The Decembrist Revolt and Its Aftermath: Values in Conflict by Robert F
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The Diary of Anastasiia Iakushkina
Ego-writing in French: the diary of Anastasiia Iakushkina Introduction The Decembrist Revolt Anastasiia Vasilevna Iakushkina (1806-46), née Sheremeteva, was the daughter of Vasilii Petrovich Sheremetev (1765-1808) and Nadezhda Nikolaevna Sheremeteva (1775-1850), née Tiutcheva. She married Ivan Dmitrievich Iakushkin (1793-57), a friend of her mother, at the end of 1822. They had two sons, Viacheslav (1823-61) and Evgenii (1826-1905), who was born just after Iakushkin had been arrested for his role in the Decembrist Revolt. The Decembrists, as they came to be known,1 were idealistic army and naval officers who over a long period after the end of the Napoleonic Wars had become disillusioned with the suffocating institution of autocracy. This disillusionment was fed by experience of life in western countries in which they had fought or been stationed during the wars and by familiarity with contemporary western literature, ideas and political movements. In many cases their idealism was also fuelled by discussion of humanitarian ideas in secret societies, such as the so-called Union of Salvation (Союз спасения) and the Union of Welfare (Союз благоденствия) and in Masonic lodges to which they belonged, both in Russia and abroad. On 14 December 1825, hoping to take advantage of the constitutional crisis that followed the sudden death of the Russian Emperor Alexander I on 19 November that year, they refused to swear an oath of allegiance to Alexander’s younger brother, Nicholas (subsequently Nicholas I). The officers and the troops they commanded, numbering some 3,000 men, assembled in Senate Square in St Petersburg, where Etienne Falconet’s famous statue to Peter the Great stands.2 As night fell, the rebellion was put down by a much larger number of troops loyal to Nicholas, who had been forewarned of the conspiracy. -
The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions. -
American‑Russian Relations in the Times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865)
Studies into the History of Russia and Central-Eastern Europe ■ XLVIII Hanna Marczewska‑Zagdańska Historical Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences American‑Russian relations in the times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865) Outline: The 1860s were marked by an exceptional affection and friendship in the bilateral relations between the United States, a young American republic, and the long‑established tsarist Russia. This phenomenon, which had never occurred with such intensity before or since, inspired Russian and American researchers and politicians to organize The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator exhibition which was displayed, inter alia, in Moscow in 2011. The following article analyses (on the basis of numerous source materials from the period) the reasons of this mutual amity and trust, as well as their military and eco‑ nomic cooperation—both internal (the Civil War in the U.S., the January Uprising in the Russian Empire), and external (the rivalry with Great Britain and France, and political calculations in the search for suitable alliances)—in the period of world power rivalry for global spheres of influence. Keywords: President Lincoln, Tsar Aleksander II, US Civil War, Russian Empire, Polish Insurrection of 1863, Russian Fleet, United States – Foreign Relations – Russia, Russia – Foreign Relations – United States, 19th Century Diplomatic History. On February 22, 2011, the seat of the State Archive of the Russian Federation in Moscow saw the unveiling of an exhibition under the surprising and intriguing title “The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator”. Conceived on the initiative of the American‑Russian Cultural Cooperation Foundation and already displayed in the United States in 2008‑2009, the exhibition attracted a large number of visitors and enthusiasts. -
The French Revolution and the Origins of Human Rights
2/11/2016 The French Revolution and the Origins of Human Rights So many revolutions, so little time … • The Greek War of Independence, 1821‐1829 • Irish Rebellion of 1641 • Decembrist Revolt (Russia, 1825) • First Russian Revolution, 1905 • English Revolution, 1642‐1660 • Albanian Revolution (Ottoman, 1910) • The Naples Revolt, 1647 • July Revolution (France, 1830) • Easter Rising In Dublin, 1916 • The Khmelnytsky Uprising, 1648 • Belgian Revolution, 1830 • Irish War of Independence (1916‐1923) • February Revolution (Russia, 1917) • The Fronde (France, 1648‐1653) • November Uprising (Poland, 1830‐1831) • October Revolution (a.k.a. Bolshevik) , • Moscow Uprising of Streltsy Regiments, 1688 • The Bosnian Uprising (Ottoman, 1831‐1832) 1917 • The Glorious Revolution (England, 1688) • Ukrainian Revolution, 1917‐1921 • June Rebellion (France, 1832) • Finnish Civil War, 1918 • The Streltsy Uprising (Russia, 1698) • Revolutions of 1848‐1849 (Italian, German, Danish • German Revolution, 1918 • The Camisard Rebellion (France, 1702‐1715) States; Hungarian; Ireland; Wallachia; Moldavia • The Rakoczi Uprising (Habsburg Empire, 1703‐1711) • Herzegovinia Uprising (Ottoman, 1852‐1862) • The First Jacobite Rebellion (England, 1715) • • The Fourth Dalecarlian Rebellion (Sweden, 1743) Second Italian War for Independence (1859) • Jacobite Rising (Scotland, 1745‐1746) • January Uprising/Polish Uprising (Russia, 1863‐ 1865) • Pugachev Rebellion (Russia, 1773‐1775) • • The French Revolution, 1789‐1799 The Fenian Rising (Ireland, 1867) • Saxon Peasants’ Revolut, -
Draft Agenda
