CONTINUITY in CHANGE? Latvia’S Local Governments After Regional Reform and Local Government Elections a REFORM to TACKLE REGIONAL DISPARITIES

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CONTINUITY in CHANGE? Latvia’S Local Governments After Regional Reform and Local Government Elections a REFORM to TACKLE REGIONAL DISPARITIES PERSPECTIVE DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS Despite a substantial recent re- gional reform which was vigor- ously opposed by local leaders, the local government elections held in June 2021 did not alter CONTINUITY the balance of power in Latvia. As a political project, the re- form may have achieved its IN CHANGE? goal to implement effi ciency gains, yet the phenomenon of “strongmen” mayors continues Latvia’s Local Governments after Regional Reform to persist. and Local Government Elections A record-low voter turnout Daunis Auers and a general discontent with Riga, June 2021 parties and government per- formance may be an indication that a chance to fi nd a widely accepted and long-term re- gional reform solution was missed. DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS CONTINUITY IN CHANGE? Latvia’s Local Governments after Regional Reform and Local Government Elections A REFORM TO TACKLE REGIONAL DISPARITIES Latvia’s eighth regular local government elections since the the ages of 41 and 60 years although just 31 candidates were renewal of independence in 1991 were held on Saturday under 20 years of age, refl ecting the dire demographic trends 5 June 2021. Both citizens of Latvia and other European Un- affl icting Latvia’s regions over the last three decades. ion Member States resident in Latvia and registered in a mu- nicipality 90 days before the election were eligible to vote. In a sense, these elections were far more “local” than those While turnout fell dramatically from 50.4% in the previous in previous years. An early municipal election was held in 2017 vote to just 34% in 2021, those who did bother to vote Latvia’s capital city Rīga in August 2020 after a series of cor- tended to support political continuity, particularly in Latvia’s ruption scandals had engulfed the municipality. The city’s larger regional towns and cities. At the same time, there was long-serving mayor, Nils Ušakovs- social democratic party no major backlash against the governing coalition parties, in “Harmony” (Saskaņa), had his offi ce raided by Latvia’s an- what was the fi rst test of the public’s response to the govern- ti-corruption police (KNAB) and was subsequently suspend- ment’s contested Covid-19 restrictions on public gatherings ed from the post by Juris Pūce the Minister for Environmental that most impacted the retail and hospitality sectors. Protection and Regional Development (from the liberal De- velopment/For! (Attīstībai/Par!) Party alliance). Subsequent DISCONTENT WITH THE STATUS QUO internal feuding in both the social democratic party “Harmo- ny” and among other smaller parties in the municipal gov- The fi rst post-Soviet era local government elections were ernment led to decision-making paralysis. Latvia’s parliament held in 1994 and returned 4,771 deputies in 594 local gov- eventually voted to dismiss the Riga City Council and installed ernments. Following a reorganization of local governments a temporary administrator until an early election could be in 2008, the previous 2017 election saw 1,554 deputies called.3 As a result, Rīga, which is the uncontested political, elected in 118 municipalities (not including the capital city of economic, and cultural centre of Latvia, did not participate in Rīga). In contrast, the 2021 elections planned to elect 683 the 2021 election. This meant that the battle for control of local council deputies (with 13-23 councilors per municipality the capital city did not dominate media headlines, as was the according to population size) in 41 municipalities (6 cities and case in previous local government elections. This may have 35 counties. The capital city Rīga did not vote in 2021) follow- meant that there was marginally less interest in municipal ing a politically contentious territorial reform adopted by the elections than in previous years, but it also meant that the parliament in 2020.1 In the event, the election only went national media did pay more attention to other cities and ahead in 40 municipalities after Latvia’s Constitutional Court countie. ruled against the planned merger of two counties – Varakļāni and Rēzekne – less than ten days before the election. The A REFORM TO TACKLE REGIONAL Central Election Committee took the decision to cancel vot- DISPARITIES ing in both Rēzekne/Varakļāni and neighbouring Madona county, although voting eventually went ahead in Madona Latvia’s parliament adopted a new law on “Administrative county after the parliament passed a law establishing Var- Territories and Populated Areas” on 10 June 2020. It was akļāni into a separate county. signed into law by President Egils Levits twelve days later on 22 June. It was the most contested major legislative reform in There had been