Ohmynews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election
Internet & Democracy Case Study Series
The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election
By Mary Joyce
DECEMBER 2007 Berkman Center Research Publication No. 2007-15 ��������������������� Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 2 >> .. processes. e objectives of these initial case studiesprocesses. are to write a nar- rative description of the events and the technology used in each case, to draw initial conclusions about the actual impact of technology on democratic events and processes, and to identify questions for further research. Internet and Democracy Project can be found at http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/research/internetdemocracyhttp://cyber.law.harvard.edu/research/internetdemocracyhttp://cyber.law.harvard.edu/research/internetdemocracy e initial case studies include three of the most frequently cited exam- fi rst case study looks e uence on democracy. ples infl of the Internet’s at the user generated news site, OhmyNews, and its impact on the e second case documents2002 Presidential elections in South Korea. nontraditional media and the use of cell phone technologies for infor- mation sharing and organization of protesters Orange during Ukraine’s e third case study analyzes the composition ofRevolution. the Iranian Blogosphere and its possible impact on political and democratic activity during the Presidentialthe paperelection. concludes Finally, with a discussion of the feasibility of the OhmyNews business model, lesstable, than and the organization’s struggle tothe remain site’s profi successful attempt to expand to other similar markets, notably Japan. THE INTERNET & DEMOCRACY PROJECT is case study is part of a series produced by the Internet and Democracy Project, a research initiative at the Berkman Center for thatInternet investigates & Society, the impact of the Internet on civic engagement and democratic processes. information More on the ABSTRACT rst in a series of case studiesis paper that is examinesone of the fi c is specifi the impact of the Internet and technology on democracy. uence of the participatoryWeb sitecase investigates media the infl OhmyNews during the 2002 South Korean Presidential election. be- It gins with a discussion of the phenomenon of citizen journalism and the importance of an independent media next It tomoves to democracy. a discussion of the motivation for the creation of OhmyNews Yon by Oh e case also explains the OhmyNews model for producing and Ho. editing news. then It discusses how real world activism may have con- tributed to online activism and lays out a narrative of OhmyNews’ Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 3 >> 3 2 around this particular election. interest, and shoddy journalism are likely to be the norm. ts of are missed,Facts sources not checked, and the benefi the editorial process are theselost. newsFurther, sites can give a voice to extremists and help spread messages of hate or xenophobia that would never be allowed in mainstream media. Critics also argue that the ability to personalize the news one sees through this type of media allows readers to lter out the news that they do not care about, at fi the ex- pense of broader viewpoints that contribute to a better un- entirederstanding community of andone’s current events. Citizen media sites, and the Internet in general, allow users to create echo chambers for themselves, which promotes greater group polarization and balkanization. is case study does not seek to resolve this broader de- bate, but readers will notice elements of both arguments throughout the description of the OhmyNews model and its activities during the 2002 Presidential election. Instead, this paper provides a description of a user-generated me- dia site that is widely perceived to have had an impact on political events in South Korea, and describes factors that help to explain why this example emerged in South Korea al media In writingcould ever about allow. OhmyNews, es many of the popular sentiments Dan Gilmore exemplifi about participatory journalism, “OhmyNews has shaken up the journalism and political establishments while at- tracting an enormous audience. OhmyNews was melding 20th century tradition—the journalism-as-lecture model, in which organizations tell the audience what the news is and the audience something buys bot- it or doesn’t—into tom-up, interactive, and democratic.” criticsFor of the participatory media model, the ‘news’ these sites produce is untrustworthy since it is not cre- ated by professional journalists and is not subject to the same rigorous editorial process used in traditional media. it is argued thatMoreover, without the code of journal- ist ethics that is drilled into professionals through formal training icts of or on-the-job experience, partisanship, confl is 1 Web sites, includingWeb the ability to append user comments to the articles, allow for a more democratic and robust dis- cussion of current events and news than one-way tradition- mean that Web sitesmean can thatfocusWeb on ‘hyper-local’ news that table. nd profi traditional commercial media do not fi it is argued thatFinally, the interactive features on these in Uganda, instead of an American journalist based in a regional hub far from the events on the ground. Further, the diminished barriers to entry and low production costs citizen media also allows readers to transcend geographic boundaries to learn from a Ugandan what is important that they are soft on corporate sponsors out of fear of los- ing advertising dollars or easy on government leaders in order to retain access to high level policy makers. Online news analysis. Participatory media also is viewed as less susceptible to the potential ethical problems encountered by the mainstream media which can feed the perception see participatory media as removing supposed gate- ‘elite’ keepers in the media who choose for consumers what news is important, and which experts will provide the necessary stream media and provides an opportunity to share their views through a widely accessible platform. Supporters also Proponents of user-generated media sites see this type of ey argue that itnews gives production as transformative. a voice to those who would never be heard in the main- for having created a successful model with citizens as jour- lter content. nalists and professional editors to fi personal and localized than traditional news media cover- site OhmyNews ise SouthknownWeb Koreanas a age. eld, not only for being an earlybut pioneerplayer, in this fi traditional mass media. ese sites are also known for thetraditional mass media. type of news coverage they provide, which is often more reporters, and in some cases the professional staff reporters,of par- and in some cases the professional staff ticipatory media sites to comment on stories, as well as to debate and discuss issues in ways that are impossible in everyday citizens as reporters, usually unpaid, in the place ey also take full advantageof professional of journalists. 