Livio Maitan Bio-Bibliographical Sketch
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Thesis W/ Corrections
Renouncing the Le-: Working-class conserva7sm in France, 1930-1939 Joseph Starkey A Thesis submi+ed for the Degree of PhD at Cardiff University 2014 Abstract Histories of the working class in France have largely ignored the existence of working-class conservaGsm. This is parGcularly true of histories of the interwar period. Yet, there were an array of Catholic and right-wing groups during these years that endeavoured to bring workers within their orbit. Moreover, many workers judged that their interests were be+er served by these groups. This thesis explores the parGcipaGon of workers in Catholic and right-wing groups during the 1930s. What did these groups claim to offer workers within the wider context of their ideological goals? In which ways did conservaGve workers understand and express their interests, and why did they idenGfy the supposed ‘enemies of the leT’ as the best means of defending them? What was the daily experience of conservaGve workers like, and how did this experience contribute to the formaGon of ‘non-leT’ poliGcal idenGGes? These quesGons are addressed in a study of the largest Catholic and right-wing groups in France during the 1930s. This thesis argues that, during a period of leT-wing ascendancy, these groups made the recruitment of workers a top priority. To this end, they harnessed parGcular elements of mass poliGcal culture and adapted them to their own ideological ends. However, the ideology of these groups did not simply reflect the interests of the workers that supported them. This thesis argues that the interests of conservaGve workers were a raGonal and complex product of their own experience. -
Pablo Bio-Bibliographical Sketch
Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Michel Pablo Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: Basic biographical data Biographical sketch Selective bibliography Basic biographical data Name: Michel Pablo Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): Abdelkrim ; Alain ; Archer ; Gabe ; Gabriel ; Henry ; Jérôme ; J.P. Martin ; Jean-Paul Martin ; Mike; Molitor ; M.P. ; Murat ; Pilar ; Michalēs N. Raptēs ; Michel Raptis ; Mihalis Raptis ; Mikhalis N. Raptis ; Robert ; Smith ; Spero ; Speros ; Vallin Date and place of birth: August 24, 1911, Alexandria (Egypt) Date and place of death: February 17, 1996, Athens (Greece) Nationality: Greek Occupations, careers, etc.: Civil engineer, professional revolutionary Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1928 - 1964 (1995) Biographical sketch A lifelong revolutionary, Michel Pablo for some one and a half decades was the chief leader of the Trotskyist Fourth International – or at least of its majority faction. He was perhaps one of the most renowned and at the same time one of the most controversial figures of the international Trotskyist movement; for all those claiming for themselves the label of "orthodox" Trotskyism, Pablo since 1953 was a whipping boy and the very synonym for centrism, revisionism, opportunism, and even for liquidationism. 'Michel Pablo' is one (and undoubtedly the best known) of more than about a dozen pseudonyms used by a man who was born Michael Raptis [Mikhalēs Raptēs / Μισέλ Πάμπλο]1 as son of Nikolaos Raptis [Raptēs], a Greek civil engineer, in Alexandria (Egypt) on August 24, 1911. He grew up and attended Greek schools in Egypt and from 1918 in Crete before, at the age of 17, he moved to Athens enrolling at the Polytechnic where he studied engineering. -
The Surreal Voice in Milan's Itinerant Poetics: Delio Tessa to Franco Loi
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects CUNY Graduate Center 2-2021 The Surreal Voice in Milan's Itinerant Poetics: Delio Tessa to Franco Loi Jason Collins The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/4143 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE SURREALIST VOICE IN MILAN’S ITINERANT POETICS: DELIO TESSA TO FRANCO LOI by JASON M. COLLINS A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Comparative Literature in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2021 i © 2021 JASON M. COLLINS All Rights Reserved ii The Surreal Voice in Milan’s Itinerant Poetics: Delio Tessa to Franco Loi by Jason M. Collins This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Comparative Literature in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy _________________ ____________Paolo Fasoli___________ Date Chair of Examining Committee _________________ ____________Giancarlo Lombardi_____ Date Executive Officer Supervisory Committee Paolo Fasoli André Aciman Hermann Haller THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT The Surreal Voice in Milan’s Itinerant Poetics: Delio Tessa to Franco Loi by Jason M. Collins Advisor: Paolo Fasoli Over the course of Italy’s linguistic history, dialect literature has evolved a s a genre unto itself. -
Marxism and Bourgeois Democracy. Reflections on a Debate After the Second World War in Italy
