Phoenicians in the West: the Early Epigraphic Evidence

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Phoenicians in the West: the Early Epigraphic Evidence 36 Phoenicians in the West: The Early Epigraphic Evidence [1986] The discoveries of the past thirty years have trans­ pology of the pottery or weapons upon which they were formed our knowledge of the palaeographical develop­ found. Moreover, they link up with closely-dated inscrip­ ment of the Old Canaanite script and the emergence tions of the late tenth and ninth centuries. Today the about 1100 BCE of the early Linear Phoenician character. typology of Phoenician inscriptions of the twelfth, elev­ A turning point came in 1954 with the publication of enth, and tenth centuries is firmly established, as is the three inscribed arrowheads from 'El-lja<;lr in Palestine development of the daughter scripts of Phoenician, He­ dating to ca. 1100 BCE. This group of arrowheads pro­ brew, and Aramaic, of the ninth century BCE. vided easily deciphered texts from precisely the era of These rich palaeographical data from the Syro­ transition from pictograph to linear script and proved to Palestinian mainland necessitate reexamination of the be in some sense a missing link in the history of the al­ dates of Phoenician inscriptions from the islands and phabet. 1 Today more than thirty inscribed arrowheads are western shores of the Mediterranean. known, published and unpublished, all stemming from The dates of early inscriptions from Cyprus require the era between ca. 1100 and 950 BCE. 2 In addition some very little revision. The Archaic Cyprus inscription4 must sixteen inscriptions, on pottery, bronze, and stone are be dated to the second half of the ninth century, in the era now part of the corpus of mainland Phoenician inscrip­ of Pygmalion of Tyre (Phoenician pmytn, pmyytn < tions from the same period, twelfth to mid-tenth centu­ *p'mytn) whose dates may now be calculated as ca. 831- ries, BCE. 3 Many of these inscriptions are closely dated 785 BCE.5 The Ba'l Lebanon Inscription6 is dated to the from controlled archaeological contexts, or from the ty- reign of I:Iirom II named in its text. I:Iirom paid tribute to Tiglath-pileser III (744-727 BCE) in 738, and died within 1. F. M. Cross and J. T. Milik, "Inscribed Javelin-heads from the the year to judge by the chronology of Menander. 7 The Period of the Judges," BASOR 134 (1954): 5-15 [Paper 49 below]; inscription thus must be dated between 785 and 738. Be­ Cross and Milik, "A Typological Study of the El-ijadr Javelin- and Ar­ rowheads. ADAJ 3 (1956): 15-23; and Cross, "The Origin and Early longing to the first half of the eighth century are also the Evolution of the Alphabet. Eretz-lsrael 8 (1967): 8*-24* [Paper 52 be­ )nts Jug and the Kition Bowl. 8 The latter is generally low]. Two additional El-ija<;lr arrowheads-including the arrowhead with the longest text-were published in Cross, "Newly Found Inscrip­ tions in Old Canaanite and Early Phoenician Scripts," BASOR 238 4. KAI: 30. See also 0. Masson and M. Sznycer, Recherches sur (1980): 4-7 [pp. 216-20 above]. Les Pheniciens a Chypre (Geneva and Paris: Librarie Droz, 1972): 13- 2. The published and unpublished pieces are enumerated in Paper 20; and H.