2.0-typeinteractive technologiesWeb that allow readers, of activity is user-generated media sites—often also referred to as citizen journalism or participatory media sites. type of online journalism is characterized by the use of impact democracy through increased sharing, production, and aggregation of information. One example of this type CITIZEN JOURNALISM isIt widely perceived that the Internet and technology may Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 4 >> ese voices not 10 us, OhmyNews 11 Chosun Ilbo, Dong-A Ilbo, —monopolized 80 percent of daily cir- Heekyung Hellen Kim elaborated on the role of 9 Joong Ang Ilbo Joong THE KOREAN MEDIA LANDSCAPE, OH YEON HO, AND THE CREATION OF OHMYNEWS OhmyNews was founded by progressive journalist and politicalBorn Ho. in rural activist GokseongYeon Oh in 1964, Oh was politically active from a young age. In 1986, Finally, for proponents ofFinally, user-generated media, OhmyNews creates a more open space for communication about public issues. Many interactive features on the site allow citizen reporters to communicate staff with the site’s and readers. is It possible these features that allow for inter- action between the citizen journalists and readers also lead ine, an assertion that will be to greater political action offl more fully Althoughdiscussed the below. exact nature of the phenomenon is not yet been fully understood, it is pos- sible that OhmyNews acted as a platform for some mem- bers of its online community to coordinate political ese activists appear to use OhmyNews as a activities. space for sharing their thoughts on political issues, mak- ing contact with likeminded citizens, and then coordi- ine world. If nating together to create action in the offl OhmyNews serves as a locus for political organization this would cast citizen journalism in a more politically ac- tive light, and therefore not only a source of citizen-gener- ated news, but also a hub for political mobilization and social change. vironment in which OhmyNews emerged, where three conservative daily newspapers— and culation. OhmyNews in opening up the public sphere to new voices e three big newspapers asked creden- when she said, “ tialed intellectuals to write columns, but OhmyNews gave that opportunity to ordinary citizens.” erent erent credentials butwere of a diff only had diff political persuasion than columnists in the existing ma- es Ho, identifi Yeon Oh creator, e site’s jor papers. OhmyNews progressivism,” aas distinct “open leftward shift from the media establishment. uential public platform not only to a newgranted set an infl erentof usersset of as reporters, but also highlighted a diff political priorities than those normally represented in the South Korean press. 7 e media 5 Finally, the media Finally, 6 According to Jeff erson, the According to Jeff 4 In so doing, OhmyNews gives a public platform 8 by the closed and conservative South Korean media en- represented in the media. uenced e informational role of OhmyNews is also infl reporter.’ to a large number of citizens who had previously not been content and represent their own interests on the site, rather ltered through a professional than having their ideas fi e slogan of OhmyNews is citizen‘every is a journalist. these views, treating the citizen as an information source or a consumer but never as a producer of news. OhmyNews allowing lter, citizens to create theirown removes this fi OhmyNews fulfi lls all these functions,yet in a slightly dif-OhmyNews fulfi ferent manner journalists than described Traditional above. may attempt to represent the views of citizens or inform ety to take. decision making but is, as a process, an element in it.” at is, the media should act as a forum where citizens can debate public issues and determine the path they wish soci- facilitates communication among citizens. According to e news media should provide a forum for Schudson, “ dialogue among citizens that not only informs democratic not only provides citizens with information required to make sound decisions but also can serve as a watchdog, or additional check, on government. if it allows for a full range of opinions, just as each citizen has an equal political voice within a democracy. press should be voice,protected which because the citizen’s the press purports to represent, is important for democracy. the pressFurther, can also promote greater inclusiveness whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.” that, “…the basis of our governments being the opinion of rst object should be to keepthe people,that the very fi right [of a free press]; and were it left to me to decide credited with providing the public an additional and es- sential form of representation. In a 1787 letter toVirginia erson wrote omas Jeff statesmen Edward Carrington, 2002 South Korean election, it is worth briefl yreviewing 2002 South Korean election, it is worth briefl the role of journalism Journalismin ais democracy. often Before investigating the infl uence ofOhmyNews on the Before investigating the infl THE ROLE OF JOURNALISM AND PARTICIPATORY MEDIA IN A DEMOCRACY Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 5 >>
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” Joong Ang Ang Ang Joong Joong Joong ,” Oh noted ,” , MalMalMal and Chosun, Dong-A, 16 is arrangement often included a tacit 17 18 20 media do not function as watchdogs of political institutions and economic power and as a public sphere, Korean audiences do not have the op- portunity to debate these current issues through the media. His interest in participation came not only from his 19 ing the number of liberal voices. As a journalist working for Mal, he would give frequent lectures to university e talk wasstudents about how to become a journalist. called the‘Every Citizeneventual aIs sloganReporter,’ of OhmyNews. explanation for the widely perceived media bias in the Some journalistscountry. create informal agreements with political parties which prevent them from objectively covering political news. “Many Korean journalists see journalism as a stepping-stone to a career in politics,” erefore, journalists who eventually notes Jingbon Choi. “ want to become members of the National Assembly try to establish secret connections with political parties many years earlier.” agreement to provide positive coverage to these parties. Against this believedHo media the backdrop, Yeon Oh Korean media could be realigned by increasing citizen par- ticipation. “While I was a journalist for in a 2003 interview, “I continuously thought about things like how I could change journalism—so that not only professional journalists, but also citizens participated in it.” democratic ideals, but also from a pragmatic perception that Korean citizens were more progressive than the media they consumed. Oh, increasing For citizen participation in media could thus balance the media landscape by increas- New newspapers,New which were often more liberal, did not nancial backing or connections of those createdhave the fi during the period of military dictatorship. As Heekyung Hellen Kim notes, “Korean media was really dominated by three newspapers— the governmentHistorically, controlled the whole media. not like there was competitionIt’s and these papers sur- ey were supported by the dictatorialvived competition. government.” e unethical behavior of Korean journalists is another Mal, 15 12 Limited in his infl uence on both