Student Movements: Beijing 1989
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Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989
Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989 Geremie Barmé1 There should be room for my extremism; I certainly don’t demand of others that they be like me... I’m pessimistic about mankind in general, but my pessimism does not allow for escape. Even though I might be faced with nothing but a series of tragedies, I will still struggle, still show my opposition. This is why I like Nietzsche and dislike Schopenhauer. Liu Xiaobo, November 19882 I FROM 1988 to early 1989, it was a common sentiment in Beijing that China was in crisis. Economic reform was faltering due to the lack of a coherent program of change or a unified approach to reforms among Chinese leaders and ambitious plans to free prices resulted in widespread panic over inflation; the question of political succession to Deng Xiaoping had taken alarming precedence once more as it became clear that Zhao Ziyang was under attack; nepotism was rife within the Party and corporate economy; egregious corruption and inflation added to dissatisfaction with educational policies and the feeling of hopelessness among intellectuals and university students who had profited little from the reforms; and the general state of cultural malaise and social ills combined to create a sense of impending doom. On top of this, the government seemed unwilling or incapable of attempting to find any new solutions to these problems. It enlisted once more the aid of propaganda, empty slogans, and rhetoric to stave off the mounting crisis. University students in Beijing appeared to be particularly heavy casualties of the general malaise. -
Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Institute for the Humanities Theses Institute for the Humanities Summer 1998 Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr. Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds Part of the Asian History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Kellerhals, Merle D.. "Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China" (1998). Master of Arts (MA), thesis, Humanities, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/7pt4-vv58 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds/13 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Institute for the Humanities at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Institute for the Humanities Theses by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WEI JINGSHENG AND THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT IN POST-MAO CHINA by Merle David Kellerhals, Jr B A. May 1995, College of Charleston A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS HUMANITIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY August 1998 Approved by: Jin Qiu (Director) hen Jie (Member) David Putney (Member) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 1391982 Copyright 1999 by Kellerhals/ Merle David, Jr. All rights reserved. UMI Microform 1391982 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Perspectives of Red Guards During the Cultural Revolution: a Historiographic Survey Matthew E
The Histories Volume 4 | Issue 2 Article 2 2019 Perspectives of Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey Matthew E. Kowalski La Salle University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Kowalski, Matthew E. (2019) "Perspectives of Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey," The Histories: Vol. 4 : Iss. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories/vol4/iss2/2 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Scholarship at La Salle University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The iH stories by an authorized editor of La Salle University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Histories, Volume 4, Number 2 2 Articles I Perspectives o f the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey By Matthew E. Kowalski Between the years 1966-69, Communist China experienced one of the greatest periods of social and political upheaval in its history. In assessing the meaning of Mao’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, historians and political scientists have argued from several different viewpoints. One facet of the Cultural Revolution that has proved particularly controversial is the role of the Red Guard movement in the shaping of political events. During the late sixties and early seventies, many ‘China Watchers’ and academics saw the Red Guard movement as a shining example of ‘people power’ and student agency. These scholars tended to regard the events in China as being linked to the global student protest movement of the Vietnam-war era. -
Chin1821.Pdf