-P. Miiller, "Die phonizische Grabinschrift aus dem Zypern­ 29, Appendix A. Museum: KAI 30 und die Formgeschichte des nordwestsemitischen 3. These texts are surveyed and publication data listed in F. M. Epitaphs," ZA 65 (1975): 104-32. Cross, "The Origin and Early Evolution of the Alphabet" [Paper 52 be­ 5. See Paper 35 above. low]; "Early Alphabetic Scripts," Symposia Celebrating the Seventy­ 6. KAI: 31. Fifth Anniversary of the Founding of the American Schools of Oriental 7. See Peckham: 115. Research, ed. F. M. Cross (Cambridge, Mass.: ASOR, 1979): 97-123 8. On the 'nts Jug, see Peckham: 115, n. I; the Kition Bowl was [Paper 53 below]; and "Newly Found Inscriptions in Old Canaanite and published by Dupont-Sommer, "Une inscription phenicienne archaYque Early Phoenician Scripts" [Paper 32 above]; and Paper 31 above. On the recemment trouvee aKition (Chypre)," Memoires de l 'Academie des In­ palaeographic character of the Tell Fabariyeh Inscription, an Aramaic scriptions et Belles-lettres 44 (1970): 1-28; see also M. G. G. Amadasi text in Phoenician script, see Paper 4 above. and V. Karageorghis, Fouilles de Kition Ill. Inscriptions pheniciennes 254 Phoenicians in the West: The Early Epigraphic Evidence 255 dated to the end of the ninth century on archaeological tion from Crete was found in a tomb at Tekke near Knos­ grounds, but its script is typologically more developed sos; it is inscribed on a bronze bowl. 15 The inscription than that of the Bacl Lebanon Inscription. reads: ks. sm< bn lbnn, 'The cup of Sama\ son of Laba­ The earliest extant inscription from Carthage is the non'.16 The script includes the three-fingered kap, a form so-called Gold Pendant. Typologically its script belongs which disappeared after the tenth century, but is regular in to the second half of the eighth century BCE. The at­ both eleventh- and tenth-century scripts; an archaic mem tempts of Ferron to raise its date to the ninth century fail in vertical stance; and an <ayin with a large pupil, a form on close palaeographical analysis. 9 There is, I believe, which disappears in Phoenician by the end of the elev­ no longer any reason to doubt that, while the owner of enth century. In short, detailed palaeographical analysis, the pendant may have been Cypriot in origin, it was in light of the new resources for dating inscriptions of this placed in its Carthaginian tomb not many years after its period, requires that the Tekke bowl be dated to the end of manufacture. 10 the eleventh century BCE, 1000 BCE in round numbers. 17 From Spain comes an old Phoenician inscription dedicated to Hurrian Astarte. 11 In the editio princeps 15. M. Sznycer, "L'inscription phenicienne de Tekke pres de J.M. Sola-Sole dated the inscription to the eighth cen­ Cnossus," Kadmos 18 (1979): 89-93; H. W. Catling, "The Knossus Area, 1974-76;' Archaeological Reports for 1976-1977, No. 23 (1977): tury, and preferred a date in the first half of the century. I 11-15; and F. M. Cross, "Newly Found Inscriptions in Old Canaanite have argued in some detail for a date in the second half of and Early Phoenician Scripts" (above, n. I): 1-20, esp. 15 [pp. 227-30 the eighth century, and most recently Puech has sug­ above]. 16. This reading is new, a revision of my earlier reading which left gested a date in the mid-eighth century, more precisely in the patronymic undeciphered following the initial lamed. I was, how­ the third quarter. 12 In any case, its script falls between the ever, inclined to read the final letter as nun (as did Sznycer): 1--n. The scripts of the Bacl Lebanon inscription (mid-eighth cen­ next to last letter also resembled nun. The problem has been with the second letter of the name, which I took as 'alep following Sznycer, but tury) and the Karatepe Bilingual BCE). 13 (ca. 720 with considerable reserve. In fact it must be read bet. This is now clear A complex for metalworking on Pithekoussai (Is­ from the photograph published in Veronique Krings, ed., La Civilisa­ chia) has produced two graffiti in Phoenician. The indus­ tion phenicienne et punique. Manuel de Recherche [Handbuch der Ori­ trial establishment and the graffiti belong to the eighth entalistik 20] (Leiden: Brill, 1995): Pl. 47. Dr. Mary Joan Winn Leith first urged upon me the possibility of reading a name from the root lbn. century BCE. 14 Cf. bib!. lbn, lbn', lbny; Ugaritic labnay, labnu, lbn, lbny, and lbnn (cp. The oldest of the Phoenician inscriptions from the the GN lbnn). However, the vertical stroke on the left of the letter West come from Crete and Sardinia. The oldest inscrip- seemed to render the reading impossible-until the new photograph made clear that the left downstroke was casual, not part of the letter. 