concern that changes to the electoral law, recent years, with more than 800 amendments being sub- barring lists of residents from standing for election and in- mitted and discussed over 120 combative hours of parlia- stead only allowing Latvia’s 50 registered political parties and mentary committee meetings and equally prickly parliamen- 7 political party alliances to compete, would result in less tary plenary debates. The new law came into effect after the competition at the local level. However, this does not appear local government elections on 1 July 2021. This was the sec- to have been the case. Instead, local government deputies, ond major shake-up of Latvia’s local government in just over activists and businessmen transitioned to party lists at least a decade following the 2008 reform that cut the number of partially fulfi lling one ambition of this reform, which was to municipalities from 548 to 118 (9 cities and 109 counties). encourage increased membership in political parties across Latvia.2 A total of 324 lists with 5,599 candidates planned to Regional reform was one of the key priorities of the ideolog- compete in the election, with Ropaži (14) and Jūrmala (13) ically diverse fi ve-party coalition led by prime minister Kriš- having the highest number of competing parties. On aver- jānis Kariņš (New Unity- Jaunā Vienotība) that took offi ce in age, there were 136 candidates competing for election in January 2019. The Union of Greens and Farmers (Zaļo un each municipality. Half of the candidates were between Zemnieku Savienība), which held the prime minister post be- fore the election and is a reactionary fi erce defender of Lat- via’s regional cities and rural regions, was left in opposition. 1 The new law on municipal elections states that 15 councilors are As a result, there was a political “window of opportunity” elected in municipalities with a population up to 30,000, 19 coun- cilors in municipalities with a population between 30,001 and 60,000, and 23 councilors in municipalities with a population over 60,000. 13 councilors are elected in cities with a population up to 3 See Jānis Ikstens. 2020. “Corruption as a game changer. Lessons 50,000 and 15 councilors in cities with a population over 50,000. learned and context to the Riga city council snap elections”, Frie- 2 Latvia has long had the lowest rate of political party membership in drich-Ebert-Stiftung Riga Offi ce, http://library.fes.de/pdf-fi les/bueros/ the European Union. Just over 1% of adult citizens are party mem- baltikum/16951.pdf for a full account of the 2020 Riga municipal bers. election. 3 FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – CONTINUITY IN CHANGE? to undertake a radical reform of Latvia’s local government REORGANIZATION AS A POLITICAL PRO- system. This was seen as necessary because the previous JECT TO KEEP REGIONS FUNCTIONAL 2008 reorganization had failed to slow-down two impor- tant negative trends. First, continuing demographic decline The 2020 law on “Administrative Territories and Populated in Latvia’s regions. Second, the related economic unviability Areas” aims to tackle these concerns by creating bigger mu- of smaller local governments and their resulting inability to nicipalities with a greater capacity to deliver better services to deliver the key functions and services legally expected of local residents. A 2019 research paper by economists at the them. Bank of Latvia argued that increasing the average size of Lat- via’s local authorities from an average population of 16,000 In demographic terms, one-third (627,000 people in 2020) of (in 2019) to at least 20,000 would save local governments Latvia’s population lives in the capital city of Rīga and anoth- 196 million EUR in annual spending through more effi cient er 374,000 in the surrounding suburbs (known as Pierīga), merged services and lower administration expenses. Without meaning that 52% of Latvia’s population lives in and around a reorganization of local government, the average municipal- the capital city. The Pierīga suburbs have been the only local ity in Latvia would shrink to 15,000 people in 2030 and government units in Latvia to experience consistent popula- 14,000 in 2040. Local governments had already shrunk by an tion growth over the last three decades, as ambitious, young average 1,500 people between 2010 and 2018. The shrink- Latvians migrated to the Rīga metropolitan region for greater ing size of administrative units also meant that 39 of Latvia’s educational and employment opportunities. For example, 109 counties had a population smaller than the minimum between 2010 and 2016 nine suburban counties close to Rī- 4,000 people foreseen in the 2008 law. Another 55 counties ga each created more new jobs than the whole of Latvia’s were also breaking the law by failing to have a town or village easternmost Latgale region. Second, a suburbanization trend with a population of at least 2,000 people within their bor- has simultaneously seen families and young professionals ders.
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