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1 34 Evidentiality in Formosan Languages Chia-jung Pan 1 Formosan languages Five Formosan languages—Bunun, Paiwan, Kanakanavu, Saaroa and Tsou—are discussed in this chapter, in that these are the languages for which evidential systems have been described. Evidentiality in these languages is a grammatical category in its own right, and not a subcategory of epistemic or some other modality, or of tense-aspect. Taiwan's aborigines are Austronesian peoples, with genetic links to other Austronesian ethnic groups. The overall population of aborigines is approximately 2 percent of Taiwan's total population. At present there are 16 ethnic groups, including Amis, Atayal, Bunun, Kanakanavu, Kavalan, Paiwan, Puyuma, Rukai, Saaroa, Saisiyat, Sakizaya1, Thao, Truku2, Tsou, Seediq, Yami. The languages spoken by the aborigines of Taiwan are collectively referred to as the Formosan languages, subsumed under the Austronesian language family. There 1 Sakizaya was recognised as an independent ethnic group (from Amis) by the Taiwan government in January 2007. However, most linguists consider Sakizaya as a dialect of Amis. 2 Taiwan government has officially recognised Truku since January 15, 2004. In terms of language itself, Truku is part of the Seediq language. 2 are fourteen Formosan languages: Atayal, Saisiyat, Pazeh3, Thao, Bunun, Tsou, Saaroa, Kanakanavu, Rukai, Paiwan, Puyuma, Amis, Kavalan and Seediq. A fifteenth indigenous language is Yami, spoken on Orchid Island, Taitung County; Yami is included in the literature on Formosan linguistics, although it is genetically closer to the Philippine languages (Batanic subgroup). Some grammatical characteristics of Formosan languages are as follows. The basic syllable pattern is (C)V(C). Underived roots carrying the basic meaning of words usually have more than two syllables. Grammatical morphemes are usually a single syllable, e.g. construction markers. A vowel with primary stress is characterised by higher pitch and greater intensity. Formosan languages exhibit rich morphology, and are synthetic and agglutinating. Usually a word contains a largish number of morphemes (roots, affixes and clitics) but at the same time morpheme boundaries are clear. Prefixation is the most productive morphological process, whereas other types of affixation are less. Reduplication is widely deployed. Verb and noun are the two major word classes, with rich morphology marking. Adjectival and adverbial elements usually behave as verbs. Constituent order is VAO or VOA, if transitive, and VS, if intransitive. The pronominal system consists of bound pronouns and independent pronouns. There are four main verbal clause patterns: (i) Pattern 1: monovalent 3 The last well-known speaker of Pazeh passed away in 2010. Whether there are other speakers or language rememberers of Pazeh is not clear. It is likely that Kahabu, one of the dialect of Pazeh, might have language rememberers. 3 intransitive clauses, (ii) Pattern 2: bivalent intransitive clauses, (iii) Pattern 3: bivalent transitive clauses, and (iv) Pattern 4: applicative clauses. (i) and (ii) take Actor voice (AV); (iii) takes patient voice (PV); (iv) takes locative voice (LV), instrumental voice (IV), or beneficiary voice (BV). The manifestation of voice in an independent clause depends on the definiteness of arguments; these features play a role in determining what the subject is (Pan 2012). 2 Organization of the evidential system In Formosan languages, a sentence may contain an indication of how the information was acquired by the speaker. In Formosan languages with evidentials, these are never the only means of expressing information source. Verbs, adjectives, adverbials, and speech reports may offer additional detail, to do with attitude to knowledge—the sum of what is known and the information this is based on. Our main concern within this chapter is an investigation of expression of knowledge through evidentials as a major grammatical means to express the information source. The system of grammatical evidentials in Formosan languages has a limited number of choices. Formosan languages with grammatical evidentials divide into types depending on how many information sources are assigned a distinct grammatical marking. Except for Tsou that has the richest system of grammatical 4 evidentials, other Formosan languages are relatively poor in evidentiality. Bunun exhibits the smallest evidential system, a system with just one, reported, evidential covering information acquired through someone else's narration. Tsou displays the largest evidential system, consisting of visual, non-visual, experiential, non-experiential, and reported evidentials. Boas (1911), in his grammatical description of Kwakiutl, was one of the first Western scholars to mention the idea of obligatory marking information source in grammar. In languages with obligatory evidentiality, a closed set of information sources has to be marked in every clause; otherwise, the clause is ungrammatical, and a possible misunderstanding may occur. In Formosan languages with grammatical evidentials, Tsou is the only language that requires information source to be obligatorily marked in grammar. Other Formosan languages optionally use evidentials in order to ensure efficient communication. 