17. Tomb J at Tekke is "Early Proto geometric in Cretan terms, (Nicosia: Department of Antiquities, Cyprus, 1977): 149-60 (No. D21); equivalent to the late Protogeometric of Attica" according to H. W. R. B. Coote, "The Kition Bowl;' BASOR 220 (1975): 47-53; and Catling, "The Knossus Area, 1974-76," p. 4. Desborough's dates for this W. Ri.illig, "Die Phi.inizier des Mutterlandes zur Zeit der Kolonisierung," phase are ca. 950-900. If this chronology is followed it may be con­ Madrider Beitrage 8 (1982): 26f. cluded that the bowl is an heirloom left in the cave, a half-century or so 9. See Ferron, "Le Medaillon de Carthage;' Cahiers de Byrsa 8 older than the main deposit in the tomb. A Late Minoan lentoid seal (LM (1958/9): 45-60; and "Les Problemes du Medaillon de Carthage;' Le III) was also found in the tomb. However, there is strong pressure on the Museon 81 (1968): 255-61 (where he revises his views). part of archaeologists trained in both Near Eastern and Mediterranean 10. See the balanced and informed discussion of Peckham: 119-24. ceramics of this period to raise the date of the beginning Early Geometric 11. See F. M. Cross, "The Old Phoenician Inscription from Spain and the end of Protogeometric on the basis of Near Eastern data. It will Dedicated to Hurrian Astarte;' HTR 64 (1971): 189-95 [Paper 40 be­ be remembered that the chronology of both Protogeometric and Geo­ low]. Independently M. Weippert recognized the goddess 'strt !Jr as metric depend entirely on Near Eastern data for absolute dates.
Recommended publications
  • T C K a P R (E F C Bc): C P R
    ELECTRUM * Vol. 23 (2016): 25–49 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.16.002.5821 www.ejournals.eu/electrum T C K A P R (E F C BC): C P R S1 Christian Körner Universität Bern For Andreas Mehl, with deep gratitude Abstract: At the end of the eighth century, Cyprus came under Assyrian control. For the follow- ing four centuries, the Cypriot monarchs were confronted with the power of the Near Eastern empires. This essay focuses on the relations between the Cypriot kings and the Near Eastern Great Kings from the eighth to the fourth century BC. To understand these relations, two theoretical concepts are applied: the centre-periphery model and the concept of suzerainty. From the central perspective of the Assyrian and Persian empires, Cyprus was situated on the western periphery. Therefore, the local governing traditions were respected by the Assyrian and Persian masters, as long as the petty kings fulfi lled their duties by paying tributes and providing military support when requested to do so. The personal relationship between the Cypriot kings and their masters can best be described as one of suzerainty, where the rulers submitted to a superior ruler, but still retained some autonomy. This relationship was far from being stable, which could lead to manifold mis- understandings between centre and periphery. In this essay, the ways in which suzerainty worked are discussed using several examples of the relations between Cypriot kings and their masters. Key words: Assyria, Persia, Cyprus, Cypriot kings. At the end of the fourth century BC, all the Cypriot kingdoms vanished during the wars of Alexander’s successors Ptolemy and Antigonus, who struggled for control of the is- land.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Cyprus: Island of Conflict?
