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The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions. -
American‑Russian Relations in the Times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865)
Studies into the History of Russia and Central-Eastern Europe ■ XLVIII Hanna Marczewska‑Zagdańska Historical Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences American‑Russian relations in the times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865) Outline: The 1860s were marked by an exceptional affection and friendship in the bilateral relations between the United States, a young American republic, and the long‑established tsarist Russia. This phenomenon, which had never occurred with such intensity before or since, inspired Russian and American researchers and politicians to organize The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator exhibition which was displayed, inter alia, in Moscow in 2011. The following article analyses (on the basis of numerous source materials from the period) the reasons of this mutual amity and trust, as well as their military and eco‑ nomic cooperation—both internal (the Civil War in the U.S., the January Uprising in the Russian Empire), and external (the rivalry with Great Britain and France, and political calculations in the search for suitable alliances)—in the period of world power rivalry for global spheres of influence. Keywords: President Lincoln, Tsar Aleksander II, US Civil War, Russian Empire, Polish Insurrection of 1863, Russian Fleet, United States – Foreign Relations – Russia, Russia – Foreign Relations – United States, 19th Century Diplomatic History. On February 22, 2011, the seat of the State Archive of the Russian Federation in Moscow saw the unveiling of an exhibition under the surprising and intriguing title “The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator”. Conceived on the initiative of the American‑Russian Cultural Cooperation Foundation and already displayed in the United States in 2008‑2009, the exhibition attracted a large number of visitors and enthusiasts. -
International Crimes in Crimea
International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B. -
List of Persons and Entities Under EU Restrictive Measures Over the Territorial Integrity of Ukraine
dhdsh PRESS Council of the European Union EN 1st December 2014 List of persons and entities under EU restrictive measures over the territorial integrity of Ukraine List of persons N. Name Identifying Reasons Date of information listing 1. Sergey Valeryevich d.o.b. 26.11.1972 Aksyonov was elected “Prime Minister of Crimea” in the Crimean Verkhovna Rada on 27 17.3.2014 Aksyonov February 2014 in the presence of pro-Russian gunmen. His “election” was decreed unconstitutional by Oleksandr Turchynov on 1 March. He actively lobbied for the “referendum” of 16 March 2014. 2. Vladimir Andreevich d.o.b. 19.03.1967 As speaker of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Konstantinov 17.3.2014 Konstantinov played a relevant role in the decisions taken by the Verkhovna Rada concerning the “referendum” against territorial integrity of Ukraine and called on voters to cast votes in favour of Crimean Independence. 3. Rustam Ilmirovich d.o.b. 15.08.1976 As Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Crimea, Temirgaliev played a relevant role 17.3.2014 Temirgaliev in the decisions taken by the Verkhovna Rada concerning the “referendum” against territorial integrity of Ukraine. He lobbied actively for integration of Crimea into the Russian Federation. 4. Deniz Valentinovich d.o.b. 15.07.1974 Berezovskiy was appointed commander of the Ukrainian Navy on 1 March 2014 and swore an 17.3.2014 Berezovskiy oath to the Crimean armed force, thereby breaking his oath. The Prosecutor-General’s Office of Ukraine launched an investigation against him for high treason. -
The Peninsula of Fear: Chronicle of Occupation and Violation of Human Rights in Crimea
