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John F. Morrison Phd Thesis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository 'THE AFFIRMATION OF BEHAN?' AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE POLITICISATION PROCESS OF THE PROVISIONAL IRISH REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT THROUGH AN ORGANISATIONAL ANALYSIS OF SPLITS FROM 1969 TO 1997 John F. Morrison A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2010 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3158 This item is protected by original copyright ‘The Affirmation of Behan?’ An Understanding of the Politicisation Process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement Through an Organisational Analysis of Splits from 1969 to 1997. John F. Morrison School of International Relations Ph.D. 2010 SUBMISSION OF PHD AND MPHIL THESES REQUIRED DECLARATIONS 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, John F. Morrison, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 82,000 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September 2005 and as a candidate for the degree of Ph.D. in May, 2007; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2005 and 2010. Date 25-Aug-10 Signature of candidate 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of Ph.D. -
Thesis W/ Corrections
Renouncing the Le-: Working-class conserva7sm in France, 1930-1939 Joseph Starkey A Thesis submi+ed for the Degree of PhD at Cardiff University 2014 Abstract Histories of the working class in France have largely ignored the existence of working-class conservaGsm. This is parGcularly true of histories of the interwar period. Yet, there were an array of Catholic and right-wing groups during these years that endeavoured to bring workers within their orbit. Moreover, many workers judged that their interests were be+er served by these groups. This thesis explores the parGcipaGon of workers in Catholic and right-wing groups during the 1930s. What did these groups claim to offer workers within the wider context of their ideological goals? In which ways did conservaGve workers understand and express their interests, and why did they idenGfy the supposed ‘enemies of the leT’ as the best means of defending them? What was the daily experience of conservaGve workers like, and how did this experience contribute to the formaGon of ‘non-leT’ poliGcal idenGGes? These quesGons are addressed in a study of the largest Catholic and right-wing groups in France during the 1930s. This thesis argues that, during a period of leT-wing ascendancy, these groups made the recruitment of workers a top priority. To this end, they harnessed parGcular elements of mass poliGcal culture and adapted them to their own ideological ends. However, the ideology of these groups did not simply reflect the interests of the workers that supported them. This thesis argues that the interests of conservaGve workers were a raGonal and complex product of their own experience. -
The Surreal Voice in Milan's Itinerant Poetics: Delio Tessa to Franco Loi
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects CUNY Graduate Center 2-2021 The Surreal Voice in Milan's Itinerant Poetics: Delio Tessa to Franco Loi Jason Collins The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/4143 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE SURREALIST VOICE IN MILAN’S ITINERANT POETICS: DELIO TESSA TO FRANCO LOI by JASON M. COLLINS A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Comparative Literature in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2021 i © 2021 JASON M. COLLINS All Rights Reserved ii The Surreal Voice in Milan’s Itinerant Poetics: Delio Tessa to Franco Loi by Jason M. Collins This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Comparative Literature in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy _________________ ____________Paolo Fasoli___________ Date Chair of Examining Committee _________________ ____________Giancarlo Lombardi_____ Date Executive Officer Supervisory Committee Paolo Fasoli André Aciman Hermann Haller THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT The Surreal Voice in Milan’s Itinerant Poetics: Delio Tessa to Franco Loi by Jason M. Collins Advisor: Paolo Fasoli Over the course of Italy’s linguistic history, dialect literature has evolved a s a genre unto itself. -
A Comparative Study of Extremism Within Nationalist Movements
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF EXTREMISM WITHIN NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND SPAIN by Ashton Croft Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Departmental Honors in the Department of History Texas Christian University Fort Worth, Texas 22 April 2019 Croft 1 A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF EXTREMISM WITHIN NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND SPAIN Project Approved: Supervising Professor: William Meier, Ph.D. Department of History Jodi Campbell, Ph.D. Department of History Eric Cox, Ph.D. Department of Political Science Croft 2 ABSTRACT Nationalism in nations without statehood is common throughout history, although what nationalism leads to differs. In the cases of the United Kingdom and Spain, these effects ranged in various forms from extremism to cultural movements. In this paper, I will examine the effects of extremists within the nationalism movement and their overall effects on societies and the imagined communities within the respective states. I will also compare the actions of extremist factions, such as the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the Basque Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), and the Scottish National Liberation Army (SNLA), and examine what strategies worked for the various nationalist movements at what points, as well as how the movements connected their motives and actions to historical memory. Many of the groups appealed to a wider “imagined community” based on constructing a shared history of nationhood. For example, violence was most effective when it directly targeted oppressors, but it did not work when civilians were harmed. Additionally, organizations that tied rhetoric and acts back to actual histories of oppression or of autonomy tended to garner more widespread support than others. -
SIAC HOME Files/STALINISM TRADITION and the WORKING CLASS.Pdf