53 WSCHODNI ROCZNIK HUMANISTYCZNY TOM XVI (2019), No 1 s. 53-65 doi: 10.36121/dstasi.16.2019.1.053 Daniele Stasi (University of Rzeszów, University of Foggia) ORCID 0000-0002-4730-5958 Marxism and bourgeois democracy. Reflections on a debate after the Second World War in Italy Annotation: In this paper is illustrated a debate about the form of State and democracy be- tween N.Bobbio, some Italian Marxist philosophers and intellectuals. The debate took place in 1970s, that is in a period of intense philosophical confrontation, hosted by cultural reviews like „Mondoperaio” and marked by a strong ideological opposition linked to the world bipo- lar system. The paper presents the general lines of that debate, which highlighted the inad- equacies of the Marxist doctrine of State, consistently determining the end of any hegemonic ambitions in the Italian culture of those intellectuals linked to international communism. Keywords: Marxism, democracy, State, Italian philosophy, hegemony, Norberto Bobbio. Marksizm i burżuazyjna demokracja. Refleksje na temat debaty po drugiej wojnie świa- towej we Włoszech Streszczenie: W artykule przedstawiono debatę o kształcie państwa i demokracji, która toczyła się pomiędzy N. Bobbio i niektórymi marksistowskimi filozofami włoskimi w la- tach siedemdziesiątych XX wieku. Okres ten cechuje intensywna konfrontacja filozoficznа we Włoszech związana z sytuacją polityczną na świecie. Debata miała miejsce na łamach czasopisma „Mondoperaio”. W artykule zostały zilustrowane podstawowe tezy owej deba- ty, które podkreślają niedostatki marksistowskiej doktryny o państwie, konsekwentnie wy- znaczając koniec wszelkich hegemonicznych ambicji włoskich intelektualistów związanych z międzynarodowym komunizmem. Słowa kluczowe: marksizm, demokracja, państwo, filozofia włoska, hegemonia, Norberto Bobbio. Марксизм и буржуазная демократия. -
SIAC HOME Files/STALINISM TRADITION and the WORKING CLASS.Pdf
Stalinism, Tradition, and the Working Class A response to comrades who honeymoon in the past DON MILLIGAN Mayday in London, 1928 2 The Dictatorship of the Proletariat There is one, only one, essential element in the Marxist critique of capitalism. It is very simple and very plain, but in it are focused all the many- faceted analyses of the capitalist order. It is this: there is a striking contradiction between the increasingly social character of the process of production and the anti-social character of capitalist property. [. ] This contradiction between the anti-social character of [private] property and the social character of our production is the source of all anarchy and irrationality in capitalism.1 Isaac Deutscher n the Marxist tradition ‘dictatorship’ means domination and, just to confuse matters, it also carries with it the Irather more conventional political meaning that refers to a state of lawless and arbitrary rule by a tyrant or an association of tyrants. In the former rather than the latter sense Marxists have always thought of capitalist society as ‘the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie’. After all, capitalist society is founded upon the defence of private property against all comers, and the state and legal system is organized to ensure that the most favourable social and political conditions for the businessman and the entrepreneur prevail. The state guarantees the right of the owners of private capital to employ workers to generate profits in order to finance a new round of private investment, and so on. Irrespective of whether or not the state or political form of capitalist rule is oligarchic, dictatorial, or democratic, Marxists in the past, and today, regard the bourgeois domination of society as ‘dictatorial’. -
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks Dylan Riley Antonio Gramsci is once again moving to the center of debates in contemporary social theory. Sociologists have taken up the concepts of hegemony and civil society to analyze regimes and social movements (Riley 2010; Tugal 2009). Political theorists have used Gramsci as an inspiration for developing the idea of radical democracy (Laclau and Mouffe 1985). Scholars of international relations have found Gramsci’s focus on global processes useful for analyzing neo-liberalism (Morton 2004, 125-127). Gramsci’s work has also been central in the attempt to elaborate a “sociological Marxism” that moves beyond both the statist and economistic biases of more traditional forms of Second and Third International historical materialism (Burawoy 2003; Wright 2010). But despite this outpouring of recent interest, many of the key elements of Gramsci’s political theory remain obscure. In this context, this essay returns to the Prison Notebooks1 to ask a specific question: “How did Gramsci conceive of the connection between democracy and hegemony?” This question has already generated a substantial body of scholarship. But most of it can be placed into one of two positions. One interpretation views hegemony as a theory of revolutionary dictatorship: a “Leninism” for the West (Galli della Loggia 1977, 69; Salvadori 1977, 40-41). These writers tend to be highly critical of the various attempts by the Partito Comunista Italiano (Italian Communist Party, PCI) to use Gramsci as a symbolic justification -
All Indochina Must Go Communist!