THE PENINSULA OF FEAR: CHRONICLE OF OCCUPATION AND VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CRIMEA Kyiv 2016 УДК 341.223.1+342.7.03](477.75)’’2014/2016’’=111 ББК 67.9(4Укр-6Крм)412 Composite authors: Sergiy Zayets (Regional Center for Human Rights), Olexandra Matviychuk (Center for Civil Liberties), Tetiana Pechonchyk (Human Rights Information Center), Darya Svyrydova (Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union), Olga Skrypnyk (Crimean Human Rights Group). The publication contains photographs from public sources, o7 cial websites of the state authorities of Ukraine, the Russian Federation and the occupation authorities, Crimean Field Mission for Human Rights, Crimean Human Rights Group, the online edition Crimea.Realities / Radio Svoboda and other media, court cases materials. ‘The Peninsula of Fear : Chronicle of Occupation and Violation of Human Rights in Crimea’ / Under the general editorship of O. Skrypnyk and T. Pechonchyk. Second edition, revised and corrected. – Kyiv: KBC, 2016. – 136 p. ISBN 978-966-2403-11-4 This publication presents a summary of factual documentation of international law violation emanating from the occupation of the autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol (Ukraine) by the Russian Federation military forces as well as of the human rights violations during February 2014 – February 2016. The publication is intended for the representatives of human rights organizations, civil activists, diplomatic missions, state authorities, as well as educational and research institutions. УДК 341.223.1+342.7.03](477.75)’’2014/2016’’=111 ББК 67.9(4Укр-6Крм)412 ISBN 978-966-2403-11-4 © S. Zayets, O. Matviychuk, T. Pechonchyk, D. Svyrydova, O. Skrypnyk, 2016 Contents Introduction. -
ICTV Morozov
CISCCONTENTONTENT:CONTENRTRREPORTEPORTEPORT CC ReviewОбзорОбзор of новостейaudiovisualновостей рынка content производства production and ии дистрибуциидистрибуции distribution аудиовизуальногоаудиовизуальногоin the CIS countries контента контента Media«»«MediaМ«»ÌЕДИÅÄÈ ResourcesА rÀРesourcesЕСУРСЫÐÅÑÓÐÑÛ МManagement ÌManagementЕНЕДЖМЕНТÅÍÅÄÆÌÅÍÒ» № №2№121(9)№24, №2 13 1April января, April, 1 July April, 30, 20152012 20132011 2012 tion but also be the award winners and nominees of тема номера DEARсловоDear colleagues!COLLEAGUES редакции different international film festivals. Despite large FOCUSFOCUS portion of information on the new movies, shows and УжеWeWe are areв первые happy toto дни present present нового you you the годаthe July Aprilнам, issue issue редакof the of cцtheиIsи: ПервыйLastseries autumn you’ll номер membersalso Contentfind theof Russian detailedReport association выходитreport on ofвthe televiкану re-н- UKRAINEКИНОТЕАТРАЛЬНЫ BECOMESЙ A ContentCIS:content Content Report, report Report сразу where whereстало we tried понятно,we to tried gather toчто thegather в most2011 the inм- Старогоsioncent anddeals movie Нового of international producers года, который chose distributors Red (наконецто) Square with the Screen cI sза-- всеmostteresting мы interesting будем up-to-date усердно up-to-date information и неустанно information about трудиться. rapidlyabout rapidly devel За- вершаетingspartners. as the чередуmost important праздников, industry поэтeventом of theу еще season. раз РЫН О К В УКРАИН Е : HIGH-PROSPECTIVETV MARKETS: -
Draft Agenda
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS 2019 MOSCOW NONPROLIFERATION CONFERENCE November 7–9, 2019 1. ÅBERG SOMOGYI Martina, Korean Peninsula Desk Officer, Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Sweden 2. AIKI Toshihiro, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Сhargé D'affaires, Embassy of Japan to the Russian Federation 3. AKHMETOV Alimzhan, Director, Center for International Security and Policy, Kazakhstan 4. AKHTAMZYAN Ildar, Associate Professor, Department of International Relations and Foreign Policy of Russia, School of International Relations, Moscow State Institute for International Relations (MGIMO–University), Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian Federation 5. ALIPOR NANDEL Mohammadreza, Second Secretary, Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Russian Federation 6. APARO Massimo, Deputy Director General, Head of Department of Safeguards, International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) 7. ARAGHCHI Abbas, Deputy Foreign Minister for Political Affairs, Islamic Republic of Iran 8. ARIFFIN Irsyad Arif, First Secretary, Embassy of Malaysia to the Russian Federation 9. ARO -SÁNCHEZ Miia, Counsellor, Unit for Arms Control, Political Department, Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Finland 10. ARTISYUK Vladimir, Advisor to the Director General, State Atomic Energy Corporation ROSATOM, Russian Federation 11. BANNYKH Igor, Counsellor, Department of Customs Infrastructure, Eurasian Economic Commission 12. BARZEGAR Kayhan, Director, Institute for Middle East Strategic Studies (IMESS); Chair, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Science -