Limited in his infl 13 14 sues aff ectingBecause the country. theKorean sues aff investigations, but as one-time reports with no suggestions for solutions. In these circumstances, Koreans lack exposure to some important is- on soft news and event-oriented reporting. In addition, they report public issues and prob- lems not as continuous reports with follow-up versial issues such as political and environmental issues. In order to attract viewers, they focus the military regime, they changed dramatically to become commercial media. As a result, today, the Korean mass media avoid reporting contro- In In Korea, after the mass media got freedom from profi ts.According Jinbong to Choi: profi governed by reactionary politicians was now governed by conservative commercial interests that rarely antagonized the government, particularly as this could potentially hurt e media gained more freedom following in the 1990’s, the 1987 Presidential elections, but what had once been enacted so that the government could more easily control a smaller number of media outlets. Publication Law of the which early consolidated 1980’s, provincial newspapers and broadcasting companies into single entities. Jinbong Choi argues that these policies were media to the right on the political spectrum. Following the independence of thethe pressWar, Korean was further limited through a series of laws, including the Periodical ing the democratic period, was infl uencedby cronyism.ing the democratic period, was infl ese trends contributed to the positioning of the Korean Korean media fell under political control during the period of military dictatorship from 1961 to 1987, dur-and later, ‘a proletarian‘a of the media world’ and started to become interested in ways to end the isolation of liberal media in Korea. ence among the largely right-leaning newspapers that dom- inated Korean media. readers and other media outlets, Oh came to see himself as After graduating from Seoul’s Yonsei University in 1988,After Yonsei graduating from Seoul’s Oh worked for a leftist monthly magazine called which u- had a relatively small readership and had little infl dictator Chun Doo-Hwan. at the age of 22, he was arrested and imprisoned for a year for taking part in pro-democracy rallies against military Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 6 >> 33 mini e program 27 Currently, Korea Currently, 29 ese pages, called 32 28 30 , are popular because they can be personalized. Not 31 THE BIRTH OF A NEW KIND OF NEWS foundedHo OhmyNews in 1999,Yeon Oh taking the name from the comedic catch phrase ‘Oh my God!’ which raise was popularthe in Korea at theTo time. capital necessary to create the site, Oh sold his house and ve sympatheticKorean business- received funding from fi rst stock holders of these six became the fi Together, men. nient. Speed and pervasiveness have made the Internet an integral buy clothingpart ofandTeenagers Korean life.accessories for their online avatars (their online personas in applica- tions that create virtual worlds such as Second Life), and a television channel is dedicated solely to broadcasting top players competing in online multi-player games. As of 2004, a whopping 79 percent of all Koreans in their twen- ties and thirties—25 percent of the entire Korean popula- tion—had a personal homepage. hompies only can users add their own background art and decora- tive furniture and banners, they can also blog on the site is digital environment, inand post their own photos. which many Koreans feel comfortable contributing their own content to an online space, likely contributed to the Internet infrastructuresuccess ofis OhmyNews. “Korea’s superior to mostatHo a other countries,” saidYeon Oh 2004 Harvard Univeristy speech. makes“It multimedia, always-on service and interactive news service possible.” how to use the Internet by the end of 2002. was considered a success, with 4.1 million people trained in 2000 alone. e Internet promotion policy was phenomenally success- ful (See Exhibit 1). Internet use increased albeit steadily, untilrather 1999, broad- slowly, when the government’s band plan kicked growth into high gear. has one of the highest rates of overall Internet connectivity ve percent Koreanof citizens are in the world. Seventy-fi internet users. cant not only thatInternet connectivity is is soIt signifi e fasterpervasive, the Internet but also that it is so fast. connection, the more time a user is likely to spend online and the more likely they are to create their own content, since uploading text, pictures, and video is more conve- Internet as per- 25 21 24 22 e Korean government chose to 23 At the same time, the Korean govern- 26 ment worked to stimulate demand for Internet services. In Million Internet People Education project2000,Ten the was launched with the goal to teach ten million Koreans the Korean government invested $2.8 billion in their KII project to provide public network infrastructure to towns across the country. the Korean Information Infrastructure (KII) project, creat- ed to design, test, and build high-speed internet infrastruc- ture applications for In the2002, country. for example, promoting competition among providers to bring down costs. example, For the Korean government began work on government invested 0.25 percent of GDP in a high-speed Internet backbone and 0.2 percent of GDP in soft loans to Internet service providers to while increase also supply, Part ofPart this plan was to make broadband vasive as telephone service. Between 1999 and 2005 the edge-based economy. promote IT as, “…an area of growth that would serve the recovery of the overall economy.” Korean government implemented a bold new Information (IT) policyTechnology that aimed to create a new knowl- growth through manufacturing of electronics and automo- biles by conglomerates like Hyundai, Samsung, and LG. nancial crisis in 1997, the following the However, Asian fi frastructure Internet boom in did the mid-1990s. Korea’s nancial crisisnot begin until 1997, following the Asian fi that Until that time, year. Korea had seen strong economic Oh’s desire to create a means for theOh’s public to take part in political Internet discourse in- was tempered by Korea’s oriented news items on several online bulletin boards but received little response. BBS was an early way for people to meet and exchange views online, and Oh hoped it could also be a venue for alternative political discourse. triedHe posting politically Oh’s earliest foray onto the InternetOh’s came in the early nine- ties with the advent of the bulletin board system (BBS). Internet, it seemed it would cost too much if I made it en the Internet came out and I thought, ‘Ah, with paper. I could do it through this space!’ ” journalism. “Because there was no Internet at that time,” recalls Oh, “because there was no such concept as the BUILDING A DIGITAL ENVIRONMENT Distribution idea was for an citizen early barrier to Oh’s Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 7 >> is example highlights 39 40 for citizen reporters. article If a reporter’s is published in OhmyNews, he or she can receive up $20 per article, depending on where the article appears on the site. In ad- dition, reporters readers up canto $54‘tip’ for writing particularly good articles and send the money online or by cell phone. Although there are isolated cases of authors earning thousands of dollars in tips thefor tipsa story, and paymentse serve more as encouragement than income. rejecting about a third. If facts are uncertain a staff memberrejecting about a third. If facts are uncertain a staff can travel to the site of the event to re-interview witnesses and ensure that the story is accurate before it is published. the OhmyNews editingHowever, process has failed in the coverage of some important news events. In 2002 two schoolgirls were accidentally killed by an American military vehicle. Some reports on OhmyNews stated that the sol- diers had killed the girls on purpose, which was both un- ammatory. true and highly infl a major criticism of citizen journalism: that it is not as reliable and is less professional than traditional journalism. Dan Gillmor responds to this criticism, noting that tradi- cant credibility issues.Gillmor’s tional media also has signifi ine media sometimes position is that both online and offl print errors, but as long as they attempt to correct those er- rors, there is no reason for castigation. “I do assume the pa- per has done its best [to present the he facts],” writes, “and that there are institutional mechanisms in place to correct wrong.” something if it’s e OhmyNews model included monetary incentives professional- media that many argue contributed signifi e OhmyNews cantly to the success of the enterprise. model for news production uses editors to increase both credibility In addition and readability. to seeking to meet high standards,the contributors site’s are motivated by monetary incentives and high levels of interactivity be- e use of editors helps ensuretween reporters and readers. that the articles published on OhmyNews are informative and fact-based, while the interactive aspect of the model allows the site to act as a forum for discussion while also eliciting feedback on its contributors. be published in OhmyNews, a citizenTo reporter must rst submit an article to bereviewed and editedby fi the In. order to combat the common perception that citi- staff zen journalism is unreliable, editors with professional jour- nalism experience sift through stories which are submitted, 37 When Oh 34 38 In that article, he laid out his vi- 35 36 non-traditional journalists, OhmyNews used elements of CITIZEN REPORTERS WITH PROFESSIONAL EDITORS enthusiasm for alternativeDespite news Oh’s written by storing that lost half of the news.” presidential press conference was news, and tears shed by lover the night will before now be one’s were re- not.We derstanding of how the news is done. than More anything else, OhmyNews is changing the way people think about Oh wrote, “In the 20th anewsworthy.” century, what’s Oh Oh stated,are not just “We reforming the culture of the Korean media, we are drawing a new line in the history of changingbasic un- the world press’s the world press.We’re “…abolish the threshold for being a reporter.” alsoHe wanted to change what was considered news. where being a reporter is seen as something of a privilege to Oh stated be enjoyed.” that one of his tactics was to, everyone who seeks to make new developments, put them into writing, and share them with Oh continued. others,” is common truth has been trampled on in a culture“ As a fi rst step,Oh planned to demystify the profession of As a fi ey’re some exoticjournalism. species. “Journalists aren’t century,” he arebegan. going “We to changecentury,” the culture of how news is produced, distributed, and consumed, all at one time.” sion for OhmyNews. “OhmyNews declares it is making a complete departure from the media culture of the 20th OhmyNews launched in February 2000, Oh wrote a pas- e Revolt of thesionate 727 article on the site entitled ‘ News Guerilas [sic.].’ Yeon Ho attemptedHo to changeYeon this media environment his goal was not to replace old lecturers with new ones, but to invert the system of media productionOn the day entirely. Dan Gillmor describes the traditional media relationship as a lecture in which consumers either accept or reject what is produced, but have little say over content. 2:22 p.m., a date meant to signify OhmyNews break with traditional twentieth-century journalism. beta edition of OhmyNews came out December 21, 1999 cially February on 22, 2000 at and the site launched offi OhmyNews. askedHe web designers he knew to write the rst e fi code. lateBy 1999 site’s he was testing the site. Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 8 >>
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o r p e t Time e r r reported o p e r reporter in is generation 47 Time Time Time 45 Some are well-educated Los Angeles Times Times Times LosLosLos AngelesAngelesAngeles 44 “ rough this online activism and “ 48 46 When the barriers to becoming a journalist are 43 Eighty-three percent of citizen reporters are under the age of forty and a third are students: 2.9 percent in middle school, 4.3 percent in high school, 22.4 percent in col- lege, and 3.8 percent in graduate school. is often called the ‘2030 because generation’ of their ages. According to Jongwoo Han, “OhmyNews was revolution- ary in terms of attracting young generations to participate in political issues.” journalism [young people] have much more power in poli- would not previously have had a voice through traditional media in the public discourse. professionals. A 2004 survey showed that 14.6 percent ce workers, 3.5 percent were of citizen reporters were offi teachers, and 0.2 percent were lawyers. not all citizenHowever, reporters have another role in the e cohort of ‘housewife journalists’ repre- public sphere. sents 1.3 percent of citizen reporters and demonstrates the extent inclusiveness. of OhmyNews’ In 2006, Kim Hye- a 45-year-oldWon, housewife, was named one of in addition ofto ‘People beingtheYear’ named magazine’s Citizen byReporter OhmyNews in 2005. of theKimYear often writes about family issues, and one of her most popu- Taking lar pieces Depressed, was entitled Son’s ‘Daddy’s “Korean housewivesWorried.’ become and I’m Tests, nameless after Kimmarriage,” told the ey are often justwife called someone’s an interview. “ nally found my name through I fi mother. or someone’s OhmyNews.” cant. e percentage of young reporters is also signifi reporters. A 2007 article in the that a citizen reporter who worked as an advertising agent wrote a story in OhmyNews promoting one of his clients. issuedHo a publicYeon apologyOh for publishing the article. lowered and no formal training is required, the potential for unethical journalistic behavior may increase. CITIZEN REPORTERS Proponents of user-generated media would argue it is un- fair to characterize reporters OhmyNews’ as predominantly self-serving. most For contributors, OhmyNews is an op- portunity to voice valid concerns which previously had no place in the mainstream media environment. Other than the 8.3 percent of OhmyNews reporters who are profes- sional journalists, their reporters come from groups that magazine stated in 2003. Wired Wired 41 ltration system institutedby Oh e editor fi 42 creation leads to increased abuse and confl icts of interestcreationby leads to increased abuse and confl was created to but add it credibility, clearly is not perfect. Critics are also concerned that the decentralization of news news site. Several articles have been retracted and there are icts of ongoing problems with reporters’ undisclosed confl interest.” “OhmyNews has published hoaxes, including a report of the assassination of Bill Gates generated by a fake CNN Of course, OhmyNews is not without its critics. “ e sys- Of course, OhmyNews is not without its critics. “ tem is not perfect. In fact, it appears to be somewhat fast andan articleloose,” in imagine that the fi re would spring into a blaze in suchimagine a that the fi short time.” Ho. “I Ho. did not expect thathe confessed. much,” “I had dence that citizen participation in journalismconfi was something that citizens currently desired. But I could not e rapid growth seems to have surprised evenYeon Oh (See Exhibit 2).Visitors per day also reaching grew rapidly, into the high millions when important news stories were featured. 