Stalinism, Tradition, and the Working Class A response to comrades who honeymoon in the past DON MILLIGAN Mayday in London, 1928 2 The Dictatorship of the Proletariat There is one, only one, essential element in the Marxist critique of capitalism. It is very simple and very plain, but in it are focused all the many- faceted analyses of the capitalist order. It is this: there is a striking contradiction between the increasingly social character of the process of production and the anti-social character of capitalist property. [. ] This contradiction between the anti-social character of [private] property and the social character of our production is the source of all anarchy and irrationality in capitalism.1 Isaac Deutscher n the Marxist tradition ‘dictatorship’ means domination and, just to confuse matters, it also carries with it the Irather more conventional political meaning that refers to a state of lawless and arbitrary rule by a tyrant or an association of tyrants. In the former rather than the latter sense Marxists have always thought of capitalist society as ‘the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie’. After all, capitalist society is founded upon the defence of private property against all comers, and the state and legal system is organized to ensure that the most favourable social and political conditions for the businessman and the entrepreneur prevail. The state guarantees the right of the owners of private capital to employ workers to generate profits in order to finance a new round of private investment, and so on. Irrespective of whether or not the state or political form of capitalist rule is oligarchic, dictatorial, or democratic, Marxists in the past, and today, regard the bourgeois domination of society as ‘dictatorial’. -
And Bernardo Bertolucci's 1900
The “Betrayed Resistance” in Valentino Orsini’s Corbari (1970) and Bernardo Bertolucci’s 1900 (1976) Dominic Gavin The connections between Italian film and history have been the object of renewed attention in recent years. A number of studies have provided re-readings of Italian cinema, especially from the perspective of public memory. Charting the interrelations of cinema, the public use of history, and historiography, these studies include reevaluations of the cinema of the Resistance, the war film, the Holocaust and the Fascist dictatorship.1 The ongoing debates over Resistance memory in particular—the “never-ending liberation,” in the words of one historian—have provided a motive for reconsidering popular cultural productions as vehicles of collective perceptions of the past.2 If Italian film studies came relatively late to the issues of cinema and public memory, this approach has now become mainstream.3 In this essay, I am concerned with films on the Resistance during the 1970s. These belong to a wider grouping of contemporary cinematic productions that deal with the Fascist dictatorship and antifascism. These films raise a series of critical questions. How did the general film field contribute to the wider processing of historical memory, and how did it relate to political violence in Italy?4 To what extent did the work of Italian filmmakers participate in the “new discourse” of international cinema in the 1970s concerning the treatment of Nazism and the occupation,5 or to what extent were filmmakers engaged in reaffirming populist -
Aequitas 13 (2019)
[TÍTULO DEL DOCUMENTO] Manuela F [NOMBRE DE LA EMPRESA] [Dirección de la compañía] REVISTA AEQUITAS ESTUDIOS SOBRE HISTORIA, DERECHO E INSTITUCIONES CONSEJO DE DIRECCIÓN Director: Enrique San Miguel Pérez (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos). Secretaria: Erika Prado Rubio (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos). Vicesecretarios: Francesca de Rosa (Univ. Degli Studi Federico II de Nápoles) ; Stefano Vinci (Univ. Aldo Moro, de Bari). Vocales: Leandro Martínez Peñas (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos); Rocío Velasco de Castro (Universidad de Extremadura) ; Yolanda Blasco Gil (Universidad de Valencia). COMITÉ CIENTÍFICO Dolores Álamo Martell (Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria); Ileana del Bagno (Universidad de Salerno, Italia); Dario Luongo (Universidad de Napoli Parthenope, Italia); Aniceto Masferrer (Universidad de Valencia); Francesco Mastroberti (Universidad de Bari Aldo Moro, Italia); Isabelle Poutrin (Universidad de ParísEst Créteil, Francia); Nicole Reinhardt (Universidad de Durham, Reino Unido); Dolores Mar Sánchez González (Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia); Fernando Suárez Bilbao (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos); Jesús Francisco de la Teja (Texas State University, Estados Unidos); PANEL DE REVISORES Beatriz Badorrey (UNED) Judit Beke Martos (Ruhr University of Bochum, Alemania) Elena Díaz Galán (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos) Juan Carlos Domínguez (Universidad San Pablo- CEU) Armando De Martino (Universidad degli Studi Federico II de Nápoles, Italia) Manuela Fernández Rodríguez (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos) Óscar Flores (Universidad de -
14707176.Pdf
I c/66-14 AN ESSAY ON REVISIONISM IN THE ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY Giorgio Galli Massachusetts Institute of Technology Center for International Studies International Communism Project The following essay explores the evolution of Italian Communist re- visionism. In general when we speak of "revisionism" in the Italian Communist Party (PCI) we usually refer to the question of whether the conquest of power is possible and of what strategy the Party puts forward in order to achieve it: the classical questions, in short, which were at the center of the first great revisionist debate in the Second International. Extensive comparisons have therefore been made between Italian "revisionism" and its classical antecedents. But first a brief review of the PCI's attitude toward the Italian Con- stitution may be illuminating. At a particularly signi icant moment in its recent history, the Eighth Congress of December 1956, the PCI approved the "Elements for a Policy Declaration" which regards the Italian Constitution that went into effect in January 1948, as an "important victory on the Italian road to Socialism," and illustrates one fundamental aspect of it in the follow- ing manner: As far as private property is concerned, it is guaranteed by law, 'with the aim of safeguarding its social function and making it accessible to all,' and it is precisely for this reason that the Constitution lays down limits for it and even provides