3 Bunun Bunun is spoken in Nantou County, Hualian County, Taitung County, and Kaohsiung City, Taiwan. Bunun is an endangered Formosan language, with fluent speakers all over the age of 60. Bunun is subdivided into five dialects: Isbukun, Takbunuaz, Takivatan, Takibaka and Takituduh. Isbukun, the dominant dialect, is mainly spoken 5 in southern Taiwan. Takbunuaz and Takivatan are mainly spoken in central Taiwan. Takibaka and Takituduh are northern dialects. A sixth dialect, Takipulan, became extinct in the 1970s. There is a reported evidential =dau in Isbukun Bunun. The reported evidential =dau is a clitic, in that it usually attaches to the first clausal constituent. Isbukun Bunun does not distinguish between secondhand and thirdhand information sources. The reported evidential indicates the information is obtained from someone else, as in (1) (Li 2013: 2). (1)a. ma-ludah=dau saia takna ivut.4 Bunun AV-hit=REP NOM.3SG yesterday snake 'It is said that he/she hit a snake/snakes yesterday.' b. saia=dau abas hai mastaan manauað. Bunun 3SG.DIST.NOM=REP before TOP most beautiful 'It is said that he/she was the most beautiful person before.' In Isbukun Bunun, the reported evidential implies the speaker is uncertain 4 For consistency and ease of comparison, examples cited from other linguists in this chapter are re-organised or re-analysed. 6 about the event. If the speaker is sure about the event, the reported evidential cannot be used, as in (2) (Li 2013: 2). (2) luvus nastuan=i, aupa laupaŋ h<in>udan-an. Bunun wet ground=Q because a.while.ago <PFV>rain-LV 'The ground was wet, because it was raining a while ago.' Evidentials can only rarely fall within the scope of negation (Aikhenvald 2003: 16). The reported evidential in Isbukun Bunun is in line with the observation; that is, while the truth value of the proposition is negated, the information source is not, as in (3-4) (Li 2013: 9). (3) ni=in=dau saia muhna ku-saintin. Bunun NEG=PFV=REP 3SG.DIST.NOM again go-3SG.PROX.OBL 'It is said that he has not been here again.' (4) na=ni=dau saia ku-saintin kutun. Bunun FUT=NEG=REP 3SG.DIST.NOM go-3SG.PROX.OBL tomorrow 'It is said that s/he will not come here tomorrow.' 7 When the reported evidential is used in interrogative clauses, it acquires additional overtones. As shown in the examples below, while the speaker is directing a question to the hearer, its origin is not within the speech act situation; that is, the question's author comes from a third party, and the question is repeated by the speaker, as in (5) (Li 2013: 3). (5) a. na=ku-isa=as=dau? Bunun FUT=go-where=NOM.2SG=REP 'Where are you going?' b. h<in>udan-an=dau kamu takna saintin? Bunun <PFV>rain-LV=REP NOM.2PL yesterday 3SG.PROX.OBL 'Did it rain in your place yesterday?' 4 Paiwan Paiwan is spoken in Taitung County and Pingtung County, Taiwan. Paiwan is an endangered Formosan language, with fluent speakers all over the age of 60. Paiwan is traditionally classified based on its distribution: Eastern Paiwan, Central Paiwan, 8 Southern Paiwan, and Northern Paiwan. Paiwan exhibits a small evidential system, consisting of an inferential evidential and a non-inferential evidential. 4.1 Inferential evidential kaumaya The inferential evidential kaumaya is used to mark inferences made on the basis of visual evidence as in (6) (Chang 2012: 118-9), of the general knowledge as in (7) (Chang 2012: 119), or of reasoning as in (8) (Chang 2012: 119). The inferential evidential is a particle, rather than a verb, in that unlike verbs, it cannot be inflected with voice and take aspectual markers. (6) inika pa-cu-cun tjiamadju, a marekaka Paiwan NEG see.AV-RED-see.AV 3PL.OBL LINK brothers a zua tiamdju a marekaka pai, NOM that 3PL.NOM LINK brothers PAI vaik kaumaya a kivangavang. go.AV INFER LINK play.AV '(The caretaker) did not see the brothers. They perhaps had gone out to look for fun.' 9 (7) pai sa cevel-in kaumaya niamadju. Paiwan PAI then bury-GV INFER 3PL.GEN 'And then they perhaps buried (him).' (8) lakua macula=anga kaumaya, Paiwan but hungry.AV=Com INFER a zua kaka ʔ<em>aung sakamaya. NOM that brother cry<AV>cry simply 'However, that brother perhaps got hungry. He simply cried.' 4.2 Non-inferential evidential aya In Paiwan, the non-inferential evidential aya covers information obtained visually and non-visually. As shown in (9) (Chang 2012: 120), it is used to mark visual information. (9) vaik a paucn. Paiwan go.AV LINK see.AV na=maca=anga aya tua zua uʔalay. PFV=die.AV=Com NON.INFER OBL that male 10 'They went to have a look. That man had died.' When referring to non-visual information, the non-inferential evidential aya covers quotative information acquired from a specified person and from an unspecified source, as in (10-2) (Chang 2006: 357; 2012: 120, 121).
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