Book Review Compte Rendu R.B

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Book Review Compte Rendu R.B BOOK REVIEW COMPTE RENDU R.B. Bennett reconsidered: A long-overdue “remarkable and head-turning portrait” John Boyko. Bennett: The Rebel Who Challenged and Changed a Nation. Toronto: Key Porter Books, 2010. Review by Bob Plamondon sign of a good book, especially political history have not bothered to what he said and what it has meant one that stretches to more study Bennett in any great detail. to Canada, then and now. With his A than 500 pages, is that you But along comes John Boyko, book going to press during a period don’t want it to end. John Boyko has dean of history and social sciences of economic peril and uncertainty, achieved that distinction in a long- and director of Northcote Campus at Boyko’s timing could not have been overdue book on R.B. Bennett. Lakefield College, to give us a better. The popular wisdom, to the extent remarkable and head-turning por- That Bennett had a lifelong addic- such a quality exists, suggests that trait of a man who turns out to be tion to work is not much of a surprise. Bennett was a prig: an aristocratic and one of the most important and influ- And there is nothing new on Bennett’s uncaring captain of industry who, ential prime ministers in Canadian widely acknowledged business acu- whenever he left his posh suite at the history. Boyko shows Bennett to be a men. We see Bennett as a man of few Château Laurier in top hat and tails, transformational prime minister who foibles, other than an obsession with spewed capitalist rhetoric at those who established many important national work and accomplishment, whose complained of such minor inconven- institutions that remain the corner- wealth was neither flaunted nor con- iences as hunger or a lack of a roof over stone of Canadian life today. We are sumed for selfish satisfaction. For their heads during the Great left to scratch our heads over why example, Bennett drove a car only Depression. If Bennett offered up a Professor John English claims, as he once in his life and bought his first reformist stance late in his mandate, does in the foreword, that Bennett house only after leaving office. He did say his critics, it was a des- perate and phony campaign When the promised economic turnaround was slow to to cling to office by mimick- materialize, Bennett’s political demise was easy to predict. The ing FDR’s compassion and most intelligent, the hardest-working and the most able, Bennett penchant for experimenta- became known as the leader of a one-man government, a tion. In other words, Bennett made a deathbed dictator. The label, combined with his dour demeanour and an conversion only when his economy in ruins, made Bennett a doomed political figure. ideological leanings left him in political ruin. Whatever the was not a great prime minister. Most not take vacations or consume alcohol origin of the expression “Tory times readers of this Bennett biography or tobacco. are hard times,” many portray “Iron will conclude otherwise. What Boyko convincingly reveals Heel Bennett” as its poster child. Boyko avoids the cheap dime- is Bennett’s generosity and his instinct Such sentiments about Bennett store psychology that entraps many to side with the interests of the com- have endured for generations, in large political biographers and delivers a mon man over the desires and inclina- part because the hundreds of tenured compelling and comprehensive tions of his wealthy friends. His university professors of Canadian review of what R.B. Bennett did, compassion was genuine and broad, POLICY OPTIONS 83 SEPTEMBER 2010 Bob Plamondon COMPTE RENDU but reserved. As a man of the Gospel, Bennett would have thrived in any dissertations. It seems the academic he was inclined to keep anonymous environment. Lougheed predicted community has yet to catch on that a his acts of charity to make them sin- great things for his protegé: “Bennett book’s title is designed to attract cere and heartfelt, rather than self- can solve any problem he puts his interest and sales rather than meet serving or to be used for political mind to…Some day Bennett will be the staid standards of peer review. advantage. His instinct was to sup- called upon to solve the greatest prob- It was with Red Tory leanings that press his emotions, a trait that many lems in Canada. Some day Canada will Bennett first spoke about bringing would later characterize as uncaring turn to him to get the country out of monetary policy under government and heartless. This conflict was evi- its difficulties.” control in 1913, some 30 years before he would be in a position to What Boyko convincingly reveals is Bennett’s generosity and act upon his convictions: his instinct to side with the