    Ancient Cyprus: Island of Conflict? Maria Natasha Ioannou Thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy Discipline of Classics School of Humanities The University of Adelaide December 2012 Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................ III Declaration........................................................................................................... IV Acknowledgements ............................................................................................. V Introduction ........................................................................................................... 1 1. Overview .......................................................................................................... 1 2. Background and Context ................................................................................. 1 3. Thesis Aims ..................................................................................................... 3 4. Thesis Summary .............................................................................................. 4 5. Literature Review ............................................................................................. 6 Chapter 1: Cyprus Considered .......................................................................... 14 1.1 Cyprus’ Internal Dynamics ........................................................................... 15 1.2 Cyprus, Phoenicia and Egypt .....................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Jewish Presence in Cyprus Before Ad 70
    SCRIPTA JUDAICA CRACOVIENSIA * Vol. 7 Kraków 2009 Zdzisław J. Kapera THE JEWISH PRESENCE IN CYPRUS BEFORE AD 70 In the time of Sergius Paulus (Acts 13, 7), Cyprus was inhabited by indigenous Cypriots, Greeks (from Greece and Egypt), Phoenicians, some Romans (few in comparison with other groups), and a large community of Jews. What is surprising is the almost total absence of Greek (or Aramaic) synagogue inscriptions, especially since we know from the Acts of the Apostles and other sources that a substantial group of people of Jewish origin was living on the island.1 G. Hill2 and T. B. Mitford3 suggested some decades ago that the first Jews settled in Cyprus in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus. According to the Talmudic sources, they were very probably obliged to supply wine annually for the services in the Jerusalem Temple.4 However, today we are able to date the first Jewish settlers as early as the fourth century BC. Found in ancient Kition were three Phoenician inscriptions with evidently Jewish names: Haggai, son of Azariah, and Asaphyahu.5 Commercial contacts are later confirmed by finds of Hasmonaean coins in Nea Paphos.6 The first epigraphical proof is provided by a Greek inscription from Kourion of a late Hellenistic date, where a Jew named Onias is mentioned.7 The next attestation of Jews, also of the late Hellenistic or early Roman period, comes from a text dealing with permanent habitation of Jews in Amathus. According to Mitford the text seems to concern “the construction in cedar wood of the doorway of a synagogue” in that city.8 If the Jews built a synagogue, they had a community there.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cypriot Kingdoms in the Archaic Age: a Multicultural Experience in the Eastern Mediterranean Anna Cannavò
    The Cypriot Kingdoms in the Archaic Age: a Multicultural Experience in the Eastern Mediterranean Anna Cannavò To cite this version: Anna Cannavò. The Cypriot Kingdoms in the Archaic Age: a Multicultural Experience in the Eastern Mediterranean. Roma 2008 - XVII International Congress of Classical Ar- chaeology: Meetings Between cultures in the Eastern Mediterranean, 2008, Roma, Italy. http://151.12.58.75/archeologia/bao_document/articoli/5_CANNAVO.pdf. hal-00946152 HAL Id: hal-00946152 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00946152 Submitted on 13 Feb 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Anna Cannavò The Cypriot Kingdoms in the Archaic Age: A Multicultural Experience in the Eastern Mediterranean Publishing in 1984 his masterwork about kingship in Greece before the Hellenistic age Pierre Carlier wrote 1 in his introduction: “Le cas des royautés chypriotes est très différent [ i.e. par rapport à celui des royautés grecques antérieures à la conquête d'Alexandre]: leur étude systématique n'a jamais été tentée à ma connaissance. La plupart des documents épigraphiques en écriture syllabique ont été réunis et analysés par O. Masson[ 2] et les testimonia relatifs à Salamine ont été rassemblés par M.
    [Show full text]
  • The Phoenician Gold Jewellery from Kition, Cyprus L’Orfèvrerie Phénicienne En Or De Kition, Chypre
    ArcheoSciences Revue d'archéométrie 33 | 2009 Authentication and analysis of goldwork The Phoenician gold jewellery from Kition, Cyprus L’orfèvrerie phénicienne en or de Kition, Chypre Pavlos Flourentzos and Maria Luisa Vitobello Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/archeosciences/2135 DOI: 10.4000/archeosciences.2135 ISBN: 978-2-7535-1598-7 ISSN: 2104-3728 Publisher Presses universitaires de Rennes Printed version Date of publication: 31 December 2009 Number of pages: 143-149 ISBN: 978-2-7535-1181-1 ISSN: 1960-1360 Electronic reference Pavlos Flourentzos and Maria Luisa Vitobello, « The Phoenician gold jewellery from Kition, Cyprus », ArcheoSciences [Online], 33 | 2009, Online since 10 December 2012, connection on 01 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/archeosciences/2135 ; DOI : 10.4000/archeosciences.2135 Article L.111-1 du Code de la propriété intellectuelle. he Phoenician gold jewellery from Kition, Cyprus L’orfèvrerie phénicienne en or de Kition, Chypre Pavlos Flourentzos* and Maria Luisa Vitobello** Abstract: In 1998, a built tomb was excavated on the southern outskirts of the town of Larnaca. he tomb was labelled MLA 1742 and included a unique collection of jewellery that likely adorned the deceased. heir assemblage totalled twenty three pieces belonging to various jewellery typologies, manufactured in gold and ornate with semi-precious stones. he tomb shows several ritual similarities with the famous Royal Tombs of Salamis. It can be suggested that a member of the Kition Phoenicians’ upper classes was buried here, possibly even a member of the royal family of this city. he tomb is dated to a period around the end of the 8th century BC, when Cyprus was under a strong orientalising inluence, due in all probability to the presence of Phoenician settlers in Kition.