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS 2019 MOSCOW NONPROLIFERATION CONFERENCE November 7–9, 2019 1. ÅBERG SOMOGYI Martina, Korean Peninsula Desk Officer, Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Sweden 2. AIKI Toshihiro, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Сhargé D'affaires, Embassy of Japan to the Russian Federation 3. AKHMETOV Alimzhan, Director, Center for International Security and Policy, Kazakhstan 4. AKHTAMZYAN Ildar, Associate Professor, Department of International Relations and Foreign Policy of Russia, School of International Relations, Moscow State Institute for International Relations (MGIMO–University), Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian Federation 5. ALIPOR NANDEL Mohammadreza, Second Secretary, Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Russian Federation 6. APARO Massimo, Deputy Director General, Head of Department of Safeguards, International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) 7. ARAGHCHI Abbas, Deputy Foreign Minister for Political Affairs, Islamic Republic of Iran 8. ARIFFIN Irsyad Arif, First Secretary, Embassy of Malaysia to the Russian Federation 9. ARO -SÁNCHEZ Miia, Counsellor, Unit for Arms Control, Political Department, Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Finland 10. ARTISYUK Vladimir, Advisor to the Director General, State Atomic Energy Corporation ROSATOM, Russian Federation 11. BANNYKH Igor, Counsellor, Department of Customs Infrastructure, Eurasian Economic Commission 12. BARZEGAR Kayhan, Director, Institute for Middle East Strategic Studies (IMESS); Chair, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Science -
Russia's Great Power Identity on Its Bumpy Journey Through Time
CEEISA-ISA Joint International Conference Anatoly Reshetnikov 23-25 June 2016, Ljubljana Central European University _____________________________________________________________________________________ Russia’s great power identity on its bumpy journey through time. Introduction Recently, Russia has been talking a lot about being a great power.1 In fact, it has even insisted that such a state like Russia had to either be a great power, or not be at all.2 In the western discourse, the term ‘great power’ immediately evokes unambiguous connotations. Namely, it is believed to be related to some privileged status in the international system. This status is associated either with a claim to be one of a few real policy-makers (as neorealists have argued),3 or with a claim for some rights and responsibilities in relation to the management of international order (as has been suggested by the English School of IR).4 Hence, it is those specifically IR-related associations that Russian great power rhetoric elicited in the west. Most observers perceived it as a question of foreign policy. Yet, if one looks carefully enough, it becomes obvious that Russia’s great power discourse does not operate the way the western observers expect it operate. On the one hand, when Russia talks about being a great power, it often places itself in a strong opposition to the rest of the great power club and shows its clear dissatisfaction with the existing international order.5 As a result, it is perceived by the west as an unpredictable trouble-maker rather than a great power in the English School’s terms. -
The Spectator and Dialogues of Power in Early Soviet Theater By
Directed Culture: The Spectator and Dialogues of Power in Early Soviet Theater By Howard Douglas Allen A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Victoria E. Bonnell, Chair Professor Ann Swidler Professor Yuri Slezkine Fall 2013 Abstract Directed Culture: The Spectator and Dialogues of Power in Early Soviet Theater by Howard Douglas Allen Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology University of California, Berkeley Professor Victoria E. Bonnell, Chair The theater played an essential role in the making of the Soviet system. Its sociological interest not only lies in how it reflected contemporary society and politics: the theater was an integral part of society and politics. As a preeminent institution in the social and cultural life of Moscow, the theater was central to transforming public consciousness from the time of 1905 Revolution. The analysis of a selected set of theatrical premieres from the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917 to the end of Cultural Revolution in 1932 examines the values, beliefs, and attitudes that defined Soviet culture and the revolutionary ethos. The stage contributed to creating, reproducing, and transforming the institutions of Soviet power by bearing on contemporary experience. The power of the dramatic theater issued from artistic conventions, the emotional impact of theatrical productions, and the extensive intertextuality between theatrical performances, the press, propaganda, politics, and social life. Reception studies of the theatrical premieres address the complex issue of the spectator’s experience of meaning—and his role in the construction of meaning. -
THE RISE and FALL of the BLACK HUNDRED by Jacob Langer Department of History Duke Univers
CORRUPTION AND THE COUNTERREVOLUTION: THE RISE AND FALL OF THE BLACK HUNDRED by Jacob Langer Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Marty Miller, Supervisor ___________________________ Donald Raleigh ___________________________ Warren Lerner ___________________________ Alex Roland Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2007 ABSTRACT CORRUPTION AND THE COUNTERREVOLUTION: THE RISE AND FALL OF THE BLACK HUNDRED by Jacob Langer Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Marty Miller, Supervisor ___________________________ Donald Raleigh ___________________________ Warren Lerner ___________________________ Alex Roland An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2007 Copyright by Jacob Langer 2007 Abstract This dissertation analyzes the ideology and activities of the Black Hundred movement at the end of the Imperial period in Russia (1905-1917). It seeks to explain the reasons for the sudden, rapid expansion of Black Hundred organizations in 1905, as well as the causes of their decline, which began just two years after their appearance. It further attempts to elucidate the complex relationship between the Black Hundred and Russian authorities, including the central government and local officials. The problem is approached by offering two distinct perspectives on the Black Hundred. First, a broad overview of the movement is presented. The focus here is on the headquarter branches of Black Hundred organizations in St. Petersburg, but these chapters also look at the activities of many different provincial branches, relating trends in the provinces to events in the center in order to draw conclusions about the nature of the overall movement. -
