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Robert Gildea | 608 pages | 07 Jul 2016 | FABER & FABER | 9780571280360 | English | London, United Kingdom BOOK REVIEW: 'Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance' - Washington Times

On the ground in occupied Europe, resistance movements conducted operations on two fronts. First, they fought the Nazis and any fascist collaborators from their own country. Secondly, they fought other resistance groups that did not share their vision of a future government. It is not surprising that most of the records from the SOE and the OSS focus on the Allied assistance in attacking the Nazis, the Italians, and any fascist collaborators. After all, the role of the members of the SOE and the OSS in occupied Europe was to guide guerrilla operations and provide logistical support to the resistance. They were there to defeat the Nazis. While the SOE and OSS reports do have some descriptions of the complicated political and personal loyalties that were part of the resistance movements in Nazi occupied Europe, they are not complete. Participation in any type of resistance during the Nazi occupation threatened more than the lives of the participants. It always meant risking the lives of immediate family and, in many cases across Europe, the lives of innocents from the villages nearest acts of resistance. The Resistance members made decisions based on hatred for the occupation and the risks or gains from collaboration; they made those decisions over and over again each time they decided to act. French citizens in both occupied France and Vichy France had to decide to be members of the resistance, support the resistance, remain neutral, or collaborate with the Nazis. Beginning in the s, members of the resistance movements wrote their memoirs at the same time as the SOE and OSS operators. Memoirs of resistants were seldom translated into English. Jones focuses on one set of Allied operations—the Jedburgh teams that were assembled prior to D-Day. Gildea covers the entire period of the Nazi occupation of France from until , while Jones spends the majority of his book on the period from the entrance of US forces into the war in Europe in early through the complete liberation of France in late Both authors use archival research from the most commonly used primary sources SOE, OSS, and Allied war records as well as far more obscure material from French national and provincial archives and German military records from the occupation. The use of archival material in both books adds greater clarity to the individual choices during the Resistance and underscores the deep courage exemplified by those involved. Gildea, a professor of modern history at Oxford University and author of another work on the French Resistance entitled Marianne in Chains: Daily Life in the Heart of France During the German Occupation Picador, , also describes French post-war politics that overshadowed stories of the many resistance movements and their members. Gildea shows that the decisions to become involved in the French Resistance were not based on a single motivation, and that the members of the resistance were not all French. This meant sabotage and subversion were the primary missions of virtually every French resistance unit supported by the SOE. These were made up of French citizens who resisted the occupation through espionage. The best known of these was Combat , the resistance newspaper in . Like Gildea, Jones is a respected scholar in the area of special operations and, most especially, in special operations in France during World War II. Jones describes the Jedburgh teams as made up of three individuals—two special operators and one communicator. These individuals would parachute into France in military uniform and act as liaison elements with the Free French resistance units, serving as communications links between the Free French resistance units and Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Forces SHAEF headquarters and providing logistics support— designing and implementing plans for air drops of supplies to the resistance. Jones divides each chapter of his book into discussions of resistance operations in France and, separately, the complex political machinations taking place inside the Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Forces SHAEF and between President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill regarding the liberation of France. This style of moving back and forth from the tactical operations on the ground to the strategic challenges in London and Washington makes for challenging reading. De Gaulle insisted that his own representative take command of Resistance operations in France and further insisted that he be placed in charge of all Allied operations in occupied France. As a conventional French Army armor officer with little experience in unconventional warfare, Koenig was, however, loyal to de Gaulle and that was most critical. The tensions created by the addition of Koenig resulted in the departure of the senior SOE officer, Brig. Eric E. As a result of these tensions, Koenig—while commander of the Jedburgh program and nominally the commander of SFHQ—remained unaware of other established Allied intelligence operations in France and in the rest of Europe that were conducted without his knowledge or approval. As this work takes the reader through the design and implementation of the Jedburgh program leading up to D-Day, mixing the difficulties of producing teams; obtaining the necessary weapons, equipment, and air frames to deliver them; counterintelligence