NUMBER NINETEEN TEN CENTS MAY 1975 Saigon puppets flee All Indochina must go communist! The fall of Saigon on 30 April to the National The triumphant advance of the NLF-DRV proved and the complete collapse of the capitalist class Liberation Front and Democratic Republic of Viet conclusively the complete untenability of the and its state apparatus, there is now only one nam (NLF-DRV) is a decisive defeat of US imperi 1973 Paris peace treaty, an agreement promoting possible path of 'development -- the expropriation alism and its South Vietnamese puppets. Together the illusion of peace between the classes, pro of the basic productive forces. Whatever the with the success of. the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, claiming acceptance of continued capitalism in outward forms of rule in Cambodia and South Viet it is a great victory for the oppressed through South Vietnam and a coalition government with the nam, they are now deformed workers states, which out the world, and especially for the workers and capitalist Saigon government. The peace treaty can only base themselves on the property forms of peasants of Indochina who have fought so long and came not out of a decisive military victory but proletarian rule, but with socialist development suffered so much through three decades of war out of a heroic struggle of the masses resulting and the international extension of revolution against oppression. But with this victory the in a military standoff with their enormously held back by a bureaucratic caste ruling in the struggle does not end, either for the peoples of powerful enemy. -
WIRFI Journal 15 February 2016
WORKERS INTERNATIONAL Print JOURNAL version £2 Political and theoretical journal of Workers International (to Rebuild the 4th International) No 15 February 2016 Special obituary edition Farewell Comrade Balazs Nagy! 1927 - 23 August 2015 ALSO INSIDE Bill Hunter and Charlie Pottins: Two veteran British Trotskyists pass away 2015 also saw the loss of Bill Hunter and Charlie Pottins, two former members of the Socialist Labour League / Workers Revolutionary Party in the UK who participated in the 1985-6 split in the Party and the expul- sion of its former leader Gerry Healy. Although they were no longer members of Workers International to Rebuild the Fourth International, we had remained in touch with them and mourn their loss. We joined with the families and comrades who gathered to mark their passing and record their life’s work. See appreciations inside. WORKERS Inside this issue INTERNATIONAL of Workers’ International Journal we JOURNAL Political and theoretical journal of reproduce a selection of the tributes Workers International to Rebuild the 4th International paid to our founding secretary Balazs PO Box 68375, London E7 7DT, UK Nagy (Michel Varga) by present and workersinternational.info Email: former comrades [email protected] Workers International Journal February 2016 Page 1 Comrades and relatives of Balazs Nagy gathered in Albi, France, in August 2015 to bid him farewell. BOB ARCHER pronounced the eulogy on behalf of Workers International to Rebuild the Fourth International “It is impossible to do justice to our comrade Balazs Nagy in a few minutes. He spent all his adult life fighting for that vital thing ̵ the party which leads the struggle of the working class ̵ and to oppose all deformations within it. -
Fourth International 666
Vol. 7, No. 26 0 1969 Intercontinental Press July 14, 1969 $1 DOCUMENTS World Congress of the FOURTH INTERNATIONAL 666 fied to the active way in which the Trotskyists in most countries are participating in vanguard struggles. Special Issue A noticeable feature of the congress was the youthful- ness of many of the delegations. They represented the most politically conscious sector of the new generation One of the features of Intercontinental A.ess which of rebel youth that is stirring the world today. The many of our well-wishers have told us is especially question of how the Fourth International can take still appreciated is the number of documents which we reg- better advantage of the great new openings interna- ularly make available in translation from various lan- tionally to recruit fresh contingents from this source guages and from various sectors of the political spec- was one of the major items on the agenda. It was trum. In this issue the entire contents comes under the likewise interlaced with other points in the deliberations heading of rrdocuments” and these documents are all of the delegates. from a single gathering, the world congress of the Fourth The discussion was an intense one throughout the International held last April. congress, constituting the most graphic evidence of how In our opinion, this was a political event of some the democratic side of the principle of democratic cen- importance to the revolutionary-minded left. As the tralism is observed in the Fourth International in con- Third World Congress since the Reunification, it reg- trast to the stultifying, antidemocratic practices charac- istered the solidity achieved by the world Trotskyist teristic of the Stalinist and Social Democratic organiza- movement after a major split that lasted for almost tions with their iron-fisted and ivory-headed bureau- ten years until the breach was closed in 1963 on a cracies. -
Il Parlamento E L'evoluzione Degli Strumenti Della Legislazione