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt1x0nd955 No online items Finding Aid for the China Democracy Movement and Tiananmen Incident Archives, 1989-1993 Processed by UCLA Library Special Collections staff; machine-readable finding aid created by Caroline Cubé. UCLA Library Special Collections UCLA Library Special Collections staff Room A1713, Charles E. Young Research Library Box 951575 Los Angeles, CA 90095-1575 Email: [email protected] URL: http://www.library.ucla.edu/libraries/special/scweb/ © 2009 The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. 1821 1 Descriptive Summary Title: China Democracy Movement and Tiananmen Incident Archives Date (inclusive): 1989-1993 Collection number: 1821 Creator: Center for Chinese Studies and the Center for Pacific Rim Studies, UCLA Extent: 22 boxes (11 linear ft.)1 oversize box. Abstract: The present finding aid represents the fruits of a multiyear collaborative effort, undertaken at the initiative of then UCLA Chancellor Charles Young, to collect, collate, classify, and annotate available materials relating to the China Democracy Movement and tiananmen crisis of 1989. These materials---including, inter alia, thousands of documents, transcribed radio broadcasts, local newspaper and journal articles, wall posters, electronic communications, and assorted ephemeral sources, some in Chinese and some in English---provide a wealth of information for scholars, present and future, who wish to gain a better understanding of the complex, swirling forces that surrounded the extraordinary "Beijing Spring" of 1989 and its tragic denouement. The scholarly community is indebted to those who have collected and arranged this archive of materials about the China Democracy Movement and Tiananmen Incident Archives. -
Rough Justice in Beijing: Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Rough Justice in Beijing: Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7zz8w3wg Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 10(1) Author Munro, Robin Publication Date 1991 DOI 10.5070/P8101021984 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ROUGH JUSTICE IN BEIJING* Punishing the "Black Hands" of Tiananmen Square Robin Munro** 1. INTRODUCTION During late spring and early summer, namely, from mid-April to early June of 1989, a tiny handful of people exploited student unrest to launch a planned, organized and premeditated political turmoil, which later developed into a counterrevolutionary rebel- lion in Beijing, the capital. Their purpose was to overthrow the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and subvert the so- cialist People's Republic of China.... In order to achieve thorough victory, we should mobilize the people completely, strengthen the people's democratic dictator- ship and spare no effort to ferret out the counterrevolutionary rioters. We should uncover instigators and rebellious conspira- tors, punish the organizers and schemers of the unrest and the counterrevolutionary rebellion ...and focus the crackdown on a handful of principal culprits and diehards who refuse to repent.' (Chen Xitong, Mayor of Beijing, on June 30, 1989.) In late 1990, the Chinese government brought formal charges against several dozen of the most prominent leaders of the May- June 1989 Tiananmen Square pro-democracy movement. Trials held in the first two months of 1991 have resulted in sentences rang- ing from two to thirteen years for students and intellectuals. -
Up Front with Wang Yu No.2, 2004 China Rights Forum
UP FRONT WITH WANG YU NO.2, 2004 CHINA RIGHTS FORUM For this special issue, Wang Yu interviews If the government had paid any attention to the Move- 71 several veterans of the 1989 Democracy ment’s demands, China would not be in such chaos. If the Communist regime continues to put its own interests before Movement. the nation’s, I’m sure a big social movement similar to the June 4th Movement in 1989 will reoccur. Wang Dan became a leading figure in the 1989 Democ- racy Movement in Beijing at the age of 20. After the move- Wang Yu: China is beset with problems: unemployment, ment was crushed on June 4, the authorities placed Wang unhealthy environment, poor medical care and income dispar- at the top of their “Most Wanted” list, resulting in his ity.What do you think is the most serious problem now? arrest and imprisonment for four years. After his release REGULAR FEATURES in 1993 Wang was detained again, and in October 1996 Wang Dan:The most serious problem that has emerged from was sentenced to 11 years in prison for “incitement to economic reform is injustice. Corruption in government has subvert state power.” Exiled to the United States on “med- led to uneven distribution of social benefits. If the government ical parole” in April 1998, Wang is now working toward his cannot work out a solution, more disturbances will take place. doctoral degree at Harvard University. A supervisory body and proper legal system must be set up.To sum it up, we need a constitutional government and a system Wang Yu:The June 4th Movement in 1989 was characterized of checks and balances. -
