Chinese Politics Course Description: China’S Rapid Growth Reshapes Our World and Challenges Existing Theories
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Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989
Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989 Geremie Barmé1 There should be room for my extremism; I certainly don’t demand of others that they be like me... I’m pessimistic about mankind in general, but my pessimism does not allow for escape. Even though I might be faced with nothing but a series of tragedies, I will still struggle, still show my opposition. This is why I like Nietzsche and dislike Schopenhauer. Liu Xiaobo, November 19882 I FROM 1988 to early 1989, it was a common sentiment in Beijing that China was in crisis. Economic reform was faltering due to the lack of a coherent program of change or a unified approach to reforms among Chinese leaders and ambitious plans to free prices resulted in widespread panic over inflation; the question of political succession to Deng Xiaoping had taken alarming precedence once more as it became clear that Zhao Ziyang was under attack; nepotism was rife within the Party and corporate economy; egregious corruption and inflation added to dissatisfaction with educational policies and the feeling of hopelessness among intellectuals and university students who had profited little from the reforms; and the general state of cultural malaise and social ills combined to create a sense of impending doom. On top of this, the government seemed unwilling or incapable of attempting to find any new solutions to these problems. It enlisted once more the aid of propaganda, empty slogans, and rhetoric to stave off the mounting crisis. University students in Beijing appeared to be particularly heavy casualties of the general malaise. -
Let One Hundered Flowers Bloom, One Hundred Schools Contend: Debating Rule of Law in China
Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 23 Issue 3 2002 Let One Hundered Flowers Bloom, One Hundred Schools Contend: Debating Rule of Law in China Randall Peerenboom University of California, Los Angeles Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Randall Peerenboom, Let One Hundered Flowers Bloom, One Hundred Schools Contend: Debating Rule of Law in China, 23 MICH. J. INT'L L. 471 (2002). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol23/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LET ONE HUNDRED FLOWERS BLOOM, ONE HUNDRED SCHOOLS CONTEND: DEBATING RULE OF LAW IN CHINAt Randall Peerenboom* I. THIN VERSIONS OF RULE OF LAW ................................................ 477 A. Advantages of Thin Theories................................................ 480 B. Normative Concerns About Thin Theories and the Relation Between Thin and Thick Theories .................... 482 II. FOUR IDEAL TYPES: STATIST SOCIALIST, NEO-AUTHORITARIAN, COMMUNITARIAN, LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC .................................... 486 A . The Economic Regim e ......................................................... -
Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Institute for the Humanities Theses Institute for the Humanities Summer 1998 Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr. Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds Part of the Asian History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Kellerhals, Merle D.. "Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China" (1998). Master of Arts (MA), thesis, Humanities, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/7pt4-vv58 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds/13 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Institute for the Humanities at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Institute for the Humanities Theses by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WEI JINGSHENG AND THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT IN POST-MAO CHINA by Merle David Kellerhals, Jr B A. May 1995, College of Charleston A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS HUMANITIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY August 1998 Approved by: Jin Qiu (Director) hen Jie (Member) David Putney (Member) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 1391982 Copyright 1999 by Kellerhals/ Merle David, Jr. All rights reserved. UMI Microform 1391982 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Perspectives of Red Guards During the Cultural Revolution: a Historiographic Survey Matthew E