Memorial on Admissibility on Behalf of the Government of Ukraine
Ukraine v. Russia (re Eastern Ukraine) APPLICATION NO. 8019/16 Kyiv, 8 November 2019 MEMORIAL ON ADMISSIBILITY ON BEHALF OF THE GOVERNMENT OF UKRAINE CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1. The Russian Federation has consistently denied its involvement in the conflict in eastern Ukraine, and has sought to evade international legal responsibility by adopting a series of measures to disguise and “outsource” its military aggression in eastern Ukraine. The Kremlin’s denials of direct involvement were implausible from the outset, and were roundly rejected by the international community. All of the relevant international institutions rightly hold Moscow responsible for a pattern of conduct that has been designed to destabilise Ukraine by sponsoring separatist entities in the use of armed force against the legitimate Government and members of the civilian population. Almost from the outset, the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the European Union, and the G7 all re-affirmed Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders, and condemned the Russian Federation’s continuing proxy war in eastern Ukraine. As the conflict has continued, the evidence of Russia’s direct and indirect involvement in the violent rebellion in Donbass has become more and more apparent. Despite Russia’s crude attempts to conceal its involvement, the proof of Russian State responsibility has steadily mounted. In the face of the obvious truth, Russia’s policy of implausible deniability has fallen apart completely. 2. Ukraine submits that the human rights violations committed by Russian forces and their proxies, as particularised in this application, fall directly within Russia’s extra-territorial jurisdiction for the purposes of article 1 of the Convention. -
Russia's Great Power Identity on Its Bumpy Journey Through Time
CEEISA-ISA Joint International Conference Anatoly Reshetnikov 23-25 June 2016, Ljubljana Central European University _____________________________________________________________________________________ Russia’s great power identity on its bumpy journey through time. Introduction Recently, Russia has been talking a lot about being a great power.1 In fact, it has even insisted that such a state like Russia had to either be a great power, or not be at all.2 In the western discourse, the term ‘great power’ immediately evokes unambiguous connotations. Namely, it is believed to be related to some privileged status in the international system. This status is associated either with a claim to be one of a few real policy-makers (as neorealists have argued),3 or with a claim for some rights and responsibilities in relation to the management of international order (as has been suggested by the English School of IR).4 Hence, it is those specifically IR-related associations that Russian great power rhetoric elicited in the west. Most observers perceived it as a question of foreign policy. Yet, if one looks carefully enough, it becomes obvious that Russia’s great power discourse does not operate the way the western observers expect it operate. On the one hand, when Russia talks about being a great power, it often places itself in a strong opposition to the rest of the great power club and shows its clear dissatisfaction with the existing international order.5 As a result, it is perceived by the west as an unpredictable trouble-maker rather than a great power in the English School’s terms. -
Диссертация / Dissertation
САНКТ-ПЕТЕРБУРГСКИЙ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННЫЙ УНИВЕРСИТЕТ На правах рукописи АНТОНОВ Григорий Константинович НОВЫЕ ТЕХНОЛОГИИ ТЕРРИТОРИАЛЬНОГО РАЗВИТИЯ РОССИИ В УСЛОВИЯХ СЕТЕВЫХ КОММУНИКАЦИЙ (политологический анализ) Специальность 23.00.02 – политические институты, процессы и технологии ДИССЕРТАЦИЯ на соискание ученой степени кандидата политических наук Научный руководитель: Доктор полит. наук, проф. А. В. Курочкин Санкт-Петербург 2017 2 ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ ВВЕДЕНИЕ 3 ГЛАВА 1. ОСОБЕННОСТИ КОММУНИКАТИВНОЙ СРЕДЫ УПРАВЛЕНИЯ В УСЛОВИЯХ СЕТЕВОГО ОБЩЕСТВА 11 1.1. Сетевизация как фактор социально-экономического и политического развития современных обществ 11 1.2. Особенности сетевого информационно- коммуникативного пространства