The Political Circumstances of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by The Australian National University POLITICS AT THE ‘CORE’: THE POLITICAL CIRCUMSTANCES OF MAO ZEDONG, DENG XIAOPING AND JIANG ZEMIN Frederick C. Teiwes During the grand parade celebrating the 50th anniversary of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on 1 October 1999, three floats appeared among the displays of regime achievements and the demonstration of military might. These floats represented the three ‘core leaders’ of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) during the PRC period and indeed going back to the 1930s during the Party’s revolutionary struggle—Mao Zedong, the ‘core’ of the so-called ‘first generation’ which won the revolution and established the PRC, Deng Xiaoping, the ‘core’ of the ‘second generation’ who became the ‘paramount leader’ after Mao’s death and guided China on her reform course, and Jiang Zemin, the current Party leader and ‘core’ of the ‘third generation’ who gradually consolidated his leading position during the 1990s. While the concept of ‘core’ was designed to convey a predominant guiding role for an individual in a collective leadership, the three leaders so designated have been dramatically different men, who emerged in very different times with contrasting problems, and were moved by their own visions and goals. My task is to examine these contrasting individuals and their circumstances, as well as the linkages among them and to the larger political system.1 In broad terms, key distinctions among the three leaders are well known. Mao was the visionary, the romantic revolutionary, and above all the all-powerful figure who, after 1949, was always obeyed even when he launched initiatives profoundly destructive of individual, organizational and national interests. -
Decay, Conflict Resolution, and Institutions at Tiananmen Square by Benedict Stavis
Winter 1993 Decay, Conflict Resolution, and Institutions at Tiananmen Square by Benedict Stavis INTRODUCTION What factors facilitate or undermine peaceful resolution of conflicts? Scholars have for centuries offered chronicles and explanations of individual conflicts, but a comprehensive, integrated theory of why some conflicts are resolved peacefully while others break out in violence remains elusive. ' Samuel Huntington pointed in the direction of a partial theory when he suggested that "political decay" results when social mobilization increases faster than political institutions, particularly political parties and party systems.2 Political institutions provide the procedural and temporal space in which (presumably) rational political actors can discover their shared interests in peaceful conflict resolution and establish enduring trust and alliances to reach these goals. Institutions help reconcile the gap between individual and collective interests.3 This article offers a concrete example of this institutional approach by examining China's Tiananmen Square tragedy in 1989.4 This event received unique global publicity but in fact was not unusual. There have been dozens of similar instances of protest and repression in recent decades, including those in Thailand (1992), Madagascar and Mali (1991), Algeria and Burma (1988), Philippines (1986), Tunisia and Morocco (1984), and Korea (1980). A case study of this event in China can contribute to the building of theory with broad utility. The Tiananmen explosion had its roots in the rapid social mobilization of the 1980s as China's leaders undertook significant economic, social, and cultural reforms and increased China's international, cultural and economic linkages. Students were exposed to Western values and demanded personal freedoms and democracy. -
How Mob and Church Rescued China's Most Wanted After Tiananmen
Bloomberg NEWS How Mob and Church Rescued China's Most Wanted After Tiananmen By Simon Lee Henry Sanderson Bloomberg News May 28, 2014 – Wu’er Kaixi was losing faith. China’s second-most wanted man stood on the shore for a third night, waiting for the speedboat that was his only chance to escape certain imprisonment. Just three weeks before, troops and tanks had crushed the student protesters he had led in Students from Beijing University stage a demonstration at Tiananmen Square. He and his girlfriend fled, Tiananmen Square as they start a hunger strike as part of a mass evading police as they traveled more than 1,200 pro-democracy protest in Beijing on May 18, 1989. Photographer: Catherine Henriette/AFP via Getty Images miles south. “I didn’t hold any hope that I would be able to escape,” Wu’er, 46, recalled. “I just thought: businessmen, the British and French let me get arrested somewhere else by the governments, and even a Baptist minister. They police, rather than by soldiers.” are eyewitnesses to events that China’s leaders Suddenly, lights flashed out of the gloom. still don’t allow to be mentioned at home. Ahead The boat that would smuggle them to Hong of the 25th anniversary, censors continually scrub Kong, the British colony where they planned to the Internet of references to June 4, and seek refuge, was waiting. The two waded journalists and activists have been arrested in the through an oyster farm into open water. Reaching past few weeks as part of a security clampdown. -
TIANANMEN: CHINA's STRUGGLE for DEMOCRACY ITS PRELUDE, DEVELOPMENT, AFTERMATH, and Impacf