5,000 citizen reporters. of In November the following year, of editors also e staff the number had risen to 15,000. from four ingrew, 2000 to 53 in 2003 and 95 in 2006 Between 2000 and 2002 the site Less grew than rapidly. a year after its launch, in September of 2000, the site had Perhaps not Perhaps thesecoincidentally, interactive features are be- coming more prevalent on mainstreamsites. mediaWeb so readers can contact the reporter by e-mail with any questions, criticisms, or corrections. An eyeball icon on the page shows how many times the article has been read. post, each article has a comments section where readers can give their opinions. page where Onthe theWeb article is displayed there is also a link besidename the author’s the journalist and reader rarely interacted in the past, citi- zen reporters and readers on the OhmyNews site are given multiple opportunities to share their views. Like a blog Communication between reporters and readers is an im- portant facet of the 2.0OhmyNews site tech- and ofWeb nologies in general. traditionalUnlike newspapers, where interactive model of the site. payment system may send a message to citizen reporters tsthat the what they were producing is valuable, but also fi Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 9 >> 55 e place- 53 Of the 86 blacklisted 54 rst e Defeat appearsMovement to be the fi 56 e CAGE blacklisting and defeat campaigns ects on both the nomina- cant eff had signifi tion processes of candidates by major parties, nal outcomes ofNational the as well as on the fi ed Assembly election. ... CAGE campaign signifi that citizens were reclaiming the long-lost right to self-determination and securing the basic rights guaranteed in a participatory democracy an elite-led campaign since many of the major actors in- inyearsvolved later, were members of formalTwo NGOs. 2002, digital activism became more of a mass mobilization activity when large numbers of citizens across the country began to use the Internet for political organization. e event which propelled digital activism to reach a mass candidates who successfully gainednomina- their party’s tion and participated in the general election, only 27 won, indicating an 80 percent success rate for the Defeat move- ment. According to Eui Hang Shin: e Defeat (whichMovement included regional sub- campaigns and campaigns organized by NGOs) had important digital sites—in-elements. SeveralWeb and cluding www.ngokorea.org, www.naksun.co.kr, set up to defeatwww.democracy.co.kr—were the black- listed candidates. Campaign leaders also e-mailed voters the lists. digital activist campaign inand Korean washistory, largely 135 candidates it considered unfi t for offi ce. t for offi 135 candidates it considered unfi ment of a candidate on a blacklist was based on the delib- eration of a appointedCommittee of Voters One Hundred nal decisions madeby the CAGE by CAGE, with the fi leadership. e progressive Millennium Democratic (MDP)Party took the recommendations of the blacklist into account when nominating candidates to represent while the party, the conservative LiberalUnited Democrats (ULD) and ort. Grand National (GNP)Party were critical of the eff it seems thatHowever, even among the conservative par- ect. Among the GNP candidatesties, the lists had an eff on the blacklist, a quarter failed to receive their party’s gurerepresents the largest proportion of is fi nomination. incumbents deniednomination their in party’s the history of National Assembly elections. 49 Before the election, 51 52 Despite the importance of this generation to 50 the hope that political parties would not nominate them and that voters would not elect them. CAGE released three blacklists that included the names of group was to prevent incompetent and corrupt politicians from winning seats in theCAGE’s National Assembly. approach was to create blacklists of corrupt candidates with civic organizations united to form the Citizens Alliance for e objective of this the 2000 General Election (CAGE). OhmyNews; Internet activism was evident in the Defeat ofMovement 2000. In preparation for the National Assembly elections in April ofmore thatthan year, 450 OHMYNEWS AND POLITICAL ACTIVISM Online civic activism in Korea did not begin with in new participants. sense, the impact of the Internet may be more relevant in amplifying pre-existing citizen activity rather than drawing fered to all citizens, only some type of citizens—primarily uencing and directing public opinion those who were infl before the Internet—take advantage of the medium. In this is challenges the view that the Internet—in this case OhmyNews—will revolutionize the modern democratic process by opening up access to all citizens.While it is of- equal numbers of reports came from the 2030 and 386 generations as of 2003 (See Exhibit 3). reporters are in the 30 to 50 age cohort, while 47 percent are in the ten to thirty age cohort, indicating that roughly 386 generation are now deployed with the Internet, ready ght.” to fi OhmyNews, it is important to note that 49 percent of remained outside the conservative media re- space. “We ally want to be part of forming public said opinion,” Oh in a 2003 interview with of us, the allBBC, of “All the 1990s, college-age in the 1980s, and born in the 1960s. After taking part in the protests that brought democracy to Korea in 1987, this group was disappointed that they In In addition, likesHo toOhmyNews founderYeon Oh stress the participation of his own cohort, the politically active ‘386 who generation’ were in their thirties in the tion can havethat such power will power, be critical.” tics….” Jongwoo Han continues. “ e last election was Jongwoo Han tics….” continues. “ [decide by] less than 500,000 votes. If the younger genera- Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 10 >>
