A Formosan Multimedia Dictionary Designed Via a Participatory Process
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The Endangered Languages in Taiwan
The Endangered Languages in Taiwan Paul Li Academia Sinica Abtract All Formosan languages are endangered and threatened with extinction. The problems of the criteria for being endangered languages and what aspects of language to study are briefly discussed. There are five most endangered Formosan languages: Pazih, Thao, Kanakanavu, Saaroa and Kavalan, each with a few speakers left. An account of the work that has been done on each of these languages is given. Finally there is a brief discussion of what has been done to conserve and revitalize all the endangered languages in Taiwan. 1. Languages in Taiwan: The Past and the Present There are two main types of languages spoken in Taiwan, Austronesian and Chinese. All the aboriginal languages, spoken in the plains or mountain areas, belong to the Austronesian language family. The population of the indigenous peoples (450,000) is very small, only barely 2% of the total population of Taiwan (23,000,000). The rest of the population speaks a variety of Chinese dialects, including Mandarin, Minnan (Taiwanese), and Hakka. Mandarin has been adopted as the official language by the Nationalist Government since 1945, and it has become the predominant language at the expense of all the other languages in Taiwan. Hence these languages, especially the aboriginal, are endangered and threatened with extinction. Despite all the efforts of the new government in the past eight years, it seems hard to turn the tide. When I started to work on Rukai, an Austronesian language in Taiwan, in 1970, it was sound and healthy, as were many other Formosan languages, such as Atayal, Seediq, Bunun, Tsou, Paiwan, and Amis. -
Revisiting the Position of Philippine Languages in the Austronesian Family
The Br Andrew Gonzalez FSC (BAG) Distinguished Professorial Chair Lecture, 2017 De La Salle University Revisiting the Position of Philippine Languages in the Austronesian Family Lawrence A. Reid University of Hawai`i National Museum of the Philippines Abstract With recent claims from non-linguists that there is no such thing as an Austronesian language family, and that Philippine languages could have a different origin from one that all comparative linguists claim, it is appropriate to revisit the claims that have been made over the last few hundred years. Each has been popular in its day, and each has been based on evidence that under scrutiny has been shown to have problems, leading to new claims. This presentation will examine the range of views from early Spanish ideas about the relationship of Philippine languages, to modern Bayesian phylogenetic views, outlining the data upon which the claims have been made and pointing out the problems that each has. 1. Introduction Sometime in 1915 (or early 1916) (UP 1916), when Otto Scheerer was an assistant professor of German at the University of the Philippines, he gave a lecture to students in which he outlined three positions that had been held in the Philippines since the early 1600’s about the internal and external relations of Philippine languages. He wrote the following: 1. As early as 1604, the principal Philippine languages were recognized as constituting a linguistic unit. 2. Since an equally early time the belief was sustained that these languages were born of the Malay language as spoken on the Peninsula of Malacca. -
The Austronesian Languages of Taiwan, with Special Reference to Siraya
1 Paper in progress: please do not quote without permission of the author The Austronesian languages of Taiwan, with special reference to Siraya Alexander Adelaar Melbourne Institute of Asian Languages and Societies The University of Melbourne 1. Introduction This paper discusses the indigenous or Formosan (indigenous) languages of Taiwan, with special attention to Siraya. In Section 2, it provides a survey of these languages detailing their numbers of speakers, and in Section 3 it explains their genetic affiliations (vis-à-vis each other as well as within the wider context of Austronesian languages elsewhere). In Section 4, the paper explains the great importance of these languages for Southeast Asian archaeology, and in Section 5 the increasing relevance of the Formosan population for Taiwanese politics and nationalism. One of the Formosan languages, Siraya, is now extinct, although it was once one of the most widely spoken languages in south western Taiwan. Some indications on the location of this language are given in Section 6, and notes on the history and ethnography of its speakers are given in Section 7. Section 8 reports on the efforts that are being made for the revival of Siraya. Section 9 gives an overview of the linguistic data of Siraya. Finally, Section 10 discusses some unusual characteristics of Siraya grammar. 2. Formosan languages: numbers of speakers and vitality In the seventeenth century there were at least 25 indigenous languages spoken on Taiwan, and they were all Austronesian. Today, ten of these have become extinct1, and at least five others are on the verge of extinction2; languages that are not under immediate threat of extinction are those spoken by the Amis (168,548), Atayal (87,649), Bunun (46,783), Paiwan (79,497), Puyuma (1,090), Rukai (11,263), Saisyiat (5,477), Truku (7,844), Tsou (6,049) and Yami (3,572); (Council of Indigenous Peoples 2005)3. -
