th ^ s^ s £ £2^>3 ^7&2io 2 ABSTRACT The thesis chronologically presents the slow improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, starting with Stalin’s death on 5 March 1953, through their full normalization in 1955 and 1956, to the renewed ideological confrontation at the end of 1956. The normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations brought to an end a conflict between Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, in existence since 1948, which threatened the status quo in Europe. The thesis represents the first effort at comprehensively presenting the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, between 1953 and 1957. It will also explain the motives that guided the leaderships of the two countries, in particular the two main protagonists, Josip Broz Tito and Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, throughout this process.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Role in the Western Balkans
    SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Alida Vračić Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans RP 11 December 2016 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2016 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They reflect the views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3­4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-200 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 This research and its publi- cation have been enabled by the generous support of Stiftung Mercator, Essen. Table of Contents 5 Issues and Conclusions 7 Turkey’s Comeback in the Balkans 12 Turkey’s Economy and Non-state Actors in the Western Balkans 15 Turkish Military in the Balkans 18 Countries of Particular Interest to Turkey 18 Bosnia and Herzegovina 22 Kosovo 24 Macedonia 27 Can Old Animosities Die? Serbia-Turkey Relations 30 Turkey’s Activism as Seen from the Balkans 32 Western Balkans – EU’s Forgotten Post? 33 Outlook 34 Abbreviations Alida Vračić is IPC-Stiftung Mercator Fellow 2015/2016 at SWP Issues and Conclusions Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans For the past two decades, Turkey has been rediscover- ing the Balkans. The end of the Cold War and the dis- solution of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the subsequent violence were decisive points in Turkish foreign policy. New openings toward southeast Europe and the creation of new states greatly transformed the foreign policy strategies of Turkey, which was aiming for far-reaching political impact.
    [Show full text]
  • From the Tito-Stalin Split to Yugoslavia's Finnish Connection: Neutralism Before Non-Alignment, 1948-1958
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: FROM THE TITO-STALIN SPLIT TO YUGOSLAVIA'S FINNISH CONNECTION: NEUTRALISM BEFORE NON-ALIGNMENT, 1948-1958. Rinna Elina Kullaa, Doctor of Philosophy 2008 Directed By: Professor John R. Lampe Department of History After the Second World War the European continent stood divided between two clearly defined and competing systems of government, economic and social progress. Historians have repeatedly analyzed the formation of the Soviet bloc in the east, the subsequent superpower confrontation, and the resulting rise of Euro-Atlantic interconnection in the west. This dissertation provides a new view of how two borderlands steered clear of absorption into the Soviet bloc. It addresses the foreign relations of Yugoslavia and Finland with the Soviet Union and with each other between 1948 and 1958. Narrated here are their separate yet comparable and, to some extent, coordinated contests with the Soviet Union. Ending the presumed partnership with the Soviet Union, the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 launched Yugoslavia on a search for an alternative foreign policy, one that previously began before the split and helped to provoke it. After the split that search turned to avoiding violent conflict with the Soviet Union while creating alternative international partnerships to help the Communist state to survive in difficult postwar conditions. Finnish-Soviet relations between 1944 and 1948 showed the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry that in order to avoid invasion, it would have to demonstrate a commitment to minimizing security risks to the Soviet Union along its European political border and to not interfering in the Soviet domination of domestic politics elsewhere in Eastern Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Book Reviews Ivan Lakovic and Dmitar Tasic, the Tito-Stalin Split
    Book Reviews Ivan Lakovic´ and Dmitar Tasic,´ The Tito-Stalin Split and Yugoslavia’s Military Opening toward the West, 1950–1954: In NATO’s Backyard. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2016. 285 pp. $95.00. Reviewed by Lorraine M. Lees, Old Dominion University The relationship that developed in the early 1950s between Communist Yugoslavia and the United States and its democratic allies is one of the more fascinating episodes of the Cold War. The break between Josip Broz Tito and Iosif Stalin in 1948 had not been foreseen by Western governments, but it provided the United States with an opportunity to pry open the Soviet bloc and demonstrate that Soviet imperialism, not Communism in and of itself, was a danger to the free world. Tito was an unusual and often reluctant partner in this endeavor, retaining his commitment to socialist principles and, above all, to his country’s survival. To secure the latter, he accepted U.S. military assistance and even appeared open to membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Over time, however, he forged a rapprochement with the USSR and soon became adept at balancing one power against the other. Rather than adhere to either bloc, Tito eventually emerged as one of the leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement, and by the late 1950s he moved away from some aspects of the relationship he had established with Western countries and with NATO. The rise and fall of the military relationship between Yugoslavia and NATO is the subject of this volume in the Harvard Cold War Studies Book Series by Ivan Lakovic´ and Dmitar Tasic.´ Lakovic´ is a research assistant at the Historical Institute of the University of Montenegro, and Tasic´ is a postdoctoral fellow at the Centre for War Studies, University College Dublin.