interests of the common man “The vital question is whether or not a few capi- over the desires and inclinations of his wealthy friends. His talists shall control the compassion was genuine and broad, but reserved. As a man action of this Parliament… of the Gospel, he was inclined to keep anonymous his acts of The Bank Act of 1913 is a charity to make them sincere and heartfelt, rather than self- Bank Act of twenty years ago without any change, serving or to be used for political advantage. without any single step for- ward or one motion dent during the First World War when Bennett had a prodigious memo- towards progress and reform.” At the he wrote to a friend, “The loss of these ry and the long-forgotten politi- time such a notion was likely rebel- men leaves me absolutely heartbro- cian’s skill of being able to quote lious, at least insofar as the well-heeled ken, in so far as it is possible for a man long passages from the classics with- banking community was concerned. on my type and temperament to be out pause or error. A skilled debater, From his earliest days in politics heartbroken about anything.” Bennett was loath to admit error and Bennett preferred principle over pop- Boyko also reveals that Bennett’s could always cleverly draw upon ulism. “Let us begin right…and not be views on government intervention in some fact or statistic to support his deterred from our duty because the the economy were not a response to position. action which that duty lays upon us troubled economic times or to the Upon entering the House of seems temporarily unpopular.” Tell prospect of political defeat, but were Commons in 1911, Bennett cast him- that to Prime Minister Harper. long-held. He was as comfortable in self in the mould of what today we union halls as he was in boardrooms. would call a Red Tory: “In my judg- ennett was certainly an able min- When addressing striking labourers in ment, in this complex civilization of B ister to Robert Borden, but his 1902 he said, “So long as I live I will ours, the greatest struggle of the future convictions and principles were sim- give my best efforts to any labour will be between human rights and ply irrepressible and he lacked the organization which endeavours to property interests; and it is the duty temperament to follow. hold upright causes.” and function of government to pro- He was a man of ego, hardly a dis- R.B. Bennett never had much of a vide that there shall be no undue tinction among politicians, claiming family life. His interest in women was regard for the latter that limits or he could not easily surrender to the limited; he preferred the company of lessens the other.” views of others. This led to inevitable his sister Mildred, who was 19 years The theme of Bennett as Red clashes with party leaders Robert his junior and who served as a regular Tory is one that Boyko returns to Borden and Arthur Meighen. It was a travelling companion throughout his throughout his tome. One reviewer, foregone conclusion that Bennett political career. Hints that Bennett suf- an academic, was irked by the appar- would use his immense wealth and tal- fered a medical condition that made ent contradiction between Red ent to lead the Liberal-Conservative intimacy uncomfortable are raised, as Toryism and the moniker given to Party. But the question remained they are in other less detailed portraits Bennett in the book’s title as a whether he had the political skills to of Bennett, but there is no evidence “rebel.” The professorial review sug- become prime minister. He had nei- presented one way or the other on this gests Boyko’s book would not have ther the charm nor the wit of account. passed muster as a doctoral disserta- Macdonald, but his intelligence and Plucked from New Brunswick at tion because it did not prove the the- will to win were second to none. the age of 26 to become the law part- sis that Bennett was a rebel. Bennett used his organizational ner of Senator James Lougheed, future Thankfully the book is far more rele- abilities to great advantage and grandfather of an Alberta premier, vant, useful and enjoyable than most became a key architect of the modern 84 OPTIONS POLITIQUES SEPTEMBRE 2010 R.B. Bennett reconsidered: A long-overdue “remarkable and head-turning portrait” BOOK REVIEW political machine. As a political than I had known Mr. King…He was tougher on law-breaking strategist and overt partisan he readi- also an easier man to get to know. He Communists who were intent on ly and ruthlessly exploited Mackenzie was more out-going, more straight for- overthrowing the duly elected gov- King’s unwillingness to admit to the ward...His storms were rough, but they ernment than Pierre Trudeau was on severity of the Depression or to do were usually of short duration and the FLQ.