worries; and the in- fighting taking place between Washington, London, and Algiers where de Gaulle had established the French government-in-exile , it seems a wonder that any Jedburgh operations were ever conducted. In fact, operations just prior to OVERLORD and throughout the summer of were exceptionally successful from a strategic perspective, destroying critical infrastructure and tying up German military resources throughout France, when those resources could have been used to fight the Allied advances. While the Gildea and Jones books advance our understanding of the resistance to the Nazi occupation, neither book discusses the extensive intelligence collection operations that also took place in Occupied France. In , SIS intelligence officers were inserted into France by various clandestine means with the mission to build intelligence networks reporting on the Nazi occupation. There are many lessons that can be gleaned from books on the challenges of intelligence and special operations in Nazi-occupied Europe, and these lessons are delivered best when they focus on the political complexities of the European resistance movements, rather than on dramatic combat operations behind Nazi lines. Together, Gildea and Jones highlight several striking lessons. First, special operations teams inserted into occupied France to support the resistance had a very different view of their mission from that of their colleagues in the resistance. Both Gildea and Jones make it clear that, by the time the SOE and OSS were sending units into occupied France, the resistance movements in France were less interested in defeating the Nazis than in insuring a specific type of future France. Second, and corollary to this first lesson, is the counterintelligence lesson. Throughout the European theater in World War II, resistance leaders often used selective intelligence production and outright deception as a means to gain Allied support and undermine Allied support to their political adversaries. While successful resistance operations were almost always a result of excellent local intelligence collection, it is also true that most of the failures— and especially the capture of SOE and OSS teams—were the result of the actions of traitors from within the resistance network. Both Gildea and Jones note that resistance movements rarely had an interest in operational security, beyond avoiding capture by the Nazis. Gildea points out the only resistance movement in France that had any operational security awareness was the communist resistance, but only because of the history of anti-communist operations by the French government in the s. Finally, there will always be logistics challenges in supporting resistance movements, and it is critical that special operators recognize this before they promise any support to a resistance movement. As SOE and OSS gained traction inside France and in other parts of occupied Europe, the demands for personnel, weapons, ammunition, and equipment quickly outpaced the capabilities of the Carpetbaggers. As Max Hastings states in his recent article, World War II remains an event that historians continue to analyze with great success. This is partly because even as the number of World War II veterans who could serve as primary sources decreases, the number of potential archival sources increases. All statements of fact, opinion, or analysis expressed in this journal are those of the authors. This was not a fiction about something that never happened, but rather a story that served the purposes of France as it emerged from the war. It was a founding myth that allowed the French to reinvent themselves. In order to circumvent this narrative, Gildea bases his book on personal testimony, both written and oral, and this use of first-person accounts lends a rare freshness and raw emotion to a familiar story. After the fall of France in , Charles de Gaulle and his Free French were a small and powerless group, loathed and disregarded by Churchill and Roosevelt. Many French people seemed relieved by the end of hostilities and enthusiastically accepted the new Vichy regime. The military leaders, and their supporters in particular, were not sorry to see the end of the Third Republic, convinced there was something wrong with a political system that had allowed Leon Blum, a socialist and a Jew, to become prime minister. Resistance, such as it was, started with small groups of friends and colleagues, who met in cafes and experimented with false identities. However, the communists were well placed to play a leading role, as they would do in other occupied countries, such as the Netherlands, Greece and Yugoslavia. They were organised and disciplined, and could draw on a large body of battled-hardened veterans of the . Typical was Pierre Georges, also known as Colonel Fabien. As a teenager he had fought in the , and now he was back home in Paris, organising an armed group. Fabien was going to do the deed while I provided protection. We spotted a magnificent naval commandant strutting on the platform. The train arrived, the officer got into the first class carriage and at that moment Fabien fires two shots. Gildea points that this deed was met with outrage and horror by the population at large. As armed resistance grew, especially in the southwest, de Gaulle struggled to gain control over the various autonomous groups, which ranged from extreme left to extreme right, sending over Jean Moulin for this purpose. Despite this, groups like La Nueve, made up of Spanish republicans, were doing much of the actual fighting, and as the Allies approached they tried to