The Higher Phylogeny of Austronesian and the Position of Tai-Kadai Laurent Sagart
The higher phylogeny of Austronesian and the position of Tai-Kadai Laurent Sagart To cite this version: Laurent Sagart. The higher phylogeny of Austronesian and the position of Tai-Kadai. Oceanic Lin- guistics, University of Hawai’i Press, 2004, 43 (2), pp.411-444. halshs-00090906 HAL Id: halshs-00090906 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00090906 Submitted on 4 Sep 2006 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THE HIGHER PHYLOGENY OF AUSTRONESIAN AND THE POSITION OF TAI-KADAI1 Laurent Sagart CNRS, Paris 1 This is a modified version of a paper presented at the workshop on "Les premiers austronésiens: langues, gènes, systèmes de parenté", Paris, May 5, 2004. Thanks go to Sander Adelaar, Peter Bellwood, Bob Blust, Isabelle Bril, Alexandre François, Jeff Marck, Estella Poloni, Lawrence Reid, Malcolm Ross, Alicia Sanchez-Mazas and John Wolff for useful discussion. Abstract This paper presents a new higher phylogeny for the Austronesian family, based on three independent lines of evidence: the observation of a hierarchy of implications -
Topics in the Grammar and Documentation of South Efate, an Oceanic Language of Central Vanuatu
Topics in the grammar and documentation of South Efate, an Oceanic language of Central Vanuatu Nicholas Augustus Thieberger BA (Hons), MA Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2004 Department of Linguistics and Applied Linguistics, University of Melbourne Abstract This thesis presents topics in the grammar of South Efate, an Oceanic language of Central Vanuatu as spoken in Erakor village on the outskirts of Port Vila. There has been no previous grammatical description of the language, which has been classified as the southernmost member of the North- Central Vanuatu subgroup of languages. In this description I show that South Efate shares features with southern Vanuatu languages, including a lack of serial verb constructions of the kind known for its northern neighbours and the use of an echo-subject marker. The phonology of South Efate reflects an ongoing change in progress, with productive medial vowel deletion and consequent complex heterorganic consonant clusters. A key feature of South Efate grammar is the grammaticalisation of a benefactive phrase in pre-verbal position. There is thus a discontinuous verbal complex including a closed class of auxiliary verbs that occur in a fixed order preceding the benefactive phrase and then the verb. Mood-marking is central to any utterance in South Efate and there is no grammatical expression of tense. The interplay between mood and aspect marking is an interesting feature of the language. The present research is set in the context of increasing attention being paid to the state of the world's smaller languages and their prospects for being spoken into the future. -
5 the Expansion of Setaria Farmers in East Asia a Linguistic and Archaeological Model
5 The expansion of Setaria farmers in East Asia A linguistic and archaeological model Laurent Sagart 1. The farming/language dispersal hypothesis The farming/language dispersal hypothesis (Bellwood 2001; Renfrew 1996; Bellwood and Renfrew 2003) claims that the formation of some of the world’s major language families followed from the establishment of sustainable agricultural economies: a resulting increase in population densities led to founding dispersals by populations originally speaking dialects of the same language seeking new agricultural lands; in time these dialects evolved into diversified language families. The farming/language dispersal hypothesis – which should not be taken as an absolutist theory claiming that all language families have their origins in an agricultural dispersal, or that all agricultural dispersals result in identifiable families (see Bellwood 2005) – is an attractive explanatory mechanism, because shift to agriculture will normally produce an increase in population densities, because farming populations with expanding demographies and plenty of available land around them will normally expand to occupy this land, and because once‑homogeneous languages will normally undergo distance‑based linguistic differentiations when spoken over large geographical areas. In East Asia, at least two of the world’s major cereals, foxtail millet (Setaria italica) and rice, were domesticated. With rice, there appear to have been two distinct domestication events, one leading to Oryza sativa japonica and another to Oryza sativa indica. Can these domestications be linked to the formation of one or more East Asian language families? Excluding north‑eastern Eurasia, five families are commonly recognized in East Asia: Sino‑Tibetan, Hmong‑Mien (aka Miao‑Yao), Tai‑Kadai, Austroasiatic and Austronesian, with estimated time depths of 7000 BP for Austroasiatic, 7,000‑6000 BP for Sino‑Tibetan, 5500 BP for Austronesian, 4000–3000 BP for Tai‑ Kadai, and 2500 BP for Hmong‑Mien (see Sagart et al., 2005: 2). -
The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar Colonial History and Language Policy in Insular Southeast Asia and Madagascar
