Esperanto and Education: a Brief Overview
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Cosmopolitanism and Nationalism in Catalonia: the Case of the Esperanto Movement
Student ID: 1560509 Cosmopolitanism and nationalism in Catalonia: the case of the Esperanto movement Student ID: 1560509 INTRODUCTION 3 LITERATURE REVIEW 7 ESPERANTO AND CATALONIA 8 NATIONALISM(S) AND COSMOPOLITANISM(S) 11 CATALAN IDENTITY AND NATIONALISM 17 IDENTITY AND ESPERANTO 21 THE STUDY 24 METHODOLOGY 24 FIRST CONTACTS WITH THE LANGUAGE, KEA AND THE IDEALS OF ESPERANTO 30 CATALAN IDENTITY AND ESPERANTISM 38 NATIONALISM, COSMOPOLITANISM AND ESPERANTO 45 CONCLUSIONS 55 BIBLIOGRAPHY 59 2 Student ID: 1560509 Introduction This essay aims to explore the idea and the practice of cosmopolitanism within the Catalan Esperanto community and its interaction with the strong self- identification of Catalan Esperantists as ‘Catalans’ (Alòs i Font, 2010). More spe- cifically, the study focuses on the members of the Catalan Association of Esperan- to ([eo]: Kataluna Esperanto-Asocio, hereinafter KEA) who reside in Barcelona, where the headquarters of the association are.1 The main research question is the following: How do the members of the Catalan Association of Esperanto balance their nation- alistic sentiments towards Catalonia and the Catalan language with the core cos- mopolitan ideology of the Esperanto movement they are part of? The question is interesting because the strong nationalism of Catalan Esperan- tists, apart from being in contrast with the traditional Esperanto ideology and culture (Zaft, 2003; Blanke, 2015), is not in line with what seems to be the reality of most Esperanto communities in Europe, as emerged from the available empir- ical studies on the subject (Rašič, 1996; Alòs i Font, 2010; Puškar, 2015). These studies show that European Esperantists have in general a weaker national iden- tity than the average citizens of their respective countries. -
Why Esperanto?
Fiat Lingua Title: The Contemporary Esperanto Speech Community Author: Adelina Solis MS Date: 01-12-2013 FL Date: 01-01-2013 FL Number: FL-000010-01 Citation: Solis, Adelina. 2013. “The Contemporary Esperanto Speech Community.” FL-000010-01, Fiat Lingua, <http:// fiatlingua.org>. Web. 01 Jan. 2013. Copyright: © 2013 Adelina Solis. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Fiat Lingua is produced and maintained by the Language Creation Society (LCS). For more information about the LCS, visit http://www.conlang.org/ The Contemporary Esperanto Speech Community by Adelina Mariflor Solís Montúfar 1 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction 3 1.1 Definitions 4 1.2 Political support for a universal language 5 1.3 A brief history of language invention 9 1.4 A brief history of Esperanto 14 1.5 The construction, structure, and dissemination of Esperanto 17 1.6 Esperanto and the culture question 24 1.7 Research Methods 29 Chapter 2: Who Speaks Esperanto? 34 2.1 Number and distribution of speakers 34 2.2 Gender distribution 47 Chapter 3: The Esperanto Speech Community 58 3.1 Terminology and definitions 58 3.2 Norms and Ideologies 65 3.3 Approach to language 70 Chapter 4: Why Esperanto? 81 4.1 Ideology-based reasons to speak Esperanto 83 4.2 Practical attractions to Esperanto 86 4.3 More than friendship 94 4.4 The congress effect 95 4.5 Esperanto for the blind 100 4.6 Unexpected benefits 102 Chapter 5: Esperantist Objectives 103 5.1 Attracting new speakers 103 5.2 Teaching Esperanto 107 Chapter 6: Conclusion 116 Works Cited 121 2 Chapter 1: Introduction When we think about invented languages, we may think of childhood games. -
Latinidaj Planlingvoj (AIS-Kurso, 1 Studunuo)