    [Show full text]
  • Nota Bene-- C:\JEH\VASSIL~1\NOTEBO~1
    White Notebook #3 1 Translation of original notes from KGB archival files by Alexander Vassiliev (1993-1996) Translated by Steve Shabad, reviewed and edited by Alexander Vassiliev and John Earl Haynes (2007) [Pagination and formatting track the handwritten original notebook. Phrases in English in the original are italicized. Phrases that were transliterated from English to Russian in the original are in Arial font. Marginal comments in the left margin are chiefly page numbers from the archival file while those in the right margin are Vassiliev’s topic designations, his own comments, or notes to himself. Endnotes were added in translation.] ******************************************************************************************************************* File 55298 “Robert” Undated report by Sound on Bruce Minton (“Informator”): Informator, p.20 Bruce’s primary contact – Gregory Silvermaster, an economist at the Treasury Dept. An expert Silvermaster on sociology, has a command of Russian. Lives with Ludwig Ullmann, who is a friend of his. the White trusts Silvermaster and often asks for his advice, especially on matters pertaining to the same S.U. p.21 9/X – 1940 A report on Bruce Minton was received from Sound. (Real name is Richard Informator Bransten1). Comes from a well-to-do California family; joined the CP during the Calif. strike of 1934. Moved to NY, worked at the mag. “New Masses.” Divorced Louise Bransten and married Ruth McKenney. p.22 On assignment from Browder, he issues the bulletin “In Fact” together with Seldes. At “New Masses” at the same time. Repetition. p.23 Bruce meets with S-ter on a daily basis; the latter informs him of Washinton news. p.29 Report by Sound from 31.03.42 [On the evening of 26.03, Sound met with Greg and his wife.
    [Show full text]
  • Education in Eastern Europe: the New Conservative Wave Tomas Kozma, Hungarian Institute for Educational Research
    Education in Eastern Europe: The New Conservative Wave Tomas Kozma, Hungarian Institute for Educational Research The "East-bloc countries" represent about one third of the population and about one half of the continent of Europe. Yet, since World War II until the mid-1980s, they were viewed by the Soviets, as well as by their own leaders, as "the member countries of the socialist camp". The other part of Europe echoed this view. They called Eastern Europe the "satellite countries" or simply "the Communist bloc". The events of the late 1980s surprised both East and West. The peoples of that remote part of the continent made it clear that they would not belong to "Eastern Europe" anymore - and also, that they did not necessarily want to be an appendage of the West. They are deeply committed to "Europe" in the French sense - a concept, used mainly by opposition movements like Romania Libera. Or they try to revive another concept that we thought had been buried forever, namely that of "Central Europe" - a German concept used by movements like the Hungarian Democratic Forum or the Slovenian Social Democrats. Renaming themselves is far more than a game of the intellectuals. it represents a crisis of legitimacy faced by both ruling parties and opposition forces in Eastern Europe today. The Soviet leadership does not support "the old guard" anymore. Those who have not built up any grassroot legacies will ultimately go. Others, like the Bulgarians or the Hungarians, may be experimenting with peaceful transitions, their public policies aimed at forming welfare states. They called themselves socialist states and insisted upon ideological monopoly.