Recommended publications
  • John G. Diefenbaker: the Political Apprenticeship Of
    JOHN G. DIEFENBAKER: THE POLITICAL APPRENTICESHIP OF A SASKATCHEWAN POLITICIAN, 1925-1940 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon by Methodius R. Diakow March, 1995 @Copyright Methodius R. Diakow, 1995. All rights reserved. In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for a Postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the Head of the Department for the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copying or pUblication or use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis. Requests for permission to copy or to make other use of material in this thesis in whole or part should be addressed to: Head of the Department of History University of Saskatchewan 9 Campus Drive Saskatoon, Saskatchewan S7N 5A5 ii ABSTRACT John G. Diefenbaker is most often described by historians and biographers as a successful and popular politician.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert Borden: the Rise of the Managerial Prime Minister in Canada
    Robert Borden and the Rise of the Managerial Prime Minister in Canada Ken Rasmussen Johnson-Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy University of Regina/University of Saskatchewan Presented at the 78th Annual Congress of the Social Sciences and Humanities Canadian Political Science Association May 27-29 Carlton, University 1 Canadians have long accepted the pre-eminent position of the Prime Minister as party leader, head of government and national leader. While there are constitutional and institutional limits on these varied roles, it is understood that the Prime Minister has extraordinary power within the political party, within Cabinet, within Parliament and within Canada as a whole (Hockin, 1971). Yet when it comes to the implementation of the government’s agenda there is less understanding and more unease with the notion of the Prime Minister as “chief administrator.” The management and implementation of government policy is often considered to be part of the responsibility of ministers and their officials, which according to the Westminster doctrines of ministerial responsibility, lead to responsible government (Sutherland, 1991). The Prime Minister may set the broad outlines and direction of policy, control the party apparatus, appoint and dismiss ministers and deputy ministers, reorganize government at will and control both the cabinet and parliamentary agenda. Yet when it comes to issues like implementation, administrative reform, human resource management and other aspects of public management the exact role of the Prime Minister becomes more controversial (Gomrey 2004). It should be noted of course that the Prime Minister has recently become the object of a great deal of both popular and academic criticism about the excessive power that has accumulated in his office (Savoie, 1999; Simpson 2001; Bakvis, 2003).
    [Show full text]
  • Sir Robert Borden and Imperial Relations
    SIR ROBERT BORDEN AND IMPERIAL RELATIONS . F. C. UNDERHAY INCE the day of Lord Durham, responsible government has S been thej principal theme of Canada's constitutional develop­ ment. The responsibilities from which Lord Durham had sup­ posed the colonies would always be exempt passed one by one out of the purview of Downing Street.1 Within a generation they gained the right to settle the crown lands within their limits, to mould their own constitutions, and to control their external trade. Despite, however, the advances made under Macdonald, Mac­ kenzie and Laurier, by the second decade of the present century a single momentous exception survived. For in so far as the regulation of foreign affairs remained vested in an executive re­ sponsible only to the people of the British Isles, the Dominions fell short of complete self-government. Though the overseas partners in the Commonwealth had won control of their foreign relations in national aspects, such as immigration, tariffs and com­ mercial treaties, they possessed no voice in the supreme questions of high policy which decided the issues of peace and war. It was clear that further progress in Imperial relations would be directed to the removal of that restriction. The return of the Conservative party in 1911 transferred the problem from the seclusion of academic speculation to the full light of practical politics. The overthrow of Sir Wilfrid Laurier's Government foreshadowed a departure from the doctrine of national­ ism and semi-isolation, and the beginning of fuller co-operation with the Mother Country. When leader of the Opposition, Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Sir Robert Borden
    Sir Robert Borden JOHN A. STEVENSON t Ottawa Robert Laird Borden, when he was born at Grand Pr6 in Nova Scotia on June 26th, 1854, was of mingled English and Scottish stock. On his father's side he could trace his ancestry back to Henry Borden, who was living at Headon it the county of Kent in England towards the end of the 14th century. In 1638 one of his direct descendents, Richard Borden, emigrated to New England and settled at Portsmouth in Rhode Island. The great- grandson of Richard, Samuel Borden, born in 1705, visited Nova Scotia and, acquiring some land there, bequeathed it to his son, Perry Borden, who transplanted a branch of the family to Canada. His son, Andrew Borden, marrying Eunice Laird, became the father of Sir Robert. The grandfather of Eunice Laird was a Scot, who had reached Nova Scotia via Ulster and New England, and he prospered sufficiently as a farmer to give his son, John Laird, a good educa tion. The latter was for many years the schoolmaster at Grand Pré and he seems to have been a good classical scholar and mathe- matician, and a man of broad culture, who accumulated a con- siderable library. But he died before Sir Robert was born. At the time of his birth his father, Andrew Borden, had a substantial farm, but he neglected it to dabble unsuccessfully in business *This article is one of a series on the lawyer Prime Ministers of Canada . Previous articles in the series are: Doull, Sir John Thompson (1947), 25 Can.