The Histories Volume 4 | Issue 2 Article 2 2019 Perspectives of Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey Matthew E. Kowalski La Salle University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Kowalski, Matthew E. (2019) "Perspectives of Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey," The Histories: Vol. 4 : Iss. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories/vol4/iss2/2 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Scholarship at La Salle University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The iH stories by an authorized editor of La Salle University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Histories, Volume 4, Number 2 2 Articles I Perspectives o f the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey By Matthew E. Kowalski Between the years 1966-69, Communist China experienced one of the greatest periods of social and political upheaval in its history. In assessing the meaning of Mao’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, historians and political scientists have argued from several different viewpoints. One facet of the Cultural Revolution that has proved particularly controversial is the role of the Red Guard movement in the shaping of political events. During the late sixties and early seventies, many ‘China Watchers’ and academics saw the Red Guard movement as a shining example of ‘people power’ and student agency. These scholars tended to regard the events in China as being linked to the global student protest movement of the Vietnam-war era. -
Student Movements: Beijing 1989
Student Movements: Beijing 1989 Conflict Summary: Chinese student demonstrations in late 1986 and early 1987 were inspired by widespread discontent with high-level government corruption, inflation, and growing income inequality, as well as writings such as those of astrophysicist Fang Lizhi who encouraged young people to “seize democracy from below.” Two days after the death of the reform-minded former Communist Party General Secretary Hu Yaobang on 15 April 1989, a group of about 600 young teachers and students laid a wreath for him in Tiananmen Square, the symbolic center of Chinese political power by the Tiananmen Gate (Gate of Heavenly Peace, built in 1417). This prompted others to do the same that evening and the following day. By the second day, demonstrations developed, and a list of demands was issued that included calls for officials to re-evaluate the legacy of Hu Yaobang, reveal the salaries and wealth of government officials, stop press censorship, raise the wages of intellectuals, and increase government spending on education (Zhao 2004: 148-149). Thus began a breath taking seven-week eruption on the world stage in which thousands of students occupied the Square, held a hunger strike, and tried to negotiate with Communist Party officials, while millions of others beyond the student population engaged in solidarity actions around the countryside. As the demonstrations progressed, strategic and ideological differences developed among the original student movement, which caused it to split into radical and moderate factions. Complicating matters further, related but separate movements of intellectuals, journalists, and workers emerged in addition to an ebb and flow of “bystanders” and other demonstrators who joined the students. -
The Chinese Liberal Camp in Post-June 4Th China
The Chinese Liberal Camp [/) OJ > been a transition to and consolidation of "power elite capital that economic development necessitated further reforms, the in Post-June 4th China ism" (quangui zibenzhuyr), in which the development of the provocative attacks on liberalism by the new left, awareness of cruellest version of capitalism is dominated by the the accelerating pace of globalisation, and the posture of Jiang ~ Communist bureaucracy, leading to phenomenal economic Zemin's leadership in respect to human rights and rule of law, OJ growth on the one hand and endemic corruption, striking as shown by the political report of the Fifteenth Party []_ social inequalities, ecological degeneration, and skilful politi Congress and the signing of the "International Covenant on D... cal oppression on the other. This unexpected outcome has Economic, Social and Cultural Rights" and the "International This paper is aa assessment of Chinese liberal intellectuals in the two decades following June 4th. It provides an disheartened many democracy supporters, who worry that Covenant on Civil and Political Rights."'"' analysis of the intellectual development of Chinese liberal intellectuals; their attitudes toward the party-state, China's transition is "trapped" in a "resilient authoritarian The core of the emerging liberal camp is a group of middle economic reform, and globalisation; their political endeavours; and their contributions to the project of ism" that can be maintained for the foreseeable future. (3) age scholars who can be largely identified as members of the constitutional democracy in China. However, because it has produced unmanageably acute "Cultural Revolution Generation," including Zhu Xueqin, social tensions and new social and political forces that chal Xu Youyu, Qin Hui, He Weifang, Liu junning, Zhang lenge the one-party dictatorship, Market-Leninism is not actu Boshu, Sun Liping, Zhou Qiren, Wang Dingding and iberals in contemporary China understand liberalism end to the healthy trend of politicalliberalisation inspired by ally that resilient. -
Chin1821.Pdf