Vĕra Barandovská-Frank: Latinidaj planlingvoj (AIS-kurso, 1 studunuo) La Latina apartenas al la italika grupo de la hindeŭropa lingvofamilio (tiu ĉi lingvofamilio ampleksas i.a. preskaŭ ĉiujn eŭropajn lingvojn, ekz. grupon ĝermanan kaj slavan), el la Latina evoluiĝis etnaj lingvoj nomataj Romanaj ( = latinidaj), precipe itala, romanĉa, sarda, franca, okcitana, hispana, kataluna, galega, portugala, gudezma, rumana, moldava. Latinidaj planlingvoj estas similaj al la Romanaj lingvoj kaj ofte imitas ilian evoluon. Latina skribo (el la greka kaj etruska alfabetoj): originale 20 majusklaj literoj (maiuscula): A B C D E F H I K L M N O P Q R S T V X . Literon I oni uzis ankaŭ por la sono [j], literon C ankaŭ por G, poste diferenciĝis [k] kaj [g]. U kaj V estis la sama litero: majuskle ekzistis nur V, poste minuskle (minuscula) u: VENIO – uenio (minuskloj evoluiĝis el la mezepoka karolinga alfabeto). En la klasika latina ne estis K, k, J j, U, u, v, W, w, Y, y, Z, z poste trans- prenitaj aŭ el la greka alfabeto (K, U, Y, Z ), aŭ faritaj el jam ekzistantaj literoj (J, W). Restaŭrita prononco: vokaloj longaj kaj mallongaj. La litero V/u estas aŭ konsonanta [ŭ] aŭ vokala [u]; i (j) aŭ konsonanta [j] aŭ vokala [i]. La litero c prononciĝis kiel [k]; qu kiel [kŭ]; au kiel [aŭ]; ae kiel [aj]; oe kiel [oj]. h estis antikve ĉiam prononcata, sed iom post iom malaperis. En helenaj pruntvortoj estis uzataj ch, ph, th [kh]/[ĥ], [ph], [th], poste [k], [p], [t]. La akcento ĝenerale troviĝis sur la antaŭlasta silabo, se ĝia vokalo estis longa, aŭ je la antaŭantaŭlasta, se mallonga, ekz. -
Master Reference
Master Quelle image pour l'espéranto? : Regard sur l'image à travers les principales positions idéologiques du mouvement en Europe ZAKI, Eva Neferte Abstract Le présent travail étudie l'image publique de l'espéranto en Europe, à travers les principales positions idéologiques choisies par les branches importantes du mouvement au cours de son histoire. Le terme "image" est utilisé ici dans le sens de la communication au sujet de la langue par les représentants des organisations espérantistes. Afin de dessiner les contours de l'image, l'étude s'appuie sur des dates-clés de l'histoire du mouvement espérantiste, ayant marqué des choix idéologiques importants. Des conclusion et recommandations sont proposées en vue de l'élaboration d'une stratégie de communication positive et efficace. L'objectif plus large de l'étude est de proposer que l'image de l'espéranto soit étudiée dans la perspective d'une politique de communication au sujet de la langue pouvant accompagner une politique linguistique la concernant. Reference ZAKI, Eva Neferte. Quelle image pour l'espéranto? : Regard sur l'image à travers les principales positions idéologiques du mouvement en Europe. Master : Univ. Genève, 2015 Available at: http://archive-ouverte.unige.ch/unige:75452 Disclaimer: layout of this document may differ from the published version. 1 / 1 Eva Zaki – Mémoire de MA Traduction Quelle image pour l’espéranto ? Regard sur l’image à travers les principales positions idéologiques du mouvement en Europe EVA ZAKI Quelle image pour l’espéranto ? Regard sur l’image à travers les principales positions idéologiques du mouvement en Europe Directeur : Monsieur François Grin Jurée : Madame Véronique Sauron Mémoire présenté à la Faculté de traduction et d’interprétation (Unité de français) pour l’obtention de la Maîtrise universitaire en traduction, mention traduction spécialisée. -
Neutrality of International Languages*
Haitao Liu 37 Journal of Universal Language 7 September 2006, 37-64 Neutrality of International Languages* Haitao Liu Communication University of China Abstract This paper focuses on the neutrality of international languages. First, a derivation of the concept of “neutral language” from “inter- national communicative act” is provided; it is argued that an acceptable neutral language for international communication can only be an artificial language. Certain characterizations of consciously created languages are discussed. The paper distinguishes two types of neutrality: communicative neutrality and linguistic neutrality. All planned languages are communicatively neutral, but their linguistic neutrality varies, reflecting the diversity of language design principles. Given that absolute linguistic neutrality unattainable, it becomes reasonable to construct a language based on certain control languages plus linguistic universals. We introduce the term “deneutralization” to designate a process whereby a neutral language changes into an ordinary language. The paper also shows that Esperanto has not become deneutralized. Keywords: international language, neutrality, deneutralization, artificial language, planned language, universal language, Esperanto * I am grateful to Detlev Blanke for insightful discussion. I’d also like to thank Probal Dasgupta for providing detailed comments and correcting my English. 38 Neutrality of International Languages 1. Introduction Today English is already a global language (Crystal 1997), but many people still consider that it is not an ideal solution for international communication. Wright (2000: 246-247) mentions one reason for this in her book on the role of language in nation-state building and European integration: “They [artificial languages] are ideally suited to the role [of lingua franca] since they are not the languages of European nations of states. -