    [Show full text]
  • Prime Ministers and Government Spending: a Retrospective by Jason Clemens and Milagros Palacios
    FRASER RESEARCH BULLETIN May 2017 Prime Ministers and Government Spending: A Retrospective by Jason Clemens and Milagros Palacios Summary however, is largely explained by the rapid drop in expenditures following World War I. This essay measures the level of per-person Among post-World War II prime ministers, program spending undertaken annually by each Louis St. Laurent oversaw the largest annual prime minister, adjusting for inflation, since average increase in per-person spending (7.0%), 1870. 1867 to 1869 were excluded due to a lack though this spending was partly influenced by of inflation data. the Korean War. Per-person spending spiked during World Our current prime minister, Justin Trudeau, War I (under Prime Minister Sir Robert Borden) has the third-highest average annual per-per- but essentially returned to pre-war levels once son spending increases (5.2%). This is almost the war ended. The same is not true of World a full percentage point higher than his father, War II (William Lyon Mackenzie King). Per- Pierre E. Trudeau, who recorded average an- person spending stabilized at a permanently nual increases of 4.5%. higher level after the end of that war. Prime Minister Joe Clark holds the record The highest single year of per-person spend- for the largest average annual post-World ing ($8,375) between 1870 and 2017 was in the War II decline in per-person spending (4.8%), 2009 recession under Prime Minister Harper. though his tenure was less than a year. Prime Minister Arthur Meighen (1920 – 1921) Both Prime Ministers Brian Mulroney and recorded the largest average annual decline Jean Chretien recorded average annual per- in per-person spending (-23.1%).
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Decline of the Cooperative Commonwealth
    THE RISE AND DECLINE OF THE COOPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH FEDERATION IN ONTARIO AND QUEBEC DURING WORLD WAR II, 1939 – 1945 By Charles A. Deshaies B. A. State University of New York at Potsdam, 1987 M. A. State University of New York at Empire State, 2005 A THESIS Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in History) The Graduate School The University of Maine December 2019 Advisory Committee: Scott W. See, Professor Emeritus of History, Co-advisor Jacques Ferland, Associate Professor of History, Co-advisor Nathan Godfried, Professor of History Stephen Miller, Professor of History Howard Cody, Professor Emeritus of Political Science Copyright 2019 Charles A. Deshaies All Rights Reserved ii THE RISE AND DECLINE OF THE COOPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH FEDERATION IN ONTARIO AND QUEBEC DURING WORLD WAR II, 1939 – 1945 By Charles A. Deshaies Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Scott See and Dr. Jacques Ferland An Abstract of the Thesis Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in History) December 2019 The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) was one of the most influential political parties in Canadian history. Without doubt, from a social welfare perspective, the CCF helped build and develop an extensive social welfare system across Canada. It has been justly credited with being one of the major influences over Canadian social welfare policy during the critical years following the Great Depression. This was especially true of the period of the Second World War when the federal Liberal government of Mackenzie King adroitly borrowed CCF policy planks to remove the harsh edges of capitalism and put Canada on the path to a modern Welfare State.