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt1x0nd955 No online items Finding Aid for the China Democracy Movement and Tiananmen Incident Archives, 1989-1993 Processed by UCLA Library Special Collections staff; machine-readable finding aid created by Caroline Cubé. UCLA Library Special Collections UCLA Library Special Collections staff Room A1713, Charles E. Young Research Library Box 951575 Los Angeles, CA 90095-1575 Email: [email protected] URL: http://www.library.ucla.edu/libraries/special/scweb/ © 2009 The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. 1821 1 Descriptive Summary Title: China Democracy Movement and Tiananmen Incident Archives Date (inclusive): 1989-1993 Collection number: 1821 Creator: Center for Chinese Studies and the Center for Pacific Rim Studies, UCLA Extent: 22 boxes (11 linear ft.)1 oversize box. Abstract: The present finding aid represents the fruits of a multiyear collaborative effort, undertaken at the initiative of then UCLA Chancellor Charles Young, to collect, collate, classify, and annotate available materials relating to the China Democracy Movement and tiananmen crisis of 1989. These materials---including, inter alia, thousands of documents, transcribed radio broadcasts, local newspaper and journal articles, wall posters, electronic communications, and assorted ephemeral sources, some in Chinese and some in English---provide a wealth of information for scholars, present and future, who wish to gain a better understanding of the complex, swirling forces that surrounded the extraordinary "Beijing Spring" of 1989 and its tragic denouement. The scholarly community is indebted to those who have collected and arranged this archive of materials about the China Democracy Movement and Tiananmen Incident Archives. -
Rough Justice in Beijing: Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Rough Justice in Beijing: Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7zz8w3wg Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 10(1) Author Munro, Robin Publication Date 1991 DOI 10.5070/P8101021984 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ROUGH JUSTICE IN BEIJING* Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square Robin Munro** 1. INTRODUCTION During late spring and early summer, namely, from mid-April to early June of 1989, a tiny handful of people exploited student unrest to launch a planned, organized and premeditated political turmoil, which later developed into a counterrevolutionary rebel- lion in Beijing, the capital. Their purpose was to overthrow the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and subvert the so- cialist People's Republic of China.... In order to achieve thorough victory, we should mobilize the people completely, strengthen the people's democratic dictator- ship and spare no effort to ferret out the counterrevolutionary rioters. We should uncover instigators and rebellious conspira- tors, punish the organizers and schemers of the unrest and the counterrevolutionary rebellion ...and focus the crackdown on a handful of principal culprits and diehards who refuse to repent.' (Chen Xitong, Mayor of Beijing, on June 30, 1989.) In late 1990, the Chinese government brought formal charges against several dozen of the most prominent leaders of the May- June 1989 Tiananmen Square pro-democracy movement. Trials held in the first two months of 1991 have resulted in sentences rang- ing from two to thirteen years for students and intellectuals. -
Up Front with Wang Yu No.2, 2004 China Rights Forum
UP FRONT WITH WANG YU NO.2, 2004 CHINA RIGHTS FORUM For this special issue, Wang Yu interviews If the government had paid any attention to the Move- 71 several veterans of the 1989 Democracy ment’s demands, China would not be in such chaos. If the Communist regime continues to put its own interests before Movement. the nation’s, I’m sure a big social movement similar to the June 4th Movement in 1989 will reoccur. Wang Dan became a leading figure in the 1989 Democ- racy Movement in Beijing at the age of 20. After the move- Wang Yu: China is beset with problems: unemployment, ment was crushed on June 4, the authorities placed Wang unhealthy environment, poor medical care and income dispar- at the top of their “Most Wanted” list, resulting in his ity.What do you think is the most serious problem now? arrest and imprisonment for four years. After his release REGULAR FEATURES in 1993 Wang was detained again, and in October 1996 Wang Dan:The most serious problem that has emerged from was sentenced to 11 years in prison for “incitement to economic reform is injustice. Corruption in government has subvert state power.” Exiled to the United States on “med- led to uneven distribution of social benefits. If the government ical parole” in April 1998, Wang is now working toward his cannot work out a solution, more disturbances will take place. doctoral degree at Harvard University. A supervisory body and proper legal system must be set up.To sum it up, we need a constitutional government and a system Wang Yu:The June 4th Movement in 1989 was characterized of checks and balances. -
1 Annotated Bibliography of Liu Xiaobo's Texts in Chronological Order