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d e t r o p e r reported that, 62 Times Times Times York York York eee New New New 63 It is said that dead men’s souls become fi re- souls becomeisIt said fi that dead men’s fi lldowntown with our souls, with ies. Let’s fl the souls of [victims] Mi-seon and Hyo-soon. ies this coming refl become thousandsLet’s of fi ce our private sacrifi Let’s Saturday and Sunday. comfortable lives. Please light your candle at walkyour in home.[US embassy Let’s district] Gwanghwamum holding a lighted candle…. ll the Gwanghwamum with our candle fi Let’s violence put with out light. the American’s Let’s our peace. the presidential elections. dramatically More than the Red Devils rallies, in which a grassroots group used the Internet to organize,rst time the candlelight vigils appear to be the fi an individual activist had used the Internet for mass mobi- lization in Korea. OhmyNews citizen reporter called Ang.Ma posted a heart- felt call to action on three web sites, including OhmyNews: rst vigil and the fol- thousand people attendedTen the fi lowing Saturday similar vigils were held in 17 other le of opposition to e vigils raised the profi Korean cities. American military presence in Korea and to the Status of AgreementForces (SOFA), which allows US troops to be tried by their own courts rather than the Korean legal sys- tem, and made anti-Americanism a key campaign issue in other hand are more likely to oppose the troop presence, ront Koreanto sovereignty that en- which they see as an aff courages hostility between the North and South. is It pos- sible that conservative dailies did not carry the story of the deaths, in order to prevent the incitement of anti-American sentiment.Whatever their motivations, they ignored a cantOhmyNews news did and cover story. the story, signifi provided information that otherwise would not have been available to Koreans. reports“OhmyNews’ of the incident were widely seen as forcing the hand of the mainstream media to pay attention to a story that conservative tradition here suggests they might have been inclined to ignore.” rst incidence ofOhmyNews Also during that time, the fi mobilization occurred. On27, November a few hours after watching a documentary an about the TV, case on It is It possible 59 , “there was the, “there Due to the timing - ere were signifi 60 61 e Age in that they used the Red Devils used the 58 57 protection againstKoreans, on thethe Younger North. in Korea is America’s military rolein inKorea isis It theAmerica’s country. widely perceived that older conservatives, who remember support the US militarytheWar, Korean presence as a During this time, OhmyNews provided information that was not being carried in the Korean mainstream press. One point of divergence between conservatives and progressives OhmyNews reporter coordinating offl ine political action. OhmyNews reporter coordinating offl cant protests when an American military court acquitted the two soldiers of negligent homicide on 19, November ose protests also appear to be an example of 2002.an expected outpouring of grief over the loss of two young lives. But as the months passed, grief turned to anger in a growing wave of anti-US sentiment.” “When the accident happened reported last a jour- June,” nalist for the Australian newspaper at city hall,” reported Tae Gyun Park. at Tae reportedcity hall,” of the accident, the rallies also took on a political subtext. led to political protests. Many Red Devils fans, out to rally for their team, joined in anti-American protests. “Most of the young people went there to join the red devil activities sharing techniques to the political arena. e traffi c inci- e traffi sharing techniques to the political arena. dent involving the whichUS military, resulted in the death of two teenage girls, occurred Cup and during theWorld Korean soccer fans. ose fans applied similar organization and information- that apolitical Red Devils fan organization unintentionally taught digital activism skills to a mass audience made up of tivism skills. “I think that the most important thing [in epopularizing digital activism] was the Red Devils…. young people enjoyed joining those groups.” According to Tae Gyun Park, theGyun Park, Red Devils rallies Tae were According to important in the creation of mass awareness of digital ac- rallies were similar to ‘fl ash mobs’ rallies were similar to ‘fl Internet to contact and convene large groups in order to take part in a choreographed activity. Internet to disseminate information about the time and location of pep rallies, costumes to be worn, a set list of slogansese to be chanted, and songs to be sung by fans. cermad Festivities country. were led by the Red Devils, a wildly popular online fan club. audience was not political, In 2002, the World however. is was big news for the soc- Cup came to South Korea. Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 11 >> ese piggy 69 72 70 73 Lee Hoi-Chang, 67, a former Supreme Court justice and the leader of the conservative GNP, represented the vested interests of the Korean establishment. Roh Moo-hyun, a human rights lawyer with a colorful career as a labor move- ment activist, appealed strongly to the alienated, uential groups. and to economically less-infl rmly Koreans over the age of 50 tended to be fi behind Lee, whereas Roh was quite popular with twenty- and thirty-somethings who, although highly educated, felt that their opportunities in Korean society have been shrinking. 71 plicitly in order to recruit younger political hopefuls, a de- mographic group typically more interested in information technology (IT) than politicians of the older generation. Second, President Kim Dae-Jung, who was also the presi- emphasized IT to boostdent the of economy the MDP, and spent a large portion of the national budget on promo- tion of the IT industry. marizes Professor Han. is dynamic highlighted the dif- marizes Professor Han. ferences between the candidates. According toYung Hong Lee: Although the MDP leadership was skeptical about Roh, the party itself had a history favorable to digital candi- dates. According to Kim, there were two major factors which made the MDP more interested in and responsive to Internet activism. First, the MDP was founded in 2000 ex- Understanding the importance of micro-donations, they handed out yellow piggy banks for supporters to collect loose change to donate to the Roh campaign. bank donations $7.9 made mil- up 10.8 percent of Roh’s lion campaign war chest. digital campaigne extentwas not of limited Roh’s to the fund-e Internet was central to Roh’s actions of Nosamo. raising Online transfers strategy. made up 59.4 percent of all donations, while mobile phone transfers made up 4.8 percent, and an automated telephone service collected 3.9 cial web site percent offi (See Exhibit 4). In addition, Roh’s ective in engagingvoters. was regarded by some as eff According to Han, “His web site has lots of functions where the young can exchange their opinions and leave messages and donate online. All these things were very ac- tive.” e opposition Lee Hoi-Chang, the candidate for the con- didservative not use similarGrand National Party, digital tools. was“It a digital versus analogue sum-campaign,” 67 68 bang an acronym for the phrase Whatever the relationship, 64 65 66 also provided critical support to Roh’s fundraising eff orts. also fundraisingprovided critical eff support to Roh’s In In addition to distributing campaign materials, Nosamo nomination. Kim Yong Ho argues that Roh’s victory was argues Ho nomination. that Roh’s KimYong due in large part to the lobbying by Nosamo members who . disseminated pro-Roh materials both online and off didate, the fi rst open primaries Although Koreanin history. didate, the fi herst kept primary, moving Roh came in third in the fi up and eventually won the third primary and the party’s Between January and April of 2002, the MDP held a series of three regional primaries to select their presidential can- sity campuses. e leaders of the Millennium Democraticsity campuses. (MDP),Party which had backed Roh in previous elections, began to consider Roh a viable presidential candidate. the event. theBy spring of 2001 Nosamo had become a national organization with chapters on 50 Korean univer- dents crossed the country on foot in support of Roh, an ac- abilitytion tomeant unite to thesymbolize country. Roh’s Nosamo supporters tagged along and OhmyNews covered Yong Ho. Yong Day 2001 a school teacher and twoYear’s stu-On New were OhmyNews readers.” cial.