liberate Paris. As Gildea points out, the communists saw the Paris rising of as being in a tradition leading back to , and They were engaged in an ongoing struggle against fascism, not just the Germans, and the next step would be to liberate Spain from Franco. But there would be no new dawn. It is a country that is continuing. Colonel Fabien appears again, putting together a regiment of fighters and heading for the frontline. On December 27th, , an anti-tank mine he was preparing exploded, killing him and three other communist leaders. There is still debate about whether this was an accident. The end of the war brought with it the usual disillusionment and power-grabbing, and Gildea shows clearly how the narrative was stolen by the old elites, to the despair and disgust of many of the actual combattants. If the story changes, it is an invitation to re-examine that identity. Perhaps, in this thrilling story of anti-fascist solidarity between Polish Jews, French communists, Spanish republicans and German and Italian and even Irish anti-fascists, we can even see the seeds of a possible new European identity. His latest collection is In This Life. Michael O'Loughlin. Sat, Sep 5, , First published: Sat, Sep 5, , Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance - Robert Gildea - Google книги

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Roughly aligned with the communists, for practical reasons more than politics, were Jewish groups trying to save co-religionists from Nazi death camps, and others seeking refuge. The mere ownership of a firearm — even an ancient shotgun in a farm barn — brought a death penalty. The Germans slaughtered entire villages as reprisals for guerrilla actions. Threatened youths formed a plethora of guerrilla bands, which they supplied with tons of airdropped armaments. But the brave Frenchmen who rose to the challenge were handicapped by lack of leadership and military experience. And intensified German reprisal killings took an awful toll. FDR thought of putting France under a military government. He feared that communists could make France a Soviet camp satellite. In the end, American divisions seized Paris , and de Gaulle was granted the favor of having his troops be first into the city. Even in the face of Mr. A complex read that is worth the effort. Manage Newsletters. Click here for reprint permission. Because of egos, hubris and politics it is likely more lives were lost and the war lasted longer than it should have. For much of the war the United States tried to get a deal with Vichy France, those who surrendered France to Germany to begin with. Neither the US nor Britain wanted to provide socialist and communist led resistance groups with arms, thus hindering their harrying of German units. When Paris was liberated by resistance fighters just before LeClerc's armor entered the city, the resistance was snubbed in favor of de Gaulle and the organized military. In addition much of the resistance was by immigrants and children of immigrants rather than the French themselves. However, a lot of French people helped hide and assist in escaping thousands of Jews, which can in itself be considered resistance. I advocate people reading history to get more of the context and actual facts rather than accepting what one is taught in school. Jan 31, Simon Bradley rated it liked it. A very comprehensive overview of all aspects of resistance in France this book definitely is; a fun and occasionally lighthearted read it is not. However for those A very comprehensive overview of all aspects of resistance in France this book definitely is; a fun and occasionally lighthearted read it is not. However for those looking for a broad brush and entertaining look at the shadow armies in France this book suffers from the same problem as Max Hasting's recent book Secret War - if you ignore the fun bits and concentrate on the important facts, then it is all rather unexciting and one realises that what these and other "secret armies" achieved strategically in the war was very little. History is never a simple narrative, and yet people crave simple narratives. The author addresses both of these facts and lays out each group's narratives for us to see. Which is about as close to objectivity this subjective subject is going to get. The first into Paris was a division of the Fr History is never a simple narrative, and yet people crave simple narratives. The first into Paris was a division of the French army wholly made up of Spanish Republican fighters in exile. The author also leaves the reader in no doubt the the was a primary mover in the resistance, at least once the Warsaw Pact had been broken. Sep 05, Mark Wigert rated it really liked it. It allowed me to understand the diverse and varied actions of those who decided to fight back from the shadows in all their wide-ranging ways, many giving up their lives in doing so, but in the end helping to drive the Germans out of France. Fresh assessment of an old story Very interesting book which flagged up many areas of French history that I was unaware of. Very balanced and happy to call out untruths and fabrications from all sides. Very much worth a read. I found this quite hard going and got pretty lost in all the names and multiple storylines and viewpoints. I don't know if it might have been easier for someone who is more familiar with the background of the French Resistance. It was interesting, but took me an uncharacteristically long time to read as I was very often not in the mood for trying to work out what was going on. Jan 23, Shaland rated it liked it. Mar 31, Judibea added