1 Constructed Language and Linguistic Theory Marc Van Oostendorp To
Constructed language and linguistic theory Marc van Oostendorp To appear in: Klaus Schubert (ed.) Planned language: From plan to reality. Association Belgique de Linguistique Appliquée, 2000. 0. Introduction ‘Natural language’ is arguably the most central concept within linguistic theory —it defines its object of study —, but it is hardly ever discussed outside the first pages of introductory textbooks. It is usually taken for granted that everybody knows what the label means, and that it can be applied to American English, Yidiny and Eastern Javanese, but not to tonal music, the programming language Prolog, or the languages of the Elves in the novels of J.R.R. Tolkien. Many interlinguists — those scholars concerned with the study of consciously planned languages meant for international communication — follow this line of reasoning to some extent, if they defend the validity of their interest in Esperanto (cf. Schubert 1989, Tonkin and Fettes 1996 for fairly recent overviews). They argue that Esperanto is markedly different from other planned languages, because it has been used in a much wider range of communicative situations, because it has become associated with a separate ‘Esperantist culture’, or because it is learnt by children as one of their native languages. For this reason, Esperanto would have started to differ from its competitors: it would be the only ‘language project’ that has succeeded in becoming a ‘real (natural) language’. This line of argumentation is examined in this article. I study the relevance of some planned or constructed languages other than Esperanto, viz. Interlingua, Ido, Europanto and Spocanian. These have been made up in slightly different ways, all serve different goals and different philosophies have guided the construction of their respective grammars. -
The Story of Ludwik Zamenhof and Esperanto
Is It P ossible for A ll P eople to Speak th e Sam e Language? The Story of Ludw ik Zamenhof and Esperanto Federico Gobbo (Am sterdam / Torino) PO LIN Museum , 14 Decem ber ( ursday), 6 PM, free adm ission Abstract First, we will see the pillars of Zam enhof's thinking and why his linguistic project a$racted the Esperanto pioneers. Then, we will move on the contem porary days, looking to the m otivations of today’s speakers and their aspirations for the present and future of Esperanto. About the lecturer Lecture by Professor Federico Gobbo from University of Am sterdam . Federico Gobbo is Full Professor at the University of Amsterdam, holding the Special Chair in Interlinguistics and Esperanto, and teaching fellow in Language Planning and Planned Language at the University of Torino (Italy). He is a leading scholar in the analysis of the Esperanto phenom enon and language, including Zam enhof’s heritage in th e E s p e ra n to c o m m u n ity o f p ra c tic e . About the lecture Lecture delivered in English with simultaneous translation into Polish. The lecture is organized within the Global Education Outreach Program . The lecture was made possible thanks to the support of the Taube Foundation for Jew ish L ife & C u ltu re, th e W illia m K . B o w es, Jr. F o u n d a tio n , a n d th e A sso cia tio n o f th e Jew ish H isto rica l In stitu te of P o lan d . -
Chapter Two Planned Languages And
