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University of Copenhagen Associate Professor in Political Science
Declining Danish EU skepticism Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina Published in: Euroflections. Leading academics on the European elections 2019 Publication date: 2019 Document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Kosiara-Pedersen, K. (2019). Declining Danish EU skepticism. In N. Bolin, K. Falasca, M. Grusell, & L. Nord (Eds.), Euroflections. Leading academics on the European elections 2019 (pp. 75). Mittuniversitetet. Download date: 25. sep.. 2021 Editors: Niklas Bolin Kajsa Falasca Marie Grusell Lars Nord Leading academics on the European elections 2019 1 DEMICOM-report nr 40 Read the electronic version of Euroflections at www.euroflections.se Editors Niklas Bolin Kajsa Falasca Marie Grusell Lars Nord Publisher Mittuniversitetet, Demicom, Sundsvall, Sverige Holmgatan 10 851 70 Sundsvall Contact 010-142 80 00 [email protected] www.facebook.com/mittuniversitetet www.twitter.com/mittuni www.instagram.com/mittuniversitetet Design and layout Accidens Kommunikation ISBN: 978-91-88527-70-7 This is Euroflections Euroflections is an academic report on the European elections 2019. With Euroflections we want to provide the public with interesting reflections on the election campaigns and their main actors, namely the voters, the parties and the media. In total, more than 70 experts in political science and political communication representing almost every EU country offer insightful analyses of campaign developments and electoral outcomes. Some contributions are one-country studies, while others are written from comparative or thematic perspectives. Euroflections is intended to fill a gap in European elections reporting and research. The report is not as fast as news media analyses and social media comments published immediately when the electoral outcome is known. -
The Balkan Entente in Turkish-Yugoslav Relations
Middle Eastern Studies ISSN: 0026-3206 (Print) 1743-7881 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić To cite this article: Dilek Barlas & Anđelko Vlašić (2016) The Balkan Entente in Turkish–Yugoslav relations (1934–41): the Yugoslav perspective, Middle Eastern Studies, 52:6, 1011-1024, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 Published online: 18 Aug 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 113 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmes20 Download by: [Koc University] Date: 16 January 2017, At: 00:18 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES, 2016 VOL. 52, NO. 6, 1011À1024 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198328 The Balkan Entente in TurkishÀYugoslav relations (1934À41): the Yugoslav perspective Dilek Barlasa and Anđelko Vlasicb aDepartment of History, Koc¸ University, _Istanbul, Turkey; bCroatian Institute of History, Branch for the History of Slavonia, Syrmia and Baranya, Slavonski Brod, Croatia Most of the works written in Turkey on the formation of the Balkan Entente in 1934 and its effects on the region reflect the Turkish perspective. This perspective intended to glorify the role of Turkey, by emphasizing how Ankara initiated such a pact and was able to con- vince other Balkan countries to participate in its establishment. In other words, the Turkish perspective underlined how Ankara’s policy was driven not by self-interest, but by the interests of all Balkan countries during the formation of the Balkan Entente.1 However, in other Balkan countries, there exist more nuanced views of the Balkan Entente and the Turkish role in its formation. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
This page intentionally left blank Populist radical right parties in Europe As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political par- ties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the par- ties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research. cas mudde is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Antwerp. He is the author of The Ideology of the Extreme Right (2000) and the editor of Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (2005). Populist radical right parties in Europe Cas Mudde University of Antwerp CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521850810 © Cas Mudde 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. -
University of Groningen Between Personal Experience and Detached
University of Groningen Between personal experience and detached information Harbers, Frank IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2014 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Harbers, F. (2014). Between personal experience and detached information: The development of reporting and the reportage in Great Britain, the Netherlands and France, 1880-2005. [S.l.]: [S.n.]. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 12-11-2019 Paranymphs Dominique van der Wal Marten Harbers Voor mijn vader en mijn moeder Graphic design Peter Boersma - www.hehallo.nl Printed by Wöhrmann Print Service Between Personal Experience and Detached Information The development of reporting and the reportage in Great Britain, the Netherlands and France, 1880-2005 Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Rijksuniversiteit Groningen op gezag van de rector magnificus prof. -
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou Greek-Yugoslav Relations Is A