“Nosamo leaders did not it was informal and unoffi rms Kim have any formal titles [within]confi OhmyNews,” Nosamo and OhmyNews. I guess some Nosamo members worked as reporters and bloggers. Many Nosamo members e exact relationship between OhmyNews and Nosamo states,Ho remains Nosamo expert unclear. “I KimYong nd out the exactrelationship betweenam now trying to fi activists had an alternative media channel for transmitting information about their candidate to the public. dred supporters attended its offi cial launch in a PC dred supporters attended its offi e meeting was broadcast (internet café) a month later. live on theOhmyNews. From very beginning, the Nosamo Nosamo began with 40 members in April 2000. One hun- supporters suggested they create a fan club, which was eventually born as Nosamo, who love Roh.’ ‘those regionalism inthough Even the country. he lost, many idealism and continuedKoreans were inspired to by Roh’s Web site. Some cial talk offi about the candidate on Roh’s In In 2000, future president Roh ranMoo-Hyun unsuc- cessfully for a National Assembly seat in Busan. Roh ran largely as a symbolic gesture, in an attempt to decrease OHMYNEWS AND THE ELECTION OF ROH MOO-HYUN Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 12 >> 76 77 78 e competition may now be 79 Within andthis Daum latter Naver.com category, 80 Jean Min, OhmyNews’ primary Min,Jean OhmyNews’ competitors are other online news portals (included the web sites of the top print dailies) and general interest user-generated content sites. are the most prominent competitors. Korea’s Naver.com, top-ranked web portal, began a service in October of 2002 called Knowledge IN which provides a forum for users to questions answer each on other’s a variety of topics and important. According to anProfessor expertPark, on US- at made Roh Hyun theMoo president. Korea relations, “ consideredPeople him a symbol of anti-Americanism. feel it was necessary saidHe he didn’t to visit US.” Regionalism and candidate political scandals were also important in deciding the outcome of the election. As Professor Kim explains, “Regionalism was the predominant choice,factor while in voter’s scandals of Lee Hoi-Chang cant.” [were also] statistically signifi RECENT DEVELOPMENTS FOR OHMYNEWS Although it was revolutionary when OhmyNews intro- duced a user-driven site in 2000, it is common in Korea states,Ho As OhmyNews founder“Since today. Yeon Oh our phenomenal success back in 2002, virtually every news site copied our interactive news model. OhmyNews 1.0 is now the industry standard.” catching up with OhmyNews. According the OhmyNews Communications Director online technologies by Roh supporters, may best explain what happened in the Presidential election. In the late morning millions of Election of e-mails Day, and text messages were sent by Roh supporters urging their friends and colleagues to go out and vote for Roh. earlyBy morning the tide had changed as Roh began to climb in the polls while Lee fell. 3By p.m. Roh was clearly in the lead and eventually won the day with 48.9 percent of the 46.8vote percent compared (See to Exhibit Lee’s 5). cant, it is also possible thatWhileyounger this is signifi voters may simply have turned out later than older voters, who tend to vote earlier in many countries. is It also possi- ble that the majority of Lee supporters simply voted earlier, explaining the gradual gains by Roh throughout the day. isIt also clear that Internet activism was not the major is- e issues that were most importantsue inin the election. the election were regionalism, candidate scandals and anti- at anti-Americanism, as expressedAmerican sentiment. at the vigils for the murdered schoolgirls was extremely 75 organization techniques, combined with creative use of including sites,SMS messages, and onlineWeb forums. turning out However, the vote through networks is not a e combination of classic campaignnew phenomenon. Because of their highly a substantial wired society, propor- tion of Koreans were users of the digital tools utilized for organization and communication during those events, causation between the Red Devils rallies, candlelight vigils, and the 2002 Presidential election, these events shared an element of digital organization and information sharing. porters to turn out large numbers of voters was critical to his electionWhile it victory. is impossible to prove the who responded to those calls and emails were equally important. If only digital activists, had voted or ‘netizens,’ e ability of Roh sup- for Roh, he would not have won. While a small number of Koreans actively called and e- mailed to turn out the vote, the reaction of the citizens polls. Roh supporters sent messages to friends they though to treat mighttoday notjust vote as ata dayall. off ‘Don’t spend shopping or oneat home,’ message implored. it was young voters, who tended to be more progressive and more likely to support Roh, who were not going to the Election Day, the turnoutElection stood Day, at 54.3 percent, compared with 62.3 percent at the same time during the presidential is low turn-out hurt Roh, becauseelection in 1997.74 munication at their disposal to mobilize voters. was the key to theTurn-out election. As of 3 p.m. on was not good for Roh. Exit polls showed Roh behind his conservative challenger, Lee Hoi-Chang, by nearly two per- centage points. Roh supporters used every means of com- e polls opened at 6 a.m. on Election Day and the news story, asking story, in their headlines, Chung withdrew“Mr. his support, will you?” In response, Roh supporters posted counter-arguments on OhmyNews. OhmyNews also appears to have provided an alternative news source to the mainstream media.When Chung with- drew his support the major newspapers jumped on the age of the event every thirty minutes throughout the night. In addition to acting as a space for deliberation, debating how to react. OhmyNews seems to have been the center of this online deliberation, and updated their cover- Mong-Joon, Mong-Joon, withdrew his support.With only a few hours until the polls opened, Roh supporters took to the Internet, posting their opinions sites on and various Web e Korean election took place on December 19, 2002. On December 18, presidential candidate Roh Mo-Hyun was dealt a terrible blow when a critical supporter, Chung Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 13 >> 84 “ e company remains “ 83 85 