for expro- priation, with compensation, for 'reasons of general interest.' It is not, therefore, unreasonable to state that the Republican Constitution . sets up some of the conditions which may, when they are put into effect . -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses English Folk under the Red Flag: The Impact of Alan Bush's `Workers' Music' on 20th Century Britain's Left-Wing Music Scene ROBINSON, ALICE,MERIEL How to cite: ROBINSON, ALICE,MERIEL (2021) English Folk under the Red Flag: The Impact of Alan Bush's `Workers' Music' on 20th Century Britain's Left-Wing Music Scene , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/13924/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 English Folk under the Red Flag: The Impact of Alan Bush’s ‘Workers’ Music’ on 20 th Century Britain’s Left-Wing Music Scene Alice Robinson Abstract Workers’ music: songs to fight injustice, inequality and establish the rights of the working classes. This was a new, radical genre of music which communist composer, Alan Bush, envisioned in 1930s Britain. -
Fourth International 666
Vol. 7, No. 26 0 1969 Intercontinental Press July 14, 1969 $1 DOCUMENTS World Congress of the FOURTH INTERNATIONAL 666 fied to the active way in which the Trotskyists in most countries are participating in vanguard struggles. Special Issue A noticeable feature of the congress was the youthful- ness of many of the delegations. They represented the most politically conscious sector of the new generation One of the features of Intercontinental A.ess which of rebel youth that is stirring the world today. The many of our well-wishers have told us is especially question of how the Fourth International can take still appreciated is the number of documents which we reg- better advantage of the great new openings interna- ularly make available in translation from various lan- tionally to recruit fresh contingents from this source guages and from various sectors of the political spec- was one of the major items on the agenda. It was trum. In this issue the entire contents comes under the likewise interlaced with other points in the deliberations heading of rrdocuments” and these documents are all of the delegates. from a single gathering, the world congress of the Fourth The discussion was an intense one throughout the International held last April. congress, constituting the most graphic evidence of how In our opinion, this was a political event of some the democratic side of the principle of democratic cen- importance to the revolutionary-minded left. As the tralism is observed in the Fourth International in con- Third World Congress since the Reunification, it reg- trast to the stultifying, antidemocratic practices charac- istered the solidity achieved by the world Trotskyist teristic of the Stalinist and Social Democratic organiza- movement after a major split that lasted for almost tions with their iron-fisted and ivory-headed bureau- ten years until the breach was closed in 1963 on a cracies. -
The “Bordigist Current”
THE “BORDIGIST CURRENT” (1919-1999) Italy, France, Belgium Philippe Bourrinet Index Introduction ...........................................................................................................5 1. The origins (1912-1926) ........................................................................................11 2. German Left or Italian Left? ...................................................................................30 3. The Birth of the Left Fraction of the PCI ..............................................................45 1933-39 Bilan. Milestones on the road to defeat 4. The Weight of the Counter-Revolution..................................................................65 5. The War in Spain: No Betrayal! .............................................................................88 6. Towards war or revolution? (1937-39) ..................................................................103 7. Balance sheet of the Russian Revolution...............................................................115 1939-45 Trial by fire 8. The ordeal of war: from fraction to party? ............................................................137 9. The “Partito Comunista Internazionalista” ...........................................................153 Conclusion..........................................................................................................167 Appendix 1 DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES OF THE BELGIAN FRACTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST LEFT...................170 Appendix 2 Manifesto of the Communist Left -
EXTENSIONS of REMARKS 29881 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS NATIONAL HISPANIC HERITAGE Troducing Hispanic Artists and Covering Top "This May Well Be the Case
September 19, 1977 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 29881 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS NATIONAL HISPANIC HERITAGE troducing Hispanic artists and covering top "This may well be the case. But what 1s WEEK IN CONNECTICUT ics of national interest. at stake for the nation is not the adequacy We trust that we can count on your sup of current profits by business standards-it port both at the Capitol and with your con is rather the rate of drllling and production. stituency here in Connecticut. As a re "Even if proposed pricing structures pro HON. WILLIAM R. COTTER vided for sufficient profit, is the price struc OF CONNECTICUT source, we know your office is invaluable to us; and 1! we can be o! any assistance to ture adequate to generate the level of cash IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES you, in terms o! disseminating information, fiow necessary to mount and sustain the drilling effort required to meet the planned Monday, September 19, 1977 please don't hesitate to contact our office. Sincerely, 1985 oil and gas production goals? We con Mr. COTTER. Mr. Speaker, September FRANK MARRERO, clude ... that it is not, and that 1985 na 11 through 17 was National Hispanic Executive Producer, Project Officer. tional oil and gas production will be as much as five million barrels a day below the NEP Heritage Week, an event that recognized goal." the important role of Hispanic-Ameri They said $699 blllion in 1976 prices must cans in our Nation's life. Connecticut, be invested to fulfill production and con where the Hispanic community numbers UNITED STATES-MORE OIL AND servation targets o! NEP.