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou From Adversity to Alliance: Greece, Yugoslavia and Balkan Strategy, 1944-1959 Greek-Yugoslav relations is a subject of pivotal importance for understanding the shaping of twentieth century Balkan balances. In the post-war period this relationship became even more interesting: Greece and Yugoslavia had radically different political, economic and social systems; they were bitterly divided in 1944-1948, but then they norma lized relations, participated in a Balkan alliance together with Turkey, and when this alliance broke down, they continued their co-operation on a bilateral basis. In this paper it will be argued that the factor which divi ded Greece and Yugoslavia in 1944-1948 was not ideology, but strate gy; and it was strategy that brought them closer after Tito’s split with Stalin. After 1948 both countries shaped their policy on the basis of a mild realism, and their relationship was dominated by their perception of their respective national interests. In this paper, emphasis will be placed on Greek perceptions and assessments, but Yugoslav views will also be mentioned. I During the inter-war period Greece’s major problem with Yugo slavia derived from the latter’s great size: Belgrade was a powerful neighbour, capable of pressing Athens and of attracting support from the great powers, mainly France. At that time Greece was afraid of Yugo slavia’s hegemonist tendencies in the Balkans, as well as of its desire to pose as the protector of the Slav-speaking minority of Greece and as a suitor for the port of Thessaloniki. It was clear that, facing Bulgarian revisionism, it would be impossible for Athens to resist pressures from both its northern neighbours; this was why the possibility of a Bulgarian- Yugoslav rapprochement was the nightmare scenario of the Athens policy-makers'. -
The Basic Principles and Practices of the Turmsh Foreign Policy Under Atatürk
THE BASIC PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES OF THE TURMSH FOREIGN POLICY UNDER ATATÜRK YÜCEL GÜÇLÜ The fifteen years during which the Republican Turkey had been in existence under Kemal Atatürk's leadership were filled with an almost incredible activity in every field—including the foreign affairs. Few more surprising metamorphoses were recorded in history than the transformation which in the course of one decade and a half had changed old Turkey into a progressive modern country and a pillar of peace and stability in the Balkan Peninsula, in the eastern Mediterranean and in Western Asia. Turkey enjoyed the respect of all. No one dreamed of interfering in its internal affairs. Its neighbours, far from watching for opportunities to despoil it, were anxious to cultivate its friendship and they welcomed its co-operation in maintaining their common interests. Turkish diplomacy, in the period between the two world wars, wise and moderate as it showed itself, as well as vigorous and far-seeing, could not have accomplished so much if it had not been supported by radical reforms at home removing old shackles and inhibitions and opening the way for a tremendous revival of national energy and for a great development of national resources, both economic and cultural. The Turkish Constitution of 1924 had reserved a special foreign policy role to the President of the Republic. The President was well acquainted with the nation's diplomatic and security concerns. Atatürk had able lieutenants and devoted followers; but the realism and radicalism that marked Turkish foreign and internal policy since the foundation of the Republic were the fruit of his original genius. -
The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800S-1900S
The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800s-1900s February 2003 Katrin Bozeva-Abazi Department of History McGill University, Montreal A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 Contents 1. Abstract/Resume 3 2. Note on Transliteration and Spelling of Names 6 3. Acknowledgments 7 4. Introduction 8 How "popular" nationalism was created 5. Chapter One 33 Peasants and intellectuals, 1830-1914 6. Chapter Two 78 The invention of the modern Balkan state: Serbia and Bulgaria, 1830-1914 7. Chapter Three 126 The Church and national indoctrination 8. Chapter Four 171 The national army 8. Chapter Five 219 Education and national indoctrination 9. Conclusions 264 10. Bibliography 273 Abstract The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions. -
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation Svetozar Rajak Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London February 2004 UMI Number: U615474 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615474 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ” OF POUTICAL «, AN0 pi Th ^ s^ s £ £2^>3 ^7&2io 2 ABSTRACT The thesis chronologically presents the slow improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, starting with Stalin’s death on 5 March 1953, through their full normalization in 1955 and 1956, to the renewed ideological confrontation at the end of 1956. The normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations brought to an end a conflict between Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, in existence since 1948, which threatened the status quo in Europe. The thesis represents the first effort at comprehensively presenting the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, between 1953 and 1957. It will also explain the motives that guided the leaderships of the two countries, in particular the two main protagonists, Josip Broz Tito and Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, throughout this process. -