it Shelves: historical-nonfiction. This is a historical read that I will be going through slowly as it requires background knowledge of the names of individuals and knowledge of events that I need to look up as I read. Jun 28, J. Dutilloy rated it liked it Shelves: history. This book is mostly interesting for the intensive you of oral history or memoirs. It is built around the lives and death of resistants. It makes a large place for people who are usually less represented such as women and foreigners. An interesting section is linked to Jews as resistants and not just victims. Nov 11, Alex Marshall rated it really liked it. Without appearing sensational, the author explodes a lot of myths, like de Gaulle's narrative of a heroic France united against the occupier, and explodes a lot of balloons, like the Church as merely a collaborator, the Communists as tools of Moscow and the Jews as victims. Women are given their proper place as fighters and survivors, and individuals taken from their heroes' plinths or traitors' graves and put back In the frame of their times and circumstances. Calmly and without prejudgment, the book opens a window on lives of endless courage under extreme stress and on moments of unbearable terror and pain. Internecine struggles and betrayals are part of the story: we see the fight for post-war France going on side by side with the fight for freedom. A most important theme is the idealistic desire for a renewed France pitted against the desire to resume politics as usual. That "politics as usual" won may help to explain the struggles of France after the war to reclaim its identity and its place in the world. A few individuals are rightly remembered in the folklore of the time; many are unjustly forgotten. The book gives the French Communists who died their due, along with the many hues of socialists, nationalists and rightists. Spanish Republicans, German, Polish and Italian refugees, Jews of all nations and many other foreign resisters are brought back from the shadows where French nationalism has consigned them. Many had their own agendas, with the end of the Occupation in France only the first step. The Maquis, the fighting arm of the Resistance, deserves its own history. Denigrated by the regular military during the Occupation and the rest of the war but revered in retrospect, the Maquis has become its own legend. But what was its true contribution? Military matters take second place in this narrative, but we see as well as the invasion and liberation the earlier unsavory struggle for mastery among the generals in North and West Africa, and the roots of the post-war attempts to re-assert French power in the Algerian and Indo-Chinese wars. All in all, a very satisfying and illuminating introduction. The French Resistance is an aspect of history that you think you know about - but actually you've probably just taken in the cliches. I was keen then to read this new history of the Resistance to broaden my knowledge beyond the obvious, especially as it came garlanded with good reviews and was shortlisted for the Samuel Johnson Prize. What Gildea successfully does is bust the Resistance myth created by De Gaulle. He reclaims the stories of the many women and foreign nationals who played critical p The French Resistance is an aspect of history that you think you know about - but actually you've probably just taken in the cliches. He reclaims the stories of the many women and foreign nationals who played critical parts in the fight against the Nazis. In post-war France many of their contributions were airbrushed out. In a comprehensive study, he also shows how fractured and dissolute the different Resistance groups were. They often had different motivations and goals, and were certainly not under the control of the exiled De Gaulle. And as well as acts of heroism, there is treachery and ill-judged amateurism - some of which led to some horrific reprisals by the occupying forces. Gildea uses original accounts and new documents then to paint a fascinating and full picture of the Resistance. But for this general reader, it wasn't always easy-going. There is a bewildering cast of characters unfortunately I didn't find the helpful glossary of names until I reached it at the back of the book. The fractured nature of the Resistance also leaves you grappling with a blizzard of initials and group names that left me struggling to always remember who was who. Gildea's prose is also more efficient than stylish, and there is some unnecessary repetition of facts. Perhaps I also missed a sense of what it was like to be in the Resistance. Maybe that isn't the purpose of this book, but sometimes I longed for a little more atmosphere and narrative as well as academic rigour. That's not to say this doesn't have many compelling moments - and I certainly feel I have gone well beyond the ABCs of the Resistance. It is then a really impressive academic achievement and well worth reading, but for me it missed some of the humanity and insight which made Caroline Moorehead's Village of Secrets: Defying the Nazis in Vichy France so special. Oct 10, Ronnie rated it it was amazing. I got this book on the recommendation of Cara Black who has written two books that address the side effects of the fall and rise of France during WWII. This is a hard-nosed written book that spares no one of the microscopic necessity of looking at what has happened. Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance by Robert Gildea