THE RUSSIAN ARMY and the EASTERN QUESTION, 1821-34’ Ph.D
1 ‘THE RUSSIAN ARMY AND THE EASTERN QUESTION, 1821-34’ Ph.D. ALEXANDER BITIS THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE, 2000 UMI Number: U615B58 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615B58 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 lH £ S £ S F 3530 • ^ ,p 0' ^ t ABSTRACT This dissertation consists of a study of the role of the Russian army in Russo-Turkish relations from the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence to the conclusion of the Mohammed Ali crisis. It focuses primarily on the activities of the Russian Second Army - a force quartered in the southern regions of the Russia and designated to conduct military operations against the Ottoman Empire in Europe. Under the leadership of General P. D. Kiselev, the General Staff of this army conducted a thorough research of previous Russo-Turkish wars (1711-1812) and integrated the lessons of these campaigns into a new strategic and tactical doctrine. Ultimately, this research was to result in the formulation of an innovative new Turkish war plan which proposed that the Russian army, for the first time in its history, cross the Balkan mountain range and march on Constantinople. -
Russia's Hostile Measures: Combating Russian Gray Zone
C O R P O R A T I O N BEN CONNABLE, STEPHANIE YOUNG, STEPHANIE PEZARD, ANDREW RADIN, RAPHAEL S. COHEN, KATYA MIGACHEVA, JAMES SLADDEN Russia’s Hostile Measures Combating Russian Gray Zone Aggression Against NATO in the Contact, Blunt, and Surge Layers of Competition For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2539 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0199-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover image design: Rick Penn-Kraus Map illustration: Harvepino/Getty Images/iStockphoto Abstract spiral: Serdarbayraktar/Getty Images/iStockphoto Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Russia challenges the security and stability of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and many of its member states. -
The World of Anne Frank: Through the Eyes of a Friend
1 Anne Frank and the Holocaust Introduction to the Guide This guide can help your students begin to understand Anne Frank and, through her eyes, the war Hitler and the Nazis waged against the Jews of Europe. Anne's viewpoint is invaluable for your students because she, too, was a teenager. Reading her diary will enhance the Living Voices presentation. But the diary alone does not explain the events that parallel her life during the Holocaust. It is these events that this guide summarizes. Using excerpts from Anne’s diary as points of departure, students can connect certain global events with their direct effects on one young girl, her family, and the citizens of Germany and Holland, the two countries in which she lived. Thus students come to see more clearly both Anne and the world that shaped her. What was the Holocaust? The Holocaust was the planned, systematic attempt by the Nazis and their active supporters to annihilate every Jewish man, woman, and child in the world. Largely unopposed by the free world, it resulted in the murder of six million Jews. Mass annihilation is not unique. The Nazis, however, stand alone in their utilization of state power and modern science and technology to destroy a people. While others were swept into the Third Reich’s net of death, the Nazis, with cold calculation, focused on destroying the Jews, not because they were a political or an economic threat, but simply because they were Jews. In nearly every country the Nazis occupied during the war, Jews were rounded up, isolated from the native population, brutally forced into detention camps, and ultimately deported to labor and death camps. -
Introduction to Black Europeans
Alexander Sergevich Pushkin (1799-1837) BLACK EUROPEANS: A British Library Online Gallery feature by guest curator Mike Phillips Abram was the son of an African ruler; possibly from Chad, possibly from what is now Eritrea. At the age of eight he was either abducted or sent to the court of the Turkish Sultan in Constantinople. He might have stayed there had it not been for the desire of the Russian Emperor, Peter the Great, to emulate Western fashions. Peter was a great moderniser. For example, he banned his nobles from wearing beards in the old Russian style. He had seen black pages at the court of Louis XIV of France and in aristocratic circles in England, so it was only a matter of time before he acquired one. One more generous contemporary view was that, as part of his modernising project, Peter used Abram’s education and career to demonstrate that anyone, “even from among wild men, such as Negroes” could be trained to give valuable service to sovereign and state. Bought from the Sultan, Abram arrived in Russia and was baptised with Tsar Peter standing as his godfather. Peter visited France in 1717, and at the same time Abram was sent to study there, as one of Peter’s emergent and foreign educated officer class. He returned with the conventional skills of an officer of artillery, but he had also acquired a new name, Hannibal. The name had echoes of republican defiance which, later on, were significant to Pushkin. A respected military engineer, he was promoted under successive rulers and lived on into the reign of Catherine the Great, dying only 18 years before A.S.