This article was downloaded by: 10.3.98.104 On: 30 Sep 2021 Access details: subscription number Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: 5 Howick Place, London SW1P 1WG, UK The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar Alexander Adelaar, Nikolaus P. Himmelmann Colonial History and Language Policy in Insular Southeast Asia and Madagascar Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9780203821121.ch3 Hein Steinhauer Published online on: 25 Nov 2004 How to cite :- Hein Steinhauer. 25 Nov 2004, Colonial History and Language Policy in Insular Southeast Asia and Madagascar from: The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar Routledge Accessed on: 30 Sep 2021 https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9780203821121.ch3 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR DOCUMENT Full terms and conditions of use: https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/legal-notices/terms This Document PDF may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproductions, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The publisher shall not be liable for an loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. CHAPTER THREE COLONIAL HISTORY AND LANGUAGE POLICY IN INSULAR SOUTHEAST ASIA AND MADAGASCAR Hein Steinhauer 1 INTRODUCTION The present chapter discusses background and practice of language policy in those countries in which a majority of the population has a western Austronesian language as its mother tongue, i.e. -
Introduction: Documenting and Revitalizing Austronesianlanguages
1 Introduction: Documenting and Revitalizing AustronesianLanguages Margaret Florey Monash University This chapter provides an overview of the issues and themes which emerge throughout this book. It begins with a brief description of language revitalization activities which are taking place in the Pazeh, Kahabu and Thao aboriginal communities in the mountains and plains of Taiwan. The activities of elders in these communities exemplify the growth of language activism. These case studies lead to a discussion of changes in the field of linguistics and the alliances which are being built between linguists and community lan- guage activists. The 11 chapters in the book are then reviewed within the key themes of international capacity building initiatives, documentation and revitalization activities, and computational methods and tools for language documentation. 1. LANGUAGE ACTIVISM AND PARTICIPATORY PRACTICE. In June 2007, a small group of scholars from Australia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, the UK, and the USA traveled with Taiwanese scholars and language activists to the Pazeh, Kahabu and Thao aboriginal communities in the mountains and plains of Taiwan. Led by ecologist and activist Yih-Ren (Oliver) Lin and several of his graduate students, the participants observed and learned about the range of activities which have been developed in these communities to revitalize their severely endangered languages. Pazeh people face the challenge that their endangered plains language is not officially recognized by the Taiwanese Government. While struggling for recognition, the church community is at the center of language activities. Spurred on by linguistic assessments that only one very elderly fluent speaker of this language remains and that the language would disappear by the end of the twentieth century (Gordon 2005; Li 2000: 89), church members began supporting their language. -
Interaction and Diversification in the Austronesian Colonization of Remote Oceania
For Workshop on Migration, Ile de Porquerolles, France, Sept. 5-7 2007 Why do Polynesian island groups have one language and Melanesian island groups have many? Patterns of interaction and diversification in the Austronesian colonization of Remote Oceania ANDREW PAWLEY AUSTRALIAN NATONAL UNIVERSITY 1. The puzzle of different language densities in Polynesia and Melanesia The islands and seas of the southwest and central Pacific are conveniently subsumed under the heading ‘Oceania’.1 In the anthropological and geographic literature Oceania is generally divided into three regions: Melanesia, Polynesia and Micronesia. This division, based on 19th century perceptions of racial and cultural groupings, is unsatisfactory especially because ‘Melanesia’ is not a coherent entity of the same order as the other two, but it remains a standard frame of reference. 2 The prehistoric human settlement of Oceania has left many complex and sometimes puzzling cultural, linguistic and biological patterns. This paper investigates one particular puzzle – the striking differences between Polynesia and Fiji, on the one hand, and almost all of Island Melanesia, on the other, in the density of languages per island group. (‘Island Melanesia’ is that part of Melanesia that excludes the 2400 km long island of New Guinea.) In Polynesia the norm is one language per island group; in Island Melanesia it is many languages. Thus, Samoa, Tonga, the Tokelaus, Tuvalu, the Southern Cooks, the Societies, the Marquesas and Tuamotus at first European contact each had a single language, generally with no more than modest regional variation. The large Fijian archipelago can be said to have just two distinct languages, though each ‘language’ is a dialect chain of considerable diversity. -