    [Show full text]
  • Phoenicians in Cyprus and Their Hellenisation the Case of Kition
    ANDREAS DEMETRIOU PHOENICIANS IN CYPRUS AND THEIR HELLENISATION THE CASE OF KITION - Introduction Cyprus, an island of 9,237 sq. kms, lies a short distance off the coast of Asia. A mere 75 kms separate it from Cilicia, 100 from Syria, 350 from Egypt and 385 kms from Rhodes and the Aegean. Due to its loca­ tion in the centre of the then known world, which was ideal for people to come and go, she observed waves of immigrants or passers by disembarking at her shores, either for commerce, emigration or robbery. Some of them, especially those aspiring to power came as masters and conquerors, while some others invaded the island for the sake of getting away her riches, leaving behind ashes and ruins. The event that stamped permanently the life of Cyprus was the arrival of the Mycenaean Greeks. This arrival can clearly be followed in the archaeological horizon of the island. It started in late 13th century, if not slightly earlier, an idea favoured by us (Demetriou, 1997, 207), and continued down to mid-11th cen­ tury. By that time the island was almost completely hellenised, if we can judge by the creation of a new pottery type based on the latest Mycenaean ware and used all over the island (Proto-White Painted or Proto-Bichrome), the introduction to Cyprus of the chamber tomb with long dromos and converging walls, the emergence of the D-shaped fibula and the goddess with up-lifted arms, only to mention but a few nov­ elties depending on prototypes of the Mycenaean world that speak in favour of Mycenaean Greeks estab­ lishing themselves permanently in Cyprus.
    [Show full text]
  • Phoenician Sailors and Traders Transformed the Ancient World by Ancient History Encyclopedia, Adapted by Newsela Staff on 07.31.19 Word Count 976 Level 850L
    Phoenician sailors and traders transformed the ancient world By Ancient History Encyclopedia, adapted by Newsela staff on 07.31.19 Word Count 976 Level 850L Image 1. Troops from a United Nations peacekeeping force on the Israeli-Lebanese border mingle with tourists exploring the Phoenician ruins in Tyre, Lebanon, July 29, 2017. Photo by Jon Gambrell for AP The wealth of Phoenician cities such as Tyre, Sidon and Byblos was based on trade. Indeed, it was the search for new goods and new markets that caused the Phoenicians to found colonies. Phoenician civilization first developed in the Levant. The Levant is an area that today includes the states of Lebanon, Syria and Israel. From the 10th century B.C. onward, Phoenicians branched out from this homeland. They colonized territories throughout the ancient Mediterranean. Sailing And Trading The Phoenicians were not only excellent traders. They were skilled navigators as well. They traveled widely and established colonies wherever they went. The major Phoenician trade routes were by sea to the Greek islands, across southern Europe, down the Atlantic coast of Africa, and up to ancient Britain. Trade and the search for valuable goods led to the founding of trading posts. Over time, these sites grew. Their populations became larger. More and more buildings were erected. In time, simple This article is available at 5 reading levels at https://newsela.com. trading posts turned into large cities and fully developed colonies. The Phoenician colonization of the Mediterranean happened in stages. Sometime between the 12th and eighth centuries B.C., various small trade centers were established.