He is at pains to point out that there was no French Resistance as such — there was resistance in France, and this book is an attempt to restore to the narrative resistance groups who have been marginalised: the Communists, the Spanish republicans, Polish Jews and other anti-fascists, and, above all, women. This was not a fiction about something that never happened, but rather a story that served the purposes of France as it emerged from the war. It was a founding myth that allowed the French to reinvent themselves. In order to circumvent this narrative, Gildea bases his book on personal testimony, both written and oral, and this use of first-person accounts lends a rare freshness and raw emotion to a familiar story. After the fall of France in , Charles de Gaulle and his Free French were a small and powerless group, loathed and disregarded by Churchill and Roosevelt. Many French people seemed relieved by the end of hostilities and enthusiastically accepted the new Vichy regime. The military leaders, and their supporters in particular, were not sorry to see the end of the Third Republic, convinced there was something wrong with a political system that had allowed Leon Blum, a socialist and a Jew, to become prime minister. Resistance, such as it was, started with small groups of friends and colleagues, who met in cafes and experimented with false identities. However, the communists were well placed to play a leading role, as they would do in other occupied countries, such as the Netherlands, Greece and Yugoslavia. They were organised and disciplined, and could draw on a large body of battled-hardened veterans of the Spanish Civil War. Typical was Pierre Georges, also known as Colonel Fabien. As a teenager he had fought in the International Brigades, and now he was back home in Paris, organising an armed group. Fabien was going to do the deed while I provided protection. We spotted a magnificent naval commandant strutting on the platform. The train arrived, the officer got into the first class carriage and at that moment Fabien fires two shots. Gildea points that this deed was met with outrage and horror by the population at large. As armed resistance grew, especially in the southwest, de Gaulle struggled to gain control over the various autonomous groups, which ranged from extreme left to extreme right, sending over Jean Moulin for this purpose. Despite this, groups like La Nueve, made up of Spanish republicans, were doing much of the actual fighting, and as the Allies approached they tried to liberate Paris. As Gildea points out, the communists saw the Paris rising of as being in a tradition leading back to , and They were engaged in an ongoing struggle against fascism, not just the Germans, and the next step would be to liberate Spain from Franco. But there would be no new dawn. It is a country that is continuing. Colonel Fabien appears again, putting together a regiment of fighters and heading for the frontline. On December 27th, , an anti-tank mine he was preparing exploded, killing him and three other communist leaders. There is still debate about whether this was an accident. The end of the war brought with it the usual disillusionment and power-grabbing, and Gildea shows clearly how the narrative was stolen by the old elites, to the despair and disgust of many of the actual combattants. If the story changes, it is an invitation to re- examine that identity. Perhaps, in this thrilling story of anti-fascist solidarity between Polish Jews, French communists, Spanish republicans and German and Italian and even Irish anti-fascists, we can even see the seeds of a possible new European identity. His latest collection is In This Life. Michael O'Loughlin. Gildea has benefited not only from documents long kept closed, but from the vast literature that has been building up over the past 20 years, in the form of memoirs, oral testimonies and local histories. But the many thousands of individuals — Catholics, Protestants, Jews, foreigners, communists — who refused to accept what France had become were often, like Cohn, extraordinarily brave. In his ambitious overview of the Vichy years, Gildea devotes several chapters to the closing months, to the rivalry and feuding between De Gaulle and General Giraud over who would lead and rule postwar France, and to the bitter internecine struggles of the different parts of the resistance as they prepared for the Allied landings. Because less has been written about it, his section on the jostling for power by the Free French, the Armistice army, the communist resistance organisations and the Allies, all of whom wanted a stake not only in the liberation but in what came next, makes fascinating reading. A fact never sufficiently noted is that as late as July , the Americans were still hesitating about whether to offer some kind of deal to Vichy, rather than to endorse De Gaulle as political leader. Although Gildea does a valiant job of teasing out the different players, it is not always easy to follow events as alliances shift, betrayals occur, leading figures are ousted or turn up in other guises. The longed-for liberation meant very different things to different people. He believes he is the Nation incarnate. What Gildea has done is to step back and look at the wider picture, thereby providing a context for the individual acts of courage, which he celebrates in moving detail. He gives recognition to the widest range of participants, many of them little known, and to the categories who did not fit well into the postwar myth of heroism, and that is perhaps his most important contribution to the field. Book of the day History books. Fighters in the Shadows by Robert Gildea — review: the complicated truth about the French resistance.

Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance, by Robert Gildea

A puppet government was created in Vichy under Marshal Phillipe Petain. Remnants of the defeated French army in colonial North Africa sided with Vichy i. But few French even heard the broadcast; many of those who did questioned anointing de Gaulle as the leader of a government in exile. So, to Mr. He offers a dual definition. As Mr. Gildea stresses, occupied France can be understood only if pre-war politics are considered. The communists emerged as the main opposition to the rightists. Roughly aligned with the communists, for practical reasons more than politics, were Jewish groups trying to save co-religionists from Nazi death camps, and others seeking refuge. The mere ownership of a firearm — even an ancient shotgun in a farm barn — brought a death penalty. The Germans slaughtered entire villages as reprisals for guerrilla actions. Threatened youths formed a plethora of guerrilla bands, which they supplied with tons of airdropped armaments. But the brave Frenchmen who rose to the challenge were handicapped by lack of leadership and military experience. True, there had been collaborators, but they had been no more than a few rotten apples, quickly tried and sentenced. What Gildea set out to do was to uncover the reality of the French resistance, no easy task in a field mired in controversy, contested history, suspicion, ill-feeling and guilt. It is revealing that as late as , efforts were still being made to discredit Lucie and Raymond Aubrac , the almost insanely bold resisters in Lyon, by blaming them for the betrayal of Jean Moulin to the Gestapo. In France this whole area remains fresh, toxic. Gildea has benefited not only from documents long kept closed, but from the vast literature that has been building up over the past 20 years, in the form of memoirs, oral testimonies and local histories. But the many thousands of individuals — Catholics, Protestants, Jews, foreigners, communists — who refused to accept what France had become were often, like Cohn, extraordinarily brave. In his ambitious overview of the Vichy years, Gildea devotes several chapters to the closing months, to the rivalry and feuding between De Gaulle and General Giraud over who would lead and rule postwar France, and to the bitter internecine struggles of the different parts of the resistance as they prepared for the Allied landings. Because less has been written about it, his section on the jostling for power by the Free French, the Armistice army, the communist resistance organisations and the Allies, all of whom wanted a stake not only in the liberation but in what came next, makes fascinating reading. Refresh and try again. Open Preview See a Problem? Details if other :. Thanks for telling us about the problem. Return to Book Page. Preview — Fighters in the Shadows by Robert Gildea. The French Resistance has an iconic status in the struggle to liberate Nazi-occupied Europe, but its story is entangled in myths. As Fighters in the Shadows makes clear, French resistance was part of a Europe-wide struggle against fascism, carried out by an extraordinarily diverse group: not only French men and women but Spanish Republicans, Italian anti-fascists, French and foreign Jews, British and American agents, and even German opponents of Hitler. In France, resistance skirted the edge of civil war between right and left, pitting non-communists who wanted to drive out the Germans and eliminate the Vichy regime while avoiding social revolution at all costs against communist advocates of national insurrection. Based on a riveting reading of diaries, memoirs, letters, and interviews of contemporaries, Fighters in the Shadows gives authentic voice to the resisters themselves, revealing the diversity of their struggles for freedom in the darkest hours of occupation and collaboration. Get A Copy. Hardcover , pages. Published November 30th by Belknap Press first published September 1st More Details Original Title. Other Editions 6. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about Fighters in the Shadows , please sign up. Be the first to ask a question about Fighters in the Shadows. Lists with This Book. Community Reviews. Showing Average rating 3. Rating details. More filters. Sort order. Nov 10, Paul rated it it was amazing Shelves: history. Fighters in the Shadows — An excellent examination of French Resistance. Robert Gildea is Professor of Modern History at Oxford and specialises in nineteenth and twentieth century French history. Professor Gildea is an expert on France under German occupation and more importantly on collective memory and political culture. In Fighters in the Shadows, Gildea shines a very bright light in to this very dark area of history. It was General Charles de Gaulle who created the myth that resistance represented the true heart of France. This book shines a light of the famous myth that the French freed themselves and that there were only a few scoundrels who collaborated during the Nazi occupation. Gildea challenges this in that resistance only capable of mobilising a minority of people everyone else attempted to carry on as if nothing had changed. At the end of the war it was the prostitute who was tar and feathered, while the likes of Coco Chanel and Edith Piaf got away with their collaboration, for example. One of the great things that his book does is contest the De Gaulle version of resistance and restores to