Transitivity and Ergativity in Formosan and Philippine Languages
TRANSITIVITY AND ERGATIVITY IN FORMOSAN AND PHILIPPINE LANGUAGES A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN LINGUISTICS MAY 2004 By Hsiu-chuan Liao Dissertation Committee: Lawrence A. Reid, Chairperson Byron W. Bender Robert A. Blust Alexander Vovin P. Bion Griffin 11l © Copyright 2004 by Hsiu-chuan Liao IV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would first like to acknowledge various funding agencies and/or institutions that have made my graduate study and the completion ofthis dissertation possible. I wish to thank the Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange (USA) for providing me with a doctoral dissertation fellowship to conduct this study. I would also like to thank the Department ofLinguistics, University ofHawai'i at Manoa for providing me with a Graduate Assistantship and a Pacific Asian Scholarship (PAS) Tuition Waiver at various times during my graduate study. Thanks also go to the International Student Services, University ofHawai'i at Manoa for granting me Tuition Differential Waivers during the same period. I am also thankful to the Arts and Sciences Advisory Council for partially supporting my study at the 1997 LSA (Linguistic Society ofAmerica) Summer Institute at Cornell University. I also wish to thank the Linguistic Society ofAmerica for providing me with a student fellowship to study at the 2001 LSA Summer Institute at the University ofCalifornia at Santa Barbara. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the Endowment Fund, Department ofLinguistics, University ofHawai'i at Manoa for partially supporting my trip to the 9th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Australian National University, Canberra. -
Origins of Palauan Intrusive Velar Nasals
Access Provided by City University of New York at 11/28/12 9:12PM GMT Origins of Palauan Intrusive Velar Nasals Juliette Blevins and Daniel Kaufman CUNY GRADUATE CENTER AND THE ENDANGERED LANGUAGE ALLIANCE Recent detailed study of the historical phonology of Palauan reveals a non- etymological velar nasal at the beginning of inherited vowel-initial words, while synchronic studies of the language report final velar nasals in loans from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Blust argues that the initial velar nasal is not due to regular sound change, and also contests a potential morphological origin for the accreted segment. Reid examines Philippine evidence, and suggests that the source of the Palauan initial velar nasal is the linker *ŋa, though little evidence internal to Palauan is discussed. Here we demonstrate that, on the basis of internal evidence, a morphological source for both initial and final velar nasals is evident in Palauan, though internal and comparative evidence points to an ancient formative *ŋa ‘emphatic’ with distinct distribution and semantics from the well-studied Austronesian linker. 1. INTRUSIVE VELAR NASALS IN PALAUAN.1 In a recent paper detailing the historical phonology of Palauan, Blust (2009) presents comparative evidence document- ing two distinct processes of historical epenthesis or accretion. In the first case, vowel-initial words inherited from Proto–Malayo-Polynesian (PMP), or those that became vowel-initial early on due to *h-loss, show a nonhistorical initial velar nasal. The full set of forms given in Blust (2009) is shown in (1a), with (C) indicating etymologies suggested in Conant (1915); we have added several additional examples in (1b). -
Prosodic Systems: Austronesia Nikolaus P
1 Prosodic systems: Austronesia Nikolaus P. Himmelmann (Universität zu Köln) & Daniel Kaufman (Queens College, CUNY & ELA) 30.1 Introduction Figure 1. The Austronesian family tree (Blust 1999, Ross 2008) Austronesian languages cover a vast area, reaching from Madagascar in the west to Hawai'i and Easter Island in the east. With close to 1300 languages, over 550 of which belong to the large Oceanic subgroup spanning the Pacific Ocean, they constitute one of the largest well- established phylogenetic units of languages. While a few Austronesian languages, in particular Malay in its many varieties and the major Philippine languages, have been documented for some centuries, most of them remain underdocumented and understudied. The major monographic reference work on Austronesian languages is Blust (2013). Adelaar & Himmelmann (2005) and Lynch, Crowley & Ross (2005) provide language sketches as well as typological and historical overviews for the non-Oceanic and Oceanic Austronesian languages, respectively. Major nodes in the phylogenetic structure of the Austronesian family are shown in Figure 1 (see Blust 2013: chapter 10 for a summary). Following Ross (2008), the italicized groupings in Figure 1 are not valid phylogenetic subgroups, but rather collections of subgroups whose relations have not yet been fully worked out. The groupings in boxes, on the other hand, are thought to represent single proto-languages and have been partially reconstructed using the comparative method. Most of languages mentioned in the chapter belong to the Western Malayo-Polynesian linkage, which includes all the languages of the Philippines and, with a few exceptions, Indonesia. When dealing with languages from other branches, this is explicity noted.