    [Show full text]
  • Barnabas, John Mark, and Their Ministry on Cyprus 311
    BARNABAS, JOHN MARK, AND THEIR MINISTRY ON CYPRUS 311 Cyprus CHAPTER 25 BARNABAS, JOHN MARK, AND THEIR MINISTRY ON CYPRUS Acts 13:4-13; 15:36-39 Mark Fairchild KEY POINTS • The beginnings and the growth of the church in C rus are not well known. yp gave him the name Barnabas-son of tions also claim that later in life Mark • A large Jewish presence on Cyprus during the first century AD is evident encouragement (Acts 4:36). Clement followed Peter to Rome and wrote the fromancient sources. of Alexandria and Eusebius assert that second Gospel fromwhat he remembered Barnabaswas one of the seventy disciples of Peter's preaching. Originally, Mark • Sergius Paulus, the proconsul of Cyprus,converted to Christianityin spite sent out by Jesus to proclaim the coming lived in Jerusalem(Acts 12:12; 13:13) and of oppositionfrom a Jewish magician, Elymas (Bar-Jesus). kingdom.' He was in Jerusalem shortly in his letter to the Colossians Paul alluded afterthe outpouringof the Holy Spirit on to Mark as Barnabas' cousin (Col 4:10). • Barnabas,a nativeC ypriot, and his cousin John Mark accompanied Paul on an early mission to Cyprus,but only Barnabasand John Mark returnedfor Pentecost and sold a piece of land, contrib­ Since Barnabaswas a nativeC ypriot and a second mission. utingthe proceeds of the sale forthe needs he sold what land he owned in Jerusalem of the early Jerusalem Christiancommu­ (Acts 4:37), it is likely he lived with Mark • The apocryphal Acts of Barnabasprovides us with an account of Barnabas nity. Following Paul's conversion when while he was in Jerusalem.• and Mark's second mission to Cyprus, but the document is late and histor­ nobody trustedthe sincerity of his new Following the dispersion of Christians ically suspect.
    [Show full text]
  • YON, Marguerite — Kition Dans Les Textes. Testimonia Lit- Téraires Et
    0109_BIOR_2007_3-4_01 26-09-2007 13:14 Pagina 345 431 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — SYRIË - PALESTINA 432 Greek and Phoenician inscriptions from Idalion, and the com- plete dossier of Cimon and his Athenians beleaguering Kition; the dossiers of Andocides and Abdymon; the battle against Euagoras of Salamis; more inscriptions from Idalion and Tamasos dated to king Milkiyaton (392-362 B.C.). Some of them are bilingual: in Phoenician and in syllabic Greek (p. 78-81). Testimonia for the reign of Pumayyaton (Pygmalion); Alexander the Great and his successors; the Ptolemaean and Roman hegemonies; the bishopries of Cyprus (p. 47-94). Chapter IV offers the textual evidence on famous persons from Kition; in the first place the philosopher Zeno, founder of the Stoa (p. 96-125). Inscriptions about Kitians in Athens, Delos, Rhodos, etc. Three concern Noumènios, a Greek name meaning “Of the New Moon”, in Phoenician BenÌodes, MaÌdas “Son of Newmoon” (nos. 71, 165-166) (p. 81, 132- 144). See for such “translations” of names p. 23. The second part of the book, all the inscriptions found in Kition, begins with an introduction and continues with three Sections, organised according to language. “Pour la période qui va du IXe à la fin du IVe siècle av. J.-C., on ne s’éton- nera pas de trouver presque uniquement des inscriptions en phénicien (environ 150 numéros). Puis les inscriptions en grec sont en majorité écrasante (plus de 220 numéros) à par- tir du rattachement de Chypre au royaume lagide, qui mar- que son entrée dans le monde hellénistique” (p. 159). The first Section presents the Phoenician inscriptions, beginning SYRIË – PALESTINA with the drawings of inscriptions seen by Pococke in 1738 (p.
    [Show full text]
  • Settlements and Necropoleis of the Black Sea and Its Hinterland in Antiquity
    Settlements and Necropoleis of the Black Sea and its Hinterland in Antiquity Select papers from the third international conference ‘The Black Sea in Antiquity and Tekkeköy: An Ancient Settlement on the Southern Black Sea Coast’, 27-29 October 2017, Tekkeköy, Samsun edited by Gocha R. Tsetskhladze and Sümer Atasoy with the collaboration of Akın Temür and Davut Yiğitpaşa Archaeopress Archaeology Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com ISBN 978-1-78969-206-8 ISBN 978-1-78969-207-5 (e-Pdf) © Authors and Archaeopress 2019 Cover: Sebastopolis, Roman baths. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. Printed in England by Oxuniprint, Oxford This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com Contents Preface ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ iii List of Figures and Tables ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iv Once again about the Establishment Date of Some Greek Colonies around the Black Sea ������������������������������������1 Gocha R� Tsetskhladze The Black Sea on the Tabula Peutingeriana �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������42
    [Show full text]
  • Hurricane Katrina: Understanding Social and Physical Vulnerability
    Creating and Analyzing a Phoenician Navigational Safety Zone by Jeff Blossom Introduction Problem How would you use land visibility to map an ancient civilization's navigational safety zone? The Phoenicians excelled at maritime trading, sailing the Mediterranean Sea between 1500 and 300 AD (Markoe 2000). These remarkable seafaring people, credited with spreading the alphabet, occupied small enclaves in port towns that served as their bases of operations both religious and economic. These ports of call defined the Phoenician geographic footprint and grew to include many locations along hundreds of kilometers (km) of the eastern Mediterranean coast. Sailing safely from port to port was essential to the Phoenicians' livelihood. Navigating within sight of land is the safest way to sail and remained the Phoenicians' preferred method, even when navigation using celestial bodies became better understood. Exactly how far out to sea could they sail and still be in sight of land? In other words, what was the Phoenicians' navigational safety zone? Landmark visibility while at sea depends on the coastal land's height above sea level (elevation), the distance of inland elevated features from the coast, and air clarity. Using a digital elevation model (DEM), observer point locations, and parameters available in geographic information system (GIS) software, you can model this landmark visibility and map the navigational safety zone within which an enterprising ancient people sailed for more than a thousand years. Location Eastern Mediterranean Sea Keywords: visibility; landmarks; historic; coastal topography Creating and Analyzing a Phoenician Navigational Safety Zone Jeff Blossom Time to complete the lab Two hours Prerequisites Cursory familiarity with ArcGIS® software Data used in this lab .
    [Show full text]
  • Your Name Here
    PUBLIC AND PRIVATE: PHOENICIAN AND GREEK SETTLEMENT MODELS IN THE 8TH CENTURY B.C.E. by JOHN THOMAS LANIER, JR. (Under the Direction of Naomi Norman) ABSTRACT During 8th-7th centuries B.C.E. the Phoenicians and Greeks embarked upon a period of expansion in the western Mediterranean. While traditionally this movement has been collectively described as “colonization,” the reality of the methods and motives of this western diaspora varied widely. This study uses archaeological evidence from Phoenician and Greek “colonies” of the 8th-7th century B.C.E. to establish two distinct models of settlement in the western Mediterranean. The first two chapters discuss the “Kition” and “Andalusian” settlement models; the third chapter then contextualizes Carthage, a unique settlement among the early Phoenician colonies, within the framework of these models. INDEX WORDS: Colonization, Phoenicians, Greeks, Early Iron Age, Western Mediterranean History, Carthage PUBLIC AND PRIVATE: PHOENICIAN AND GREEK SETTLEMENT MODELS IN THE 8TH CENTURY B.C.E. by JOHN THOMAS LANIER, JR. B.A., University of Georgia, 2005 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2007 © 2007 John Thomas Lanier, Jr. All Rights Reserved PUBLIC AND PRIVATE: PHOENICIAN AND GREEK SETTLEMENT MODELS IN THE 8TH CENTURY B.C.E. by JOHN THOMAS LANIER, JR. Major Professor: Naomi Norman Committee: Keith Dix Erv Garrison Electronic Version Approved: Maureen Grasso Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia August 2007 DEDICATION PATRI MATRIQUE MEO iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES.......................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]