Tavola rotonda su IL PARLAMENTO E L’EVOLUZIONE DEGLI STRUMENTI DELLA LEGISLAZIONE promossa dal Comitato per la legislazione in conclusione del secondo ciclo di Presidenza 12 gennaio 2010 Sala della Lupa Camera dei deputati Roma La tavola rotonda, promossa dal Comitato per la legislazione a conclusione del secondo ciclo di presidenza, riunisce personalità politiche che rivestono, o hanno rivestito, diverse posizioni di responsabilità nello svolgimento del processo legislativo. La tavola rotonda pone al centro della riflessione il ruolo fondamentale del Presidente di Assemblea, nell’esperienza dei presidenti della Camera dei deputati che si sono succeduti nelle ultime quattro legislature e che hanno tutti dovuto far fronte a rilevanti difficoltà nel procedimento legislativo. Nelle stesse quattro legislature il Comitato per la legislazione, istituito nel gennaio 1998, ha operato a supporto di tale impegnativa funzione presidenziale, svolgendo i suoi compiti di vigilanza sulla qualità dei testi legislativi, con particolare riferimento alle forme prevalenti di legislazione (deleghe e decreti legge). Presso entrambe le Camere, le Commissioni Affari costituzionali svolgono anch’esse un delicato ruolo di controllo con riferimento agli aspetti di costituzionalità, che investe non solo i contenuti ma anche le procedure e il sistema delle competenze. Inoltre, le due Commissioni sono al centro dei processi di riforma costituzionale. Sul versante governativo, il Ministro per i rapporti con il Parlamento svolge un ruolo altrettanto complesso nel misurarsi con le difficoltà del processo legislativo collegando un doppio fronte: l’insieme dei rapporti interni al Governo e quello con i diversi organi parlamentari in entrambe le Camere. Come base della discussione si offrono le analisi delle tendenze della legislazione elaborate di recente nell’ambito del Comitato: la “nota di sintesi” del Rapporto sulla legislazione 2009, edito dalla Camera dei deputati, e “Tendenze e problemi della decretazione d’urgenza”, presentato al Comitato per la legislazione il 12 novembre 2009. -
Socialist Re Yvonne Groseil View, and I Was Quite Impressed by It
Tvvo Vievvs on the Dialectics of Nature To William F. Warde tal to Sartre and Hyppolite. There is and I hope it will precipitate in this I have just read your article, "Is Na one point in your article, however, with country a greater appreciation of the ture Dialectical?" in the Summer 1964 which I would take some exception. problem and wide discussion of it. That is when you argue against the issue of the International Socialist Re Yvonne Groseil view, and I was quite impressed by it. anti-dialecticians by pointing out the Although I must plead guilty to a advances made in science, especially by November 15, 1964 rather superficial knowledge of Marx Oparin, through the use of dialectical ism, I am very interested in Hegel's method. Dialectical logic may help the Reply work. During my study of Hegel, I have scientist reach some useful hypotheses Here are some comments on the main come to the conclusion that the ques for later investigation, but this is not questions of theoretical interest raised tion of the philosophy of nature is a the essential point here. by this friendly letter. crucial one. In my opinion, Hegel's I t seems to me that the method or 1. Would knowledge of the method of philosophy falls apart into a dualism of means by which scientific discoveries the materialist dialectic, which is based mind and matter instead of being the are made is secondary in this argument. on the most general laws of being and synthesis he desired just because of the What is really vital is the fact that only becoming, assist the physical scientist failure of his philosophy of nature. -
"Why It Is Worth Preparing for Breaches to Open in These Two Systems and Strive for Socialism"
"Why it is worth preparing for breaches to open in these two systems and strive for socialism" https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article6854 Book review "Why it is worth preparing for breaches to open in these two systems and strive for socialism" - Reviews section - Publication date: Tuesday 13 October 2020 Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine - All rights reserved Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine Page 1/5 "Why it is worth preparing for breaches to open in these two systems and strive for socialism" Livio Maitan, Memoirs of a critical communist. Towards a History of the Fourth International, Preface by Daniel Bensaid, translated by Gregor Benton, edited and with an introduction by Penelope Duggan, Resistance Books, IIRE, Merlin Press, 2019, 455 pages. Livio Maitan was born in Venice in 1923 ; he was politically active from 1943 until his death in 2004. During this period, both the world capitalist system and the bureaucratic countries that escaped its grip, generated great discontents, social movements and crises. Unfortunately none of these upsurges was able to establish a society that was democratic and egalitarian in a lasting way. As a young socialist in postwar Italy, Livio could see the problem as it was crystallizing into the Cold War. [1] When he met the Fourth International in Paris in April 1947, he decided to dedicate his life to making the perspective of socialist democracy a real political alternative for militants searching a way out of the "Washington or Moscow" dilemma. He stood by this commitment all his life. What was needed, he thought, was not just more brilliant books like The Revolution Betrayed by Trotsky, but a network of militants organized on a global scale and sharing information, analysis and at times, a helping hand.