despite the far smaller pool from which it draws its partici- pants. cult to export its nding it diffi OhmyNews is not alone in fi ere is arguably no other citizen journalism sitemodel. in the world that has matched the success of the Korean ver- the most sitee French AgoraVox, sion of OhmyNews. successful citizen journalism site after OhmyNews, has just In In addition, the attempts by OhmyNews to expand into foreign markets have to date been unsuccessful. In February 2006 OhmyNews received an $11 million invest- ment from Softbank, a Japanese telecommunications and e bulk of the loan was provided to media corporation. start a Japanese version of OhmyNews, which launched in the summer of that year. OhmyNews Japan has not thrived. One reason is competi- other Japanese usergeneratedTwo journalismtion. sites, PJ News andare also JanJan, vying for citizen reporters and this is notreaders. theWhileYet whole OhmyNews story. Korea currently has more than 40,000 citizen reporters, the Japanese sites have only a few thousand between them and the number of active writers is estimated in tens, not thousands. An international version of OhmyNews, launched in 2004, has not had much more luck. According to OhmyNews Communications Director Min,Jean the site currently claims 3,000 citizen reporters drawn from 100 countries, far fewer than OhmyNews Korea at its three year mark reported that in its sixth year of its existence OhmyNews fi nd it dif- culty making ends meet and would still had diffi fierce competition for adver- cult to cover its costs due to fi tising from other Korean portals. long on notedidealism,” journalist Moon Ihlwan, “but short on a workable business strategy.” seemsHo more concernedYeon Oh with citizen journal- ts. “I wantOhmyNews to be sustainable,” ism than profi Oh says, “but my ambition is to spread citizen journalism around theis It perhapsworld, notnot to make money.” surprising, then, that OhmyNews continues to struggle e inability to establish a successful with sustainability. business model is an issue not only for OhmyNews Korea but also for citizen journalism sites around the world. OhmyNews is often regarded, at least in manyWestern eld of user-gener-circles, as the model to emulate in the fi ated journalism. as Just its success inspired a myriad of imitators, its failure could discourage the creation of future sites unless alternative models are developed. the Worse Worse 81 Business Week Business Foreign Policy, Foreign No matter the fi scal situation of matter No the fi 82 OhmyNews business model appears unstable. examine. As the need to accept the government grant indicates, the the black for three years. OhmyNews, it was a risky ethical move to accept money from the very government it was supposed to impartially still, in the summer of 2006, OhmyNews took a $10,000 grant from a government fund for cash-strapped media, in spite claim of OhmyNews’ that it had been operating in high youth unemployment, the laggingand a economy, lack of progress in diplomacy with North Korea. supportive of Roh and doesn’t refl ect the point of view of refl supportive of Roh and doesn’t writing in According others.” toVeale site failings, is reluctant particularly to report on Roh’s is coziness has lead to serious criticism of OhmyNews. a According journalismYoung-Chul, professorYoon consistent critic of the OhmyNews, tends“It to be very e media landscape has changed too. OhmyNews, for- merly a proud outsider organization, and ‘guerrilla’ is now arguably closer to the President than any other news outlet. OhmyNews, as they target a diff erent niche audience. OhmyNews, as they target a diff cated elites in the late 40s to 50s.While Pressian does not provide exact numbers on readership demographics, it is possible that it is not in direct competition with Because of this structure, Pressian targets a slightly diff er-Because of this structure, Pressian targets a slightly diff eir audience is made up of loyal news ent readership. junkies that read in-depth, critical analysis—usually edu- ers rather than citizen their reporters. content Moreover, consists largely of counter-arguments and viewpoints in opposition to the three mainstream Korean newspapers. OhmyNews in 2001. erence between the e major diff OhmyNews in 2001. sites is that Pressian relies on professionally trained report- voices. Among such sites are Pressian and Daily Seoprise. Pressian, the combination of words “Press+Internet Alternative was founded News,” one year before stream media. ese sites are founded upon similar ideo- stream media. logical grounds as OhmyNews in that they aim to enrich public debate by incorporating marginalized or ignored Other than the user-generated content portals, another source of competition is Internet news sites dedicated to delivering alternative viewpoints not covered by main- Yahoo! Groups). Yahoo! has several spaces that host usergenerated content, includ- ing the Daum Blog blogging video platform,TVPot service and DaumCafé forums (similar(similar to toYouTube), make recommendations to each other about good places to shop and dine. also Naver hosts a number of popular po- litical blogs. Daum, the second most visited Korean portal, Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 14 >> San San nternet/ . 22 Japan Media Media Media Japan Japan Japan Media Media Media Japan Japan elopment Agency of .com/japan/I .com/japan/internet/ w w . 8 September 2005. . 8 September . Vol. 18 1998.
Jul. 05 Jul. Dec. 05 May 06 Jan. 03Jan. 03 Mar. 03 Jun. 03 Nov. 04 Apr. 04Sep. 05Jan. 05 Feb. May 05 Jul. 00 Jul. 00Sep. Dec. 00 01 Mar. May 01 Oct. 01 01 Nov. 02 Mar. Aug. 02 Oct. 02 Sources: BusinessWeek Time, OhmyNews, CNN, EXHIBIT 2: OHMYNEWSʼ CITIZEN REPORTERS Date 00 Feb. EXHIBIT 2: OHMYNEWSʼ CITIZEN REPORTERS Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 19 >> Percentage of Citizen Reporters 8.5percent 38.4percent 34.5percent 14.4percent 3.2percent 1percent EXHIBIT 3: CITIZEN REPORTERS BY AGE Age 10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60+ source: OhmyNews (2003) EXHIBIT 3: CITIZEN REPORTERS BY AGE Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 20 >> 2002 Dollar Amount $ 1,104,263.00 $ 288,603.00 $ 176,200.00 $ 3,593,097.00 $ 631,712.00 $ 256,965.00 $6,052,503.00
Percentage of Total Donations 15.7percent 9.9percent 10.4percent 49.9percent 10.8percent 3.4percent 100.1percent
Source: Millennium WhiteA on Paper the Democratic 16th Presidential Party, Election (2003), 208.p. Type of Donation Credit Card Mobile Phone ARS Automated Phone Service (Voice Recognition) Piggy Bank Ticket Hope Total EXHIBIT 4: DONATIONS TO ROH MOO-HYUNʼS PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN Internet & Democracy Case Study Series >> The Citizen Journalism Web site “OhmyNews” and the 2002 South Korean Presidential Election 21 >> 47.5 47.4 47.7 48.6 48.9 49.1 Roh 0.7 0.6 0.9 1.8 2.1 2.3 Roh
46.8 Lee 49.3 49.4 48.7 47.6 47.1 Lee 2.5 2.6 1.9 0.8 0.3 0
4-5 p.m. HOUR-BY-HOUR ELECTION RESULTS (FULL DATA) Time 6-9 a.m. 9-11 a.m. 11a.m.-1 p.m. 1-3 p.m. 3-4 p.m. Time 6-9 a.m. 9-11 a.m. 11a.m.-1 p.m. 1-3 p.m. 3-4 p.m. 4-5 p.m. source: KBS Media Research Exit Polls EXHIBIT 5: HOUR-BY-HOUR ELECTION RESULTS (PERCENTAGE DIFFERENTIATION) EXHIBIT 5: HOUR-BY-HOUR ELECTION RESULTS