    [Show full text]
  • “Anglo-Conformity”: Assimilation Policy in Canada, 1890S–1950S1
    Jatinder Mann “Anglo-Conformity”: Assimilation Policy in Canada, 1890s–1950s1 Abstract In the late nineteenth century Canada started to receive large waves of non- British migrants for the very first time in its history. These new settlers arrived in a country that saw itself very much as a British society. English-speaking Canadians considered themselves a core part of a worldwide British race. French Canadians, however, were obviously excluded from this ethnic identity. The maintenance of the country as a white society was also an integral part of English-speaking Canada’s national identity. Thus, white non-British migrants were required to assimilate into this English-speaking Canadian or Anglocen- tric society without delay. But in the early 1950s the British identity of English- speaking Canada began to decline ever so slowly. The first steps toward the gradual breakdown of the White Canada policy also occurred at this time. This had a corresponding weakening effect on the assimilation policy adopted toward non-British migrants, which was based on Anglo-conformity. Résumé À la fin du 19e siècle, pour la première fois de son histoire, le Canada commençait à accueillir des vagues importantes d’immigrants non britanni- ques. Ces nouveaux arrivants entraient dans un pays qui se percevait en grande partie comme une société britannique. Les anglophones canadiens se con- sidéraient en effet comme une composante centrale de la « race » britannique mondiale. Les francophones, en revanche, étaient de toute évidence exclus de cette identité ethnique. Par ailleurs, une autre composante essentielle de l’identité nationale canadienne anglophone était la pérennité du pays en tant que société blanche.
    [Show full text]
  • Acadiensis 129 the Mind and Character of Robert Borden
    Acadiensis 129 couraged in its plans to begin the encoding of census and other manuscripts, while Statistics Canada should aid in this process and also open the 1881 and 1891 materials to researchers. Efforts like the C.H.A.'s and S.S.R.C.'s to standardize procedures and lobby with the federal government must be en­ couraged and supported fully by the profession. Finally, we must give con­ sideration to ways of systematically training scholars and students in Canada, as well as sending them to foreign institutes. These recommendations mark only a bare beginning, but any steps in these directions would mark significant improvement and repay investments of time, energy, and funds. Canadian history deserves such a major effort. HARVEY J. GRAFF The Mind and Character of Robert Borden MacGregor Dawson called his book on Mackenzie King a "political biography," and he meant it.1 Dawson had found difficulty in using important and revealing sections of the King diaries. It was not from prudishness — Dawson was not a prude — but because he felt that it was too soon to use such evidence. King had died only seven years before. Dawson thus meant by the designation "political" that he could not write a full biography. The result was that Dawson's biography of King is almost too judicious; what Dawson believed he could use of the sources in effect determined what King was to be. The types of sources for Borden are different; but the problems revealed in Craig Brown's handsome biography are not dissimilar.2 In this 306-page study of Borden's life from 1854 to 1914, the emphasis is placed on Borden's political career from 1896 to 1914.
    [Show full text]
  • Arthur Meighen Canada’S Ninth Prime Minister
    1 Arthur Meighen Canada’s ninth prime minister Quick Facts Term(s) of Office: July 10, 1920–December 29, 1921 June 29, 1926–September 25, 1926 Born June 16, 1874, Anderson, Ontario Died August 5, 1960, Toronto, Ontario Grave site: St. Mary's Cemetery, St. Mary's, Ontario Education University of Toronto, B.A. Mathematics 1896 Personal Life Married 1904, Isabel J. Cox (1882–1985) Two sons, one daughter Occupations 1897–1898 Teacher, Caledonia, Ontario Lawyer (called to the Manitoba Bar in 1903) Businessman Author Political Party Conservative 1920–1926, 1941–1942 Party Leader Constituencies 1908–1921, 1925–1926 Portage la Prairie, Manitoba 1922–1925 Grenville, Ontario Other Ministries 1913–1917 Solicitor General of Canada 1917 Secretary of State of Canada 1917–1920 Interior and Superintendent General of Indian Affairs 1919–1920 Mines 1920–1921, 1926 Secretary of State for External Affairs 1926 President of the Privy Council 1932–1935 Minister Without Portfolio Political Record Creation of the Canadian National Railways 1919 Prominent in ending the Winnipeg General Strike 1919 Argued successfully against the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance 1921 2 Trade Agreements with France and the West Indies 1921 Armistice Day Act 1921 Leader of the Opposition 1921–1926 Senator 1932–1942 Biography One great secret of successful debate: when you have a man under your hammer, never be tempted into doubtful ground and give him a chance to digress. How often I witnessed men in the House who had a case, and who really had their opponents cornered, doddle off into other ground and give the enemy a chance to change the subject and come out not too badly worsted.—Arthur Meighen, 1943 By all accounts, Arthur Meighen was the finest debater and orator ever to speak in the House of Commons.