    [Show full text]
  • Balcanica Xlii
    BALCANICA XLII BALCANICA XLII, Belgrade 2011, 1– 240 UDC 930.85(4–12) ISSN 0350–7653 SERBIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AND ARTS INSTITUTE FOR BALKAN STUDIES BALCANICA XLII ANNUAL OF THE INSTITUTE FOR BALKAN STUDIES Editor DUŠAN T. BATAKOVIĆ Editorial Board FRANCIS CONTE (Paris), DJORDJE S. KOSTIĆ, LJUBOMIR MAKSIMOVIĆ, DANICA POPOVIĆ, GABRIELLA SCHUBERT (Jena), BILJANA SIKIMIĆ, ANTHONY-EMIL TACHIAOS (Thessaloniki), NIKOLA TASIĆ (Director of the Institute for Balkan Studies), SVETLANA M. TOLSTAJA (Moscow) BELGRADE 2011 Publisher Institute for Balkan Studies Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts Belgrade, Knez Mihailova 35/IV www.balkaninstitut.com e-mail: [email protected] The origin of the Institute goes back to the Institut des Études balkaniques founded in Belgrade in 1934 as the only of the kind in the Balkans. The initiative came from King Alexander I Karadjordjević, while the Institute’s scholarly profile was created by Ratko Parežanin and Svetozar Spanaćević. The Institute published Revue internationale des Études balkaniques, which assembled most prominent European experts on the Balkans in various disciplines. Its work was banned by the Nazi occupation authorities in 1941. The Institute was not re-established until 1969, under its present-day name and under the auspices of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. It assembled a team of scholars to cover the Balkans from prehistory to the modern age and in a range of different fields of study, such as archaeology, ethnography, anthropology, history, culture, art, literature, law. This multidisciplinary approach remains its long-term orientation. Director of the Institute for Balkan Studies Nikola Tasić Volume XLII of the annual Balcanica is printed with financial support from the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Serbia CONTENTS ARTICLES HISTORY.
    [Show full text]
  • The Legacy of King Alexander I of Yugoslavia, the Unifier
    UDC 930.85(4–12) ISSN 0350–7653 SERBIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AND ARTS INSTITUTE FOR BALKAN STUDIES BALCANICA XL (2009) ANNUAL OF THE INSTITUTE FOR BALKAN STUDIES Editor DUŠAN T. BATAKOVIĆ Editorial Board FRANCIS CONTE (Paris), DJORDJE S. KOSTIĆ, LJUBOMIR MAKSIMOVIĆ, DANICA POPOVIĆ, GABRIELLA SCHUBERT (Jena), BILJANA SIKIMIĆ, ANTHONY-EMIL TACHIAOS (Thessaloniki), NIKOLA TASIĆ (Director of the Institute for Balkan Studies), SVETLANA M. TOLSTAJA (Moscow) BELGRADE 2010 THE LEGACY OF KING ALEXANDER I OF YUGOSLAVIA, THE UNIFIER On the occasion of the 75th anniversary of assassination by Slobodan G. Markovich ctober 9, 2009 marked seventy-five years since the assassination of King Alexander I Karadjordjević/Karageorgevich (1888–1934; King 1921–34)O in Marseille. In 1936 France commemorated the assassinated King in a grand way: an equestrian monument to King Peter I of Serbia and King Alexander I of Yugoslavia bearing the inscription “Alexandre Ier de Yougoslavie. L’Unificateur” was set up in the Bois de Boulogne in Paris. After an interval of sixty-five years, Serbia and France organized official commemorations again. Indeed, the King has been remembered by the Serbs and some other Yugoslavs as a knightly king and unifier. Many recent nationally-inclined historical interpretations have de- picted the emergence of the Yugoslav kingdom, in the creation of which King Alexander played a significant role, as belated. This is only partially true. What seems nearer the truth is that it emerged too late to be a single- nation state in central-European terms, but too early to be structured on cosmopolitan principles. In the age of explosion of nationalism after the First World War, only the odd cosmopolitan proved sincerely willing to give up a local ethnic identity for the sake of broader principles.
    [Show full text]