OccAsioNAl PApERS/ REpRiNTS SERiES iN CoNTEMpoRARY AsiAN STudiEs NUMBER 2 - 1990 (97) TIANANMEN: CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR , DEMOCRACY , •• ITS PRELUDE, DEVELOPMENT, AFTERMATH, AND IMPACT Edited by Winston L. Y. Yang and Marsha L. Wagner Scltool of LAw UNivERsiTy of 0 MARylANd. c ' 0 Occasional Papers/Reprint Series in Contemporary Asian Studies General Editor: Hungdah Chiu Executive Editor: Chih-Yu Wu Managing Editor: Chih-Yu Wu Editorial Advisory Board Professor Robert A. Scalapino, University of California at Berkeley Professor Gaston J. Sigur, George Washington University Professor Shao-chuan Leng, University of Virginia Professor James Hsiung, New York University Dr. Lih-wu Han, Political Science Association of the Republic of China Professor J. S. Prybyla, The Pennsylvania State University Professor Toshio Sawada, Sophia University, Japan Professor Gottfried-Karl Kindermann, Center for International Politics, University of Munich, Federal Republic of Germany Professor Choon-ho Park, International Legal Studies, Korea University, Republic of Korea All contributions (in English only) and communications should be sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu, University of Maryland School of Law, 500 West Baltimore Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201 USA. All publications in this series reflect only the views of the authors. While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of materials to be published, the individual author is responsible for statements of facts and expressions of opinion con tained therein. Subscription is US $18.00 for 6 issues (regardless of the price of individual issues) in the United States and $24.00 for Canada or overseas. Check should be addressed to OPRSCAS. Price for single copy of this issue: US $8.00. -
Chinese Politics Course Description: China’S Rapid Growth Reshapes Our World and Challenges Existing Theories
Political Science 6521 Prof. Barrett McCormick Marquette University Office Hours: MT 2-4, W 11-12 Fall 2010 x86842/[email protected] PoSc 6521: Chinese Politics Course Description: China’s rapid growth reshapes our world and challenges existing theories. In this course students will gain 1) an introduction to problems in contemporary Chinese politics and to recent literature on Chinese politics via extensive reading and discussion; 2) increased skill in comparative politics analysis and critical thinking in general via weekly review essays and class discussion; and 3) improved research and writing skills via writing and revising a significant research project. Weekly topics have been selected to highlight a diverse range of issues that will introduce students to questions about how China got to be the way it is, the problems China currently faces, and how we may best study China. Course Requirements: 1. Research Paper. (40%) Each student will write an original research paper that makes a meaningful contribution to the on-going discussion of Chinese politics. Students will consult with the instructor regarding their topic, submit a formal proposal at mid-term, and consult regularly with the class regarding their progress. A completed draft of the paper will be available for distribution to the class a few days before December 6 and presented to the class on December 6. Final drafts will be due on the day of the final exam. 2. Critical Reviews (40%) Students will write critical reviews on each of ten weeks’ required readings. Reviews will not exceed three pages and will be due at the start of the class where the readings will be discussed. -
Rapp, John A. "Index." Daoism and Anarchism: Critiques of State Autonomy in Ancient and Modern China
Rapp, John A. "Index." Daoism and Anarchism: Critiques of State Autonomy in Ancient and Modern China. London: Continuum, 2012. 283–292. Contemporary Anarchist Studies. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 29 Sep. 2021. <>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 29 September 2021, 10:44 UTC. Copyright © John A. Rapp 2012. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. INDEX “abolitionist” (wing of Democracy anti-utopianism 61–4 Wall Movement) 185 , 188 Asiatic Mode of Production see also Democracy Wall (AMP) see AMP movement Augustine (Saint) 9 “abstract democracy” as leading to autocracy 144 , 149 , 187 , 207–8 anarchism 168 Autocracy and China’s Rebel Founding Alford, Robert 176 , 189n. 5 Emperors: Comparing Chairman alienation (Marxist concept) 176 , 189 , Mao and Ming Taizu (Andrew 194–7 and Rapp) 69n. 51 , 155n. 67 , “alienation school” ( yihualun pai ) 2 , 191n. 55 194 Aziatchiki 200 , 204 American libertarians 9 , 11 , 13–14 Ames, Roger 21 , 23–4 , 84 , 99 Ba Jin (Li Feigan) 116–18 , 121n. 38 , AMP (Marxist concept) 197–207 , 121n. 43 , 160–1 , 170n. 6 210n. 24 , 210n. 27 , 210n. 30 , Bai Hua 166 210n. 36 Bakunin, Michael, anarchism, basic thesis of 3 , 7–9 , anarchist views of 5–6 , 14 , 27 , 39 , 12–14 , 20 , 36 112 , 130 anarchism, defi nition of 8 compared to other thinkers 28 , 38–9 , anarchism, denunciations of, 50n. 115 , 92 , 131 , 163 1957 to 1976 160–4 infl uence of 46 , 118 1992–present 168–9 other thinkers’ opinions of 131 , 159 , early Deng-Xiaoping years 164–8 162–3 Hua Guofeng era 164–8 Balazs, Etienne 40 , 100–1 anarchist/Marxist debates Bao Jingyan, (China) 112–18 , 121n.