управления и политики в современной России 26 ГЛАВА 2. МАРКЕТИНГ ТЕРРИТОРИЙ И БРЕНДИРОВАНИЕ КАК ОСНОВА ФОРМИРОВАНИЯ ЭФФЕКТИВНЫХ СТРАТЕГИЙ РЕГИОНАЛЬНОГО РАЗВИТИЯ В НОВОЙ СИСТЕМЕ СЕТЕВЫХ КОММУНИКАЦИЙ 41 2.1. Развитие новых технологий регионального развития в контексте российской административной реформы 41 2.2. Критерии оценки эффективности брендинга территорий: экономическая, социокультурная и политико- административная составляющие 59 ГЛАВА 3. СРАВНИТЕЛЬНЫЙ АНАЛИЗ ЭФФЕКТИВНОСТИ БРЕНДИРОВАНИЯ ТЕРРИТОРИЙ СУБЪЕКТОВ РФ г. МОСКВЫ И г. САНКТ-ПЕТЕРБУРГА 75 3.1. Сравнительный анализ экономической компоненты брендирования г. Москвы и г. Санкт-Петербурга 75 3.2. Сравнительный анализ социокультурной компоненты брендирования г. Москвы и г. Санкт-Петербурга 86 3.3. Сравнительный анализ политико-административной компоненты брендирования г. Москвы и г. -
Romanov News Новости Романовых
Romanov News Новости Романовых By Ludmila & Paul Kulikovsky №116 November 2017 Grand Duchess Olga Alexandrovna - "Akhtyrskaya Mother of God" The centenary of the October Revolution - Plenty of exhibitions, not much else November 7th arrived, the day of the centenary of the October Revolution, and expectations or even fear for some people were high, what would happen? Some even talked in advance about the possibility of a new revolution, but in fact not much happened. Also the official silence on the Revolution speaks volumes. Though a few public exhibitions were on display, the official narrative ignored the centenary of the Revolution in all spheres of the political system. It seems that it was more anticipated, talked about, and commemorated outside Russia and one can wonder why, now when the West is so Russophobic? Maybe many Westerners, who benefited from freedoms denied to Soviet citizens, naively romanticize the revolution, seeing it as being about kicking the rich and helping the poor. Do they really see Lenin as a "Robin Hood"? The truth is much more complicated. Ultimately, the October Revolution was a tremendous catastrophe that resulted in the split of a nation, a bloody civil war, mass murder, millions people forced into exile, the destruction of much of Russia’s creative and scientific establishment and the export of this brutal regime to other countries - where it all was repeated. Maybe the West were hoping for a new revolution in Russia, and they hoped this way they would kindle the revolutionary spirit of Russians today? If so, they failed! The fact is that the Russian elite are far more consolidated around President Putin than they were once around Emperor Nicholas II. -
Lost in Annexation?
Lost in Annexation? The Causes of Russia’s Foreign Policy Choices in Crimea Anno 2014 Árni Þór Sigurðsson Lokaverkefni til MA-gráðu í alþjóðasamskiptum Félagsvísindasvið 2015 Lost in Annexation? The Causes of Russia’s Foreign Policy Choices in Crimea Anno 2014 Árni Þór Sigurðsson Lokaverkefni til MA-gráðu í alþjóðasamskiptum Leiðbeinandi: Alyson J.K. Bailes Stjórnmálafræðideild Félagsvísindasvið Háskóla Íslands Júní 2015 Ritgerð þessi er lokaverkefni til MA-gráðu í alþjóðasamskiptum og er óheimilt að afrita ritgerðina á nokkurn hátt nema með leyfi rétthafa. © Árni Þór Sigurðsson 2015 3007604579 Reykjavík, Ísland 2015 To my children, Arnbjörg Soffía, Ragnar Auðun, and Sigurður Kári ABSTRACT Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014 marked a dramatic turning point in East-West relations. Likewise, it signalled a watershed in Russia’s policy in the near abroad, most importantly with Ukraine, with whom Russia has shared fate and fortune through centuries. What may have caused Russia’s resort to such an assertive move against its brother nation, violating international law in many people’s opinion, and jeopardising its renommé in world politics? The two nations’ common history and culture, and extensively shared identity, were in full play in this ‘Borderland’ crisis, and so were concrete concerns of geopolitics as the Black Sea region is of utmost significance for Russia. This study examines continuity and change in Russian foreign policy since the end of the Cold War, and inter alia considers the role of President Putin. While traditional realist balance-of-power analysis might appear to fit the Crimea case, Russia’s foreign policy choices cannot be fully explained or understood unless due weight is accorded to the historical and ideational context, in keeping with constructivist tenets.