The Rise and Decline of the Cooperative Commonwealth
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Grey Highlands.Indd
photo: Telfer Wegg GREY HIGHLANDS ONTARIO > BLUEWATER REGION • www.greyhighlands.ca • Includes the communities/villages of Eugenia, Feversham, Flesherton, Kimberley, Markdale and Vandeleur • Population: 9,520 Approx. 30 km southeast of Owen Sound; 150 km photo: Telfer Wegg • northwest of Toronto Notable features: • Geographically, the municipality is a mix of villages, hamlets, rural and Small Community heritage communities, and offers a variety of landscapes from agricultural flat lands, to rolling hills and wetlands. • The Niagara Escarpment World Bio Reserve’s runs through the area. • Agriculture forms the basis of the region’s economy. Farms range from small family-owned to large and highly automated HEART OF THE • Mennonite families from Waterloo Region have migrated to Grey Highlands and contribute to the prosperity of the area’s agricultural lifestyle • Businesses also include art galleries—the area has become home to many BEAVER VALLEY artists and musicians The Municipality of Grey Highlands is situated in one of the • Residents have a deep connection to the roots of the municipality with most beautiful parts of Grey County. Made up of the former many local residents descended from the original settlers to the area Townships of Artemesia, Euphrasia, Osprey and the Villages • Agnes Macphail was an early champion of equal rights for women, and of Markdale and Flesherton, the township proudly boast the Canada’s first female MP. She is a local legend, having lived in the Grey natural beauty of waterfalls, the Bruce Trail, the Osprey Bluffs Highlands Municipality and the Saugeen and Beaver Rivers and encompass the “heart • Notable alumni also includes Chris Neil, NHL player (Ottawa Senators) of the Beaver Valley” truly making Grey Highlands the place for all seasons. -
The British Columbia CCF's Working-Class
CONTROVERSY / POLÉMIQUE The British Columbia CCF’s Working-Class Moment: Socialism Not Populism James Naylor In August 1934, delegates of the Socialist Party of Canada, the dominant of the two affiliates to the British Columbia Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (bc/ccf), returning from the National Convention of the ccf in Winnipeg, lamented that “the Convention was far from being revolutionary, and tended further to the right.” The only bright spot on the horizon, they felt, was the small national youth movement that understood the necessity of “forg[ing] an instrument” capable of “the revolutionary transformation of our economic and social system.”1 Throughout the 1930s, the bc ccf was consid- ered nationally as the most left wing of the movement’s provincial sections, and the bc ccf itself considered itself to be responsible for providing a revo- lutionary and working-class anchor to a national movement that seemed, at times, to drift from its socialist moorings. And, for the most part, historians – most recently Benjamin Isitt – have acknowledged the bc ccf’s place on the left-wing of the Canadian movement in the 1930s and beyond.2 As Robert A.J. McDonald rightly argues, however, there was much in the day-to-day practice and language of the bc ccf that seemed to violate its own self-perception. Indeed, its actions appear not very different, for the most part, than other provincial ccf sections that engaged in socialist education and ran in elections. He argues that was most apparent in the ccf’s breakthrough pro- vincial election in 1933, which he sees as a “populist moment” wherein the 1. -
Committee of the Whole Meeting Agenda
COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE MEETING AGENDA Monday, April 4, 2016 | 7:00 pm Council Chambers | Civic Centre CHAIRPERSON – Mayor Sue Paterson 1. DISCLOSURE OF PECUNIARY INTEREST 2. HEALTH & SAFETY MESSAGE – Properly Prepare for Outdoor Activity (Councillor Hopkins) 3. DELEGATIONS 3.1 Donald G. McDonald & J D Ellis 4. STAFF REPORTS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5. STAFF REPORTS AND CORRESPONDENCE FOR INFORMATION 5.1 FI-08-16 – Monthly Activity Report – March 2016 5.2 Joint Health & Safety Committee – March 3, 2016 Meeting Minutes 5.3 Hanover Police Services Board – February 23, 2016 Meeting Minutes 5.4 Hanover Library Board – February 23, 2016 Meeting Minutes 5.5 Saugeen Mobility and Regional Transit – January 22, 2016 Meeting Minutes 5.6 Grey County Warden’s Forum – Thursday, April 21, 2016 5.7 Community Stewardship & River Rehabilitation Workshop – April 22, 2016 5.8 The Business Enterprise Centre – Summer Company 2016 Program 6. CORRESPONDENCE REQUIRING COMMITTEE ACTION 6.1 Municipality of Grey Highlands – Re: request to endorse their resolution regarding nomination of Agnes Macphail to appear on a new bank note. (for Council’s consideration) 7. PLANNING AND ZONING MATTERS 7.1 Next Planning Advisory Committee Meeting – Tuesday, April 12, 2016 | 5:00pm Committee of the Whole Agenda | April 4, 2016 Page | 2 8. DATES TO REMEMBER 8.1 Next Regular Council Meeting – Monday, April 18, 2016 | 7:00pm 8.2 Next Committee of the Whole Meeting – Monday, May 2, 2016 | 7:00pm 9. INTRODUCTION OF NEW BUSINESS 10. CLOSED MEETING 11. ADJOURNMENT Winter is gone….properly -
A THREAT to LEADERSHIP: C.A.Dunning and Mackenzie King
S. Peter Regenstreif A THREAT TO LEADERSHIP: C.A.Dunning and Mackenzie King BY Now mE STORY of the Progressive revolt and its impact on the Canadian national party system during the 1920's is well documented and known. Various studies, from the pioneering effort of W. L. Morton1 over a decade ago to the second volume of the Mackenzie King official biography2 which has recently appeared, have dealt intensively with the social and economic bases of the movement, the attitudes of its leaders to the institutions and practices of national politics, and the behaviour of its representatives once they arrived in Ottawa. Particularly in biographical analyses, 3 a great deal of attention has also been given to the response of the established leaders and parties to this disrupting influence. It is clearly accepted that the roots of the subsequent multi-party situation in Canada can be traced directly to a specific strain of thought and action underlying the Progressivism of that era. At another level, however, the abatement of the Pro~ gressive tide and the manner of its dispersal by the end of the twenties form the basis for an important piece of Canadian political lore: it is the conventional wisdom that, in his masterful handling of the Progressives, Mackenzie King knew exactly where he was going and that, at all times, matters were under his complete control, much as if the other actors in the play were mere marionettes with King the manipu lator. His official biographers have demonstrated just how illusory this conception is and there is little to be added to their efforts on this score. -
La Censure En Temps De Guerre : Radio-Canada Et Le Plébiscite De 1942 Alain Canuel
Document generated on 10/01/2021 1:38 p.