During the Second World War
DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR _______________StK______________ SK MARSHALL LEE MILLER Stanford University Press STANFORD, CALIFORNIA I 975 Stanford University Press Stanford, California © 1975 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Printed in the United States of America is b n 0-8047-0870-3 LC 74-82778 To my grandparents Lee and Edith Rankin and Evelyn Miller Preface SOS h e p o l it ic a l history of modern Bulgaria has been greatly ne T glected by Western scholars, and the important period of the Second World War has hardly been studied at all. The main reason for this has no doubt been the difficulty of obtaining documentary material on the wartime period. Although the Communist regime of Bulgaria has published a large number of books and monographs dealing with the country’s role in the war, these works have been concerned mostly with magnifying the importance of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP) and the partisan struggle. Despite this bias, useful information can be found in these works when other sources are available to provide perspective and verification. Within recent years, German, American, British, and other diplo matic and intelligence reports from the wartime years have become available, and the easing of travel restrictions in Bulgaria has facili tated research there. As recently as 1958, when the doctoral thesis of Marin V. Pundeff was presented (“Bulgaria’s Place in Axis Policy, 1936-1944”), there was very little material on the period after June 1941. It is now possible to fill in many of the important gaps in our knowledge of Bulgaria during the entire war. -
Списание „Македонски Преглед“ На 90 Години (1924–2014)
Македонски преглед, бр. 4, 2014 г. СПИСАНИЕ „МАКЕДОНСКИ ПРЕГЛЕД“ НА 90 ГОДИНИ (1924–2014) Доц. д-р Александър Гребенаров Вечерта на 21 декември 1923 г. участниците в създаването на Маке- донския научен институт (МНИ) се разотиват от зала №10 на Софийския уни- верситет „Св. Климент Охридски“ с мисълта, че слагат „начало на едно вели- ко дело“. Един от учредителите, охридският летописец Евтим Спространов, завършва през същия ден в 22 ч. ежедневните си записки в дневника уморен, но щастлив, с надежда, че Институтът ще укрепне и ще се „пренесе в свобод- на и независима Македония, където да се обърне на Академия на науките за гордост и слава на македонския българин“1. След приемане на устава и извършената съдебна регистрация на Инс- титута македонското освободително движение се сдобива с нова легална организация, включващи нетрадиционни цели: „а) да спомага за проучването на историята, етнографията, география- та и стопанския живот на Македония; б) да събира исторически материали по освободителните борби на ма- кедонските българи и да подготви една системна и подробна история на тия борби; в) да издава едно научно-литературно списание, както и други тру- дове с оглед към целите, посочени в точки а. и б.“ (курсив мой – А. Г.)2. В състава на Института влизат 52-ма учредители, родени или потомци на македонски българи, преселили се в свободните предели на Отечеството, в т.ч. известни историци, езиковеди, литературоведи, писатели, художници, ет- нографи, публицисти, общественици – все популярни имена в научния, кул- турния, обществения и политическия живот на страната. Мнозина от тях зае- мат възлови постове в научни и културни учреждения, в университети, музеи, печатни медии. -
Activity Report 2017
Activity Report 2017 LDA Mostar activities aim to create active citizenship and transparent and responsible authorities with the final goal of establishing a modern and democratic society… Local Democracy Agency Mostar WWW.LDAMOSTAR.ORG| Fra Ambre Miletica 30, 88 000 Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina 1 Activity Report 2017 2 Activity Report 2017 Contents About ............................................................................................................................ 4 PROJECTS IMPLEMENTED IN 2017 ............................................................................ 8 Balkan Regional Platform for Youth Participation and Dialogue .................................. 8 Urban Re-Generation: The European Network of Towns - URGENT ........................ 22 CARAVAN NEXT. Feed the Future: Art Moving Cities ............................................... 27 Innovating COworking Methods through Exchange – INCOME ................................. 29 Balkan Kaleidoscope ................................................................................................. 31 Women's Communication for Solidarity - WomCom .................................................. 33 Youth’s Advocate - YouAct ........................................................................................ 35 Volunteer Management in Europe's Youth Sector - VOLS EUROPE ........................ 36 Snapshots from the Borders - Small Towns Facing the Global Challenges of Agenda 2030 ..........................................................................................................................