1 Annotated Bibliography of Liu Xiaobo’s Texts in Chronological Order Year Chinese Title English Title Category 04/1984 艺术直觉 On Artistic Intuition 关系学院 学 1 1984 庄子 On Zhuangzi 社科学战线 05/1985 和冲突 – 中西美意的差别 Harmony and Conflicts – Differences between Chinese 京师范大学 and Western Aesthetics 学 07/1985 味觉说 Theory of Taste 科知 Early 1986 种的美思潮 – 徐星陈村索拉的 A New Aesthetic Trend – Remarks Inspired by the Works 文学 2 部作谈起 of Xu Xing, Chen Cun and Liu Suola (1986:3) 04/1986 无法回避的思 – 几部关知子的小说 Unavoidable Reflection – Contemplating Stories on 中 / MA 谈起 Intellectuals (EN 94) Thesis 03/10/1986 机,时期文学面临机 Crisis! New Era’s Literature is Facing a Crisis (FR) 深圳青 10/1986 李厚对 – Dialogue with Li Zehou (1) 中 1986 On Solitude (EN) 家 1988:2 1 th Zhuangzi was a Chinese Daoist thinker who lived around the 4 century BC during the Warring States period, when the Hundred Schools of Thought flourished. 2 Shanghai writer Chen Cun (1954-) and Beijing writers Liu Suola (1955-) and Xu Xing (1956-) who expressed contempt for the formal education of the mid-1980s and its pretention. Liu Xiaobo responded to a conservative attack on 'superfluous people' by defending these three writers who were popular in 1985 and who would be also attacked in 1990 as “rebellious aristocrats” whose works displayed a “liumang mentality.” He wrote a positive interpretation of their way of “ridiculing the sacred, the lofty and commonly valued standards and traditional attitude.” He also drew a connection between traditional “individualists” such as Zhuangzi, the poet Tao Yuanming (365-427 CE) and the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove (竹林七) as related to this modem trend of irreverence. -
The Political Circumstances of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by The Australian National University POLITICS AT THE ‘CORE’: THE POLITICAL CIRCUMSTANCES OF MAO ZEDONG, DENG XIAOPING AND JIANG ZEMIN Frederick C. Teiwes During the grand parade celebrating the 50th anniversary of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on 1 October 1999, three floats appeared among the displays of regime achievements and the demonstration of military might. These floats represented the three ‘core leaders’ of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) during the PRC period and indeed going back to the 1930s during the Party’s revolutionary struggle—Mao Zedong, the ‘core’ of the so-called ‘first generation’ which won the revolution and established the PRC, Deng Xiaoping, the ‘core’ of the ‘second generation’ who became the ‘paramount leader’ after Mao’s death and guided China on her reform course, and Jiang Zemin, the current Party leader and ‘core’ of the ‘third generation’ who gradually consolidated his leading position during the 1990s. While the concept of ‘core’ was designed to convey a predominant guiding role for an individual in a collective leadership, the three leaders so designated have been dramatically different men, who emerged in very different times with contrasting problems, and were moved by their own visions and goals. My task is to examine these contrasting individuals and their circumstances, as well as the linkages among them and to the larger political system.1 In broad terms, key distinctions among the three leaders are well known. Mao was the visionary, the romantic revolutionary, and above all the all-powerful figure who, after 1949, was always obeyed even when he launched initiatives profoundly destructive of individual, organizational and national interests. -
Eric Voegelin's Reception in China Copyright 2008 Professor LI Qiang
Eric Voegelin's Reception in China Copyright 2008 Professor LI Qiang Eric Voegelin wrote about China , once taught courses related to China , and even could read Chinese text. Nevertheless, he never traveled to China. During his life time, he might not expect that his ideas would have important impact on China. In the past several years, however, the name of Eric Voegelin has begun to be discussed more and more in the Chinese intellectual world. His massive writings are in the process of translating into Chinese. His main works have been seriously studied by scholars and young students alike. Chinese scholars treat Voegelin not only as someone who has contributed significantly to philosophy, politics, religion, and history, but as an important source of intellectual inspiration which might help Chinese to understand or even solve the ideological predicament China is facing today. In the following, I will first briefly review the current situation of Voegelin studies in China , I will then analyze the intellectual environment which facilitates Voegelin's reception in China , and finally, I will discuss some themes which Chinese scholars have found important in Voegelin's writings. I. Writings and translations related to Voegelin Voegelin's name was not entirely new to China before the recent surge of Voegelin interest. Since the 1980s, along with the flux of translation of Western writings in philosophy, politics and history, Voegelin's name was occasionally mentioned in some translations. For instance, a widely read Chinese translation of Contemporary European Political Ideas by Salvo Mastellone, an Italian political scientist, contains a chapter on Voegelin.