their rightful positions those often ignored such as women and the Allied Armies. De Gaulle airbrushed them out of history Robert Gildea puts them back to where they belong at the centre of the resistance history. It required a great deal of courage to stand and make even the smallest of gestures against the Germans and the French Vichy collaborators, it was the French Police that confronted children of Beziers as they wanted to lay wreaths on Remembrance Day. It was the French Police, aided by French citizens, who rounded up the Jews and transported them to Paris for the final journey east, not the Germans. After the war plenty of romantic guff was written and movies made that enhanced the myth of French Resistance and it was not until that sentimental view was challenged in France, and even then somewhat drowns out. The French Resistance in the War occupies one of the great moral tests of the war and asks some challenging questions such as how ordinary people behaved and able to define themselves in what were dangerous times. Gildea has taken a step back and looked at the bigger picture that helps to give context to those acts of courage that did take place. Gildea has done more in this book to challenge the myth of resistance and ask people to open their eyes to the bigger picture as well as look at the moral and political impact on French history. It does leave one question hanging which only the reader can answer, how would we have acted if we had been occupied. One has to remember there were certainly people who were sympathetic to the German cause here too before one tries to take the moral high ground. Apr 30, JQAdams rated it it was ok. The French Resistance produces a lot of ground to cover, so it may be understandable that an author struggles to make it a satisfying narrative. The primary sources, as is typical when covering clandestine but ultimately vindicated activity, often seem more like retrospective mythmaking than reliable accounts of what happened at the time, for example, and the wide range of events to discuss lead to a choppy presentation as Gildea zigzags between telling some individual stories to the end and onl The French Resistance produces a lot of ground to cover, so it may be understandable that an author struggles to make it a satisfying narrative. The primary sources, as is typical when covering clandestine but ultimately vindicated activity, often seem more like retrospective mythmaking than reliable accounts of what happened at the time, for example, and the wide range of events to discuss lead to a choppy presentation as Gildea zigzags between telling some individual stories to the end and only presenting chronologically relevant portions of others. See also: the often awkward end-of-chapter paragraphs that attempt to be smooth transitions but instead just mean random leaps of topic happen one paragraph before the end of the chapter. But even aside from those possibly unavoidable pitfalls, Gildea manages to stumble into every snare he could here. Not trusting the reader to remember the details of individual people, he often repeats extensive identifying material every time a person returns to the story, so that if you do happen to remember -- or even if your memory could be jogged by the nub of the story -- you're going to have to power through a lot of gratuitous repetition of not very interesting background. Even more inexplicably, something like a quarter of the book concerns the fate of the Resistance after liberation. That could be an interesting topic, to be sure, but pages on it is too short to do it justice as an independent story yet too long when the book is struggling to cover its ostensible topic of the actual Resistance. Even in that mini-book about how postwar generations thought about the Resistance, the writing manages to be structurally repetitive: there's a twenty-page introduction on the subject that is basically recapitulated in the forty-page concluding chapter, most of which boils down to "De Gaulle didn't like communists or foreigners, but people eventually gave them more of their due. Mar 02, Aloke marked it as to-read Shelves: france , history , non-fiction. Despite the evident problems of memory, particularly where emotionally charged subjects are concerned, he has wanted to recapture authentic feelings. His narrative is vivid and powerful, and he has not neglected current scholarly findings. Jul 31, Ellie Midwood rated it it was amazing Shelves: holocaust , research-stuff , war-non-fiction , wwii-non-fiction. Fighters in the Shadows is a great research source for anyone interested in the history of the French Resistance. Each chapter is written in the form Fighters in the Shadows is a great research source for anyone interested in the history of the French Resistance. Many people still believe that the French Resistance was a very homogeneous and unified organization, but the author does a wonderful job of demonstrating the reality of it. Loved it! Jan 02, Mary rated it liked it Shelves: history , war , france. Gildea reasonably posits that the French did not liberate themselves, nor were many of them insurgent during the occupation. Those who stood up had help. The resistance in France was also mostly? Big hug to FDR. OTOH, big pictu Gildea reasonably posits that the French did not liberate themselves, nor were many of them insurgent during the occupation. Thank you, UK.

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