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Institutional Research Information System University of Turin CHAPTER TWO PLANNED LANGUAGES AND LANGUAGE PLANNING: THE CONTRIBUTION OF INTERLINGUISTICS TO CROSS-CULTURAL COMMUNICATION FEDERICO GOBBO A new science is developing, Interlinguistics–that branch of the science of language which deals with the structure and basic ideas of all languages with the view to the establishing of a norm for interlanguages, i.e. auxiliary languages destined for oral and written use between people who cannot make themselves understood by means of their mother tongues. —Otto Jespersen (1931) Since the end of the 19th century up to the first half of the 20th century, the quest for “a norm for interlanguages” was a hotly debated issue among linguistic scholars and amateurs. In fact, about 1,000 language projects were proposed in that period, especially in Europe: the strongest effort for cross-cultural connection ever made (Albani-Buonarroti 1994). What can be inferred from it, in terms of language planning? Is there any relation or analogy between the issues encountered in natural language planning contexts (e.g. officialization, language revitalization, standardization) and interlanguage planning? Are there any general rules that can be deduced from the main historical developments of the above mentioned “quest”? Although Tauli (1968) considered interlinguistics as “the science of international language planning” (i.e. a branch of the science of language planning) very few linguists involved in language planning paid attention to interlinguistics until now. In this analysis of planned international language, the role of language amateurs will not be underestimated. -
In Praise of Fluffy Bunnies
In Praise of Fluffy Bunnies Copyright © 2012, Richard Forsyth. Background Reading John Lanchester's Whoops!, an entertaining account of how highly paid hotshot traders in a number of prestigious financial institutions brought the world to the brink of economic collapse, I was struck by the following sentence: "In an ideal world, one populated by vegetarians, Esperanto speakers and fluffy bunny wabbits, derivatives would be used for one thing only: reducing levels of risk." (Lanchester, 2010: 37). What struck me about this throwaway remark, apart from the obvious implication that derivatives were actually used to magnify risk rather than reducing it (doubtless by carnivores ignorant of Esperanto), was its presumption that right-thinking readers would take it for granted that Esperanto symbolizes well-meaning futility -- thus highlighting the author's status as a tough-minded realist. This is just one illustration that disdain for Esperanto in particular, and auxiliary languages in general, pervades intellectual circles in Britain today, as in many other countries. And if you dare to raise the subject of constructed international languages with a professional translator or interpreter be prepared not just for disdain but outright hostility. Of course professional interpreters are among the most linguistically gifted people on the planet, and can't see why the rest of us shouldn't become fluent in half a dozen natural languages in our spare time. (Not to mention the fact that a widespread adoption of Esperanto, or one of its competitors, would have a seriously negative impact on their opportunities for gainful employment.) Thus Esperanto has become a symbol of lost causes, to be dismissed out of hand by practical folk. -
Les Drapeaux Des Langues Construites
Les Drapeaux des Langues Construites Patrice de La Condamine Résumé Depuis toujours, les hommes oscillent entre la préservation de leurs identités particulières et leur besoin d’appartenance à des communautés globales. L’idée d’universel et de recherche de la “fusion des origines” hante leur cœur. Dans cet esprit, des langues construites ont été élaborées. Qu’elles soient à vocation auxiliaire ou internationale, destinées à de vastes aires culturelles ou à but strictement philosophique. Des noms connus comme Volapük, Espéranto, Ido, Bolak, Interlingua, Occidental. Mais aussi Glosa, Kotava, Lingua Franca Nova, Atlango. Ou encore Folskpraat, Slovio, Nordien, Afrihili, Slovianski, Hedšdël. Sans parler du langage philosophique Lojban1. Le plus intéressant est de constater que toutes ces langues ont des drapeaux qui traduisent les messages et idéaux des groupes en question! La connaissance des drapeaux des langues construites est primordiale pour plusieurs raisons: elle nous permet de comprendre que tous les drapeaux sans exception délivrent des messages d’une part; que l’existence des drapeaux n’est pas forcément liée à l’unique notion de territoire d’autre part. Le drapeau est d’abord et avant tout, à travers son dessin et ses couleurs, un “territoire mental”. Après avoir montré et expliqué ces différents drapeaux2, nous conclurons avec la présentation du drapeau des Conlang, sorte d’ONU des Langues construites! Folkspraak Proceedings of the 24th International Congress of Vexillology, Washington, D.C., USA 1–5 August 2011 © 2011 North American Vexillological Association (www.nava.org) 1 Sélection de noms parmi d’autres. 