    [Show full text]
  • THE BRANDING of the PRIME MINISTER: 'Uncle Louis' and Brand
    THE BRANDING OF THE PRIME MINISTER: ‘Uncle Louis’ and Brand Politics in The Elections of Louis St. Laurent 1949-1957 A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Science TRENT UNIVERSITY Peterborough, Ontario, Canada © Cory Baldwin, 2017 History M.A. Graduate Program September 2017 ABSTRACT: THE BRANDING OF THE PRIME MINISTER: ‘Uncle Louis’ and Brand Politics in The Elections of Louis St. Laurent 1949-1957 Cory Baldwin From 1949-1957, Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent was the face of the Liberal Party. Party branding was wholly devoted to his friendly, ‘Uncle Louis’ brand image. St. Laurent’s image was manipulated and manufactured without public preconception, establishing the modern tactics of personal branding still used by his successors. This thesis studies the elections of 1949, 1953, and 1957, analysing photos, advertisements, speeches, archival documents, memoirs, newspapers, and other sources to show the development of Liberal branding strategy. It employs political scientist Margaret Scammell’s conceptualization of brand theory, showing how marketers used emotional brand differentiators and rational substantive performance indicators to sell ‘Uncle Louis’ to Canadians. The Liberals used St. Laurent and branding tactics to win two massive majorities in 1949 and 1953, and the Diefenbaker Tories used those same tactics to defeat them in 1957. ‘Uncle Louis’ proved the effectiveness of personal branding and leader- centered
    [Show full text]
  • Dreams of a Tropical Canada: Race, Nation, and Canadian Aspirations in the Caribbean Basin, 1883-1919
    Dreams of a Tropical Canada: Race, Nation, and Canadian Aspirations in the Caribbean Basin, 1883-1919 by Paula Pears Hastings Department of History Duke University Date: _________________________ Approved: ______________________________ John Herd Thompson, Supervisor ______________________________ Susan Thorne ______________________________ D. Barry Gaspar ______________________________ Philip J. Stern Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2010 ABSTRACT Dreams of a Tropical Canada: Race, Nation, and Canadian Aspirations in the Caribbean Basin, 1883-1919 by Paula Pears Hastings Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ John Herd Thompson, Supervisor ___________________________ Susan Thorne ___________________________ D. Barry Gaspar ___________________________ Philip J. Stern An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2010 Copyright by Paula Pears Hastings 2010 Abstract Dreams of a “tropical Canada” that included the West Indies occupied the thoughts of many Canadians over a period spanning nearly forty years. From the expansionist fever of the late nineteenth century to the redistribution of German territories immediately following the First World War, Canadians of varying backgrounds campaigned vigorously for Canada-West Indies union. Their efforts generated a transatlantic discourse that raised larger questions about Canada’s national trajectory, imperial organization, and the state of Britain’s Empire in the twentieth century. This dissertation explores the key ideas, tensions, and contradictions that shaped the union discourse over time. Race, nation and empire were central to this discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Canadian Government Policy Towards Titular Honours Fkom Macdondd to Bennett
    Questions of Honoar: Canadian Government Policy Towards Titular Honours fkom Macdondd to Bennett by Christopher Pad McCreery A Thesis submitted to the Department of History in conformity with requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Queen's University Kingston, Ontario, Caaada September, 1999 Q Christopher Paul McCreery National birary Biblioth&quenationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliagraphiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaON KIAON4 OIEawaON K1AON4 Canada Cariada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accorde melicence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive pennettant a la National Library of Canada to Bibliotheqe nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distriiute or sell reproduire, preter, distn'buer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette these sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fih, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format ekctronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriete du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protege cette these. thesis nor substantial extracts fkom it Ni Ia these ai des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent &re imprimes reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation- Abstract This thesis examines the Canadian government's policy towards British tituiar honours and their bestowal upon residents of Canada, c. 1867-1935. In the following thesis, I will employ primary documents to undertake an original study of the early development of government policy towards titular honours. The evolution and development of the Canadian government's policy will be examined in the context of increasing Canadian autonomy within the British Empire/Commonwealth- The incidents that prompted the development of a Canadian made formal policy will also be discussed.
    [Show full text]