The Fight for a Revolutionary Vanguard Party Polemics on The

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The Fight for a Revolutionary Vanguard Party Polemics on The 1 Letter to the New Unity Movement ..................................... .10 Two Letters to the Workers Organisation for Socialist Action ............ .17 Tailing the ANC's Neo-Apartheid Nationalism ........................... 24 Letter to the Workers International to Rebuild the Fourth International '" 28 Greetings to WOSA Conference .......... , ............................. 34 Rand2 US$1 £0.75 Cdn$1.25 A$1.25 April 1997 "&!i:::i:Q,'", Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, NY 10116, USA " !. 3 Introduction· With the election of Nelson Mandela in 1994 as Congress of South African Trade Unions is the princi­ South Africa's first black president, the African pal organisation of black labour, another sizable trade­ National Congress has become the primary political union grouping, the National Council of Trade Unions agent for the Randlords and their senior partners in (NACTLJ), is politically run in bloc by the PAC and Wall Street and the City of London, bringing to fruition AZAPO. The division of the labour movement into two the process of "reconciliation" initiated with Mandela's union federations led by rival nationalist parties, as release from prison. Indeed, Mandela has stated that well as a number of independent unions led by leftists, one of his most important accomplishments has been weakens the workers in the day-to-day struggles with creating "an investor-friendly environment." Police still the employers and is potentially very dangerous. We break the strikes of black and coloured workers and stand for industrial unionism. All workers in a given expel squatters from their shantytowns as before, but industry should be in one union governed by the princi­ they now do so in the name of a "democratic, non­ ples of internal democracy, with one worker, one vote. racial" South Africa. The economic base of the old To the left of the ANC/SACP are a number of small apartheid system-the superexploitation of black groups which claim to be or are generally regarded as labour by the white capitalists-remains while the Trotskyist. The material in this pamphlet presents a political superstructure has undergone a radical change. revolutionary Marxist position, theoretically and pro­ The "new" South Africa can thus be defined as neo­ grammatically, on key questions of debate within the apartheid. South African left, including elements of the SACP, in At the same time, under the rubric of "black empow­ recent years: whether South Africa has now become a erment," we are beginning to see the formation of a stable bourgeois democracy, moreover, one which can black capitalist class drawn from the leading cadre of carry out the ambitious economic and social reforms the ANC who now drive BMWs, wear Pierre Cardin promised by the ANC's Reconstruction and Develop­ suits and have moved into posh, formerly all-white ment Programme; how to build a mass workers party, suburbs. This development is personified by Cyril its nature and relation to the trade unions; the doctrine Ramaphosa, former head of the National Union of of "socialist nation-building" in the countries of the so­ Mineworkers and subsequently ANC parliamentary called "Third World." leader, now the deputy chairman of New Africa Invest­ The core of the pamphlet consists of letters from our ments, the country's largest black-owned corporation. organisation, the International Communist League In their own way the black masses recognise the bour­ (Fourth Internationalist), to the New Unity Movement, geoisification of one-time leaders of the "liberation" the Workers Organisation for Socialist Action (WOSA) struggle whom they contemptuously describe as hop­ of Neville Alexander and the Workers International to ping aboard the "gravy train." Rebuild the Fourth International. We are here publish­ But despite popular denunciations of the "gravy ing for the first time a presentation given by a repre­ train," black African workers and other toilers remain sentative of the ICL to a WOSA national conference in tied to their exploiters and would-be exploiters by their 1995. Also included is an exchange with the Comrades traditional and continuing support to the ANC abetted for a Workers Government originally published in May by its longtime ally, the reformist South African Com­ 1995 in Workers Vanf?uard, the newspaper of our munist Party (SACP), which historically enjoys the American section. Additionally, we have reprinted allegiance of advanced sections of the proletariat. To Trotsky'S 1935 "Letter to South African Revolutionar­ break the chains of neo-apartheid and achieve genuine ies," a letter to his South African supporters which national and social liberation, the working class must addresses the slogan of a "black republic" and also dis­ transcend the ideology of nationalism, the false belief cusses what attitude, strategy and tactics a proletarian that the black African people-brutally oppressed by revolutionary vanguard should have toward the ANC. the white rulers of South Africa-all have a common This pamphlet supplements two previous publica­ interest which stands higher than class divisions. tions. "South Africa and Permanent Revolution" (pub­ The ideological dominance among the black masses lished in 1991 as No.8 in our Black History and the of nationalism in its various forms is also indicated Class Struf?f?le series) covered the township revolt of in that the main perceived "radical" opponents of the mid-1980s, the rise of a powerful black workers the ANC are the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) movement and the legalisation in 1990 of the ANC and and AZAPO (the successor to Steven Biko's Black Communist Party. "South Africa Powder Keg" (Black Consciousness Movement). While the ANC/SACP-Ied History and the Class Struf?f?le No. 12), published in 4 1995, analysed the neo-apartheid arrangement and put racial groupings, while coercively reimposing tribal forward a proletarian revolutionary per~pective under identity on urban blacks. These leftists, instead, cl ing the new conditions of the Mandela/De Klerk "Govern­ to the ANC-promoted illusion of "nonracialism" which ment of National Unity." conveniently enables them to ignore the real and dra­ The central and underlying theme of the material in matic expressions of division along colour, national this pamphlet is a defence of the Trotskyist concept and tribal lines in Mandela's neo-apartheid state. The and programme of permanent revolution in opposition nationalist fiction of a "rainbow nation" is their means to the various and intertwined currents of nationalism for denying reality, because they have no programme and reformism prevailing on the South African left. to change reality. The theory of permanent revolution holds that the Just as the theory of permanent revolution would national bourgeoisie in backward countries is so weak, have predicted, this capitalist regime, based on superex­ backward and imperialist-dependent that it can no ploitation of the black proletariat, must frustrate the longer play any progressive role. National liberation aspirations of every section of the oppressed. Wide­ and social and economic modernisation in "Third spread expectations for better housing and jobs cannot World" countries can be achieved only under the lead­ be met; even simple democratic demands such as the ership of the working class, through proletarian revolu­ right to an education for all children or the right of tion and its extension to the imperialist centres of West women to birth control and abortion are denied to the Europe, North America and Japan. overwhelming majority by social inequality and lack of Our Marxist understanding that the working class is facilities. If the masses' frustration does not find the only progressive class in the contemporary world, expression along class lines it will fuel and embitter including in backward countries, is in no sense a glo­ every other kind of division. rification of trade-union militancy for its own sake. Unwilling to draw a class line against the ANC Quite the contrary. The workers in South Africa and government, the colourblind South African "leftists" elsewhere can achieve a substantial and permanent must be silent or worse as communities which once improvement in their living conditions only by over­ joined together in defying the apartheid butchers are throwing the capitalist order and replacing it with a now pulling apart. Recently some protests of coloured planned, collectivised economy. This, in turn, requires, township residents against payment of back rates have especially in a country like South Africa, that the work­ been infused with a virulently anti-black thrust. Capitu­ ing class, under its vanguard party, place itself at the lating to false consciousness, most "leftists" quietly head of all oppressed sections of society. As we wrote acquiesce to the ANC view that coloureds might as in the letter to WOSA (9 March 1995), what is needed well be punished for having had more "privileges" than in South Africa is a revolutionary workers party which: blacks, and see the police repression meted out to "does not simply defend the particular interests of the the protests by the regime as justifiable. Meanwhile working class, especially its unionized sector, but is fight­ other leftists tail after "movements" in the coloured ing to eradicate all forms of national and social oppres­ community like People Against Gangsterism and sion-the mass homelessness in the black townships, the hideous conditions of the millions of Africans still trapped Drugs (PAGAD), "anti-crime" vigilantes influenced by on the 'tribal homelands; the degradation of women Muslim fundamentalists and fundamentally hostile to (e.g., polygamy) in rural villages where tribal traditions black rule. remain strong. To unite all of the oppressed, a workers Similarly the "left" generally does not bother to fight party must staunchly champion the democratic rights of those who have cause to feel threatened by the ANC's for full rights for the "immigrant" workers from else­ brand of nationalism-e.g., coloureds, Indians, Zulu vil­ where in Africa who today face unemployment and lagers, immigrants from Mozambique, Zimbabwe and deportation.
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