2 Une trentaine environ. 175 LES DRAPEAUX DES LANGUES CONSTRUITES introduction A nous tous qui sommes réunis ici pour ce XXIVème Congrès International de la vexillologie à Washington, personne n’a plus besoin d’expliquer la nécessité vitale qu’ont les hommes de se représenter au moyen d’emblèmes, et nous savons la place primordiale qu’occupent les drapeaux dans cette fonction. -
Interlingvistiko
Interlingvistiko Enkonduko en la sciencon pri planlingvoj 1 2 Universitato Adam Mickiewicz – Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza Interlingvistikaj Studoj – Studia Interlingwistyki Vĕra Barandovská-Frank Interlingvistiko Enkonduko en la sciencon pri planlingvoj Poznań 2020 3 Interlingvistikaj Studoj 1 Redaktanto de la serio – Redaktor serii: Ilona Koutny Redaktanto de la volumo – Redaktor tomu: Ilona Koutny Reviziantoj – Recenzenci: Wim Jansen, Ida Stria Bildo en la titolpaĝo – Obraz na okładce: Katalin Kováts Plano de titolpaĝo – Projekt okładki: Ilona Koutny © Teksto – Tekst: Vĕra Barandovská-Frank © Bildo – Obraz na okładce: Katalin Kováts © Eldono – Edycja: Wydawnictwo Rys Publikigita kun subteno de Akademio Internacia de la Sciencoj San Marino dofinansowane przez Międzynarodową Akademię Nauk San Marino Wydanie I Poznań 2020 ISBN 978-83-65483-88-1 Wydanie: Wydawnictwo Rys Dąbrówka, ul. Kolejowa 41 62-070 Dopiewo tel. 600 44 55 80 e-mail: [email protected] www.wydawnictworys.com 4 Enhavtabelo Antaŭparolo ..................................................................................................................... 9 Enkonduko .................................................................................................................... 11 1. Interlingvistiko kiel scienco ..................................................................................... 15 2. Antikvaj interlingvoj ................................................................................................ 27 2.1. La aramea lingvo ............................................................................................ -
Ethogloso Rules
1 EthoGloso Rules P R O N O U N C I A T I O N If you speak Esperanto, respecting the set of rules of the following pages, adapting its spelling and pronunciation, will make you speak EthoGloso „automatically‟. Its basic vocabulary is the same and all additional words of EthoGloso, with their roots in Latin and Greek, are not necessary for routine daily conversations. EthoGloso uses only the 26 regular English letters of the regular English keyboard. EthoGloso, contrary to Esperanto and most national languages, does not use diacritics (accentuated letters, vowel or consonant) These first two rules alone condition de development of all the other EthoGloso rules, as in EthoGloso there is no such things as, for example, an accented “c” [ĉ, for sound “TCHE”] or an accented “j” [ĵ, for sound “J” of French “Je”], or an accented “g” [“ĝ”, for sound “DJE” of “Jesuit”], or an accented “s” [ŝ, for the sound “SH” of “SHe”, which is the simple “C” in EthoGloso]. All these oddly accented consonants, with similar examples with some vowels, only exist in Esperanto, which is unfortunate, but not in EthoGloso. When the sound of these accented letters do exist in EthoGloso, it requires a spelling adjustment to use only, in the end, the 26 regular letters of the normal English keyboard for writing in EthoGloso. Having done these adjustments, each written letter is always pronounced, and always pronounced in the same way. Everything is strictly written as pronounced, and strictly pronounced as written, without exception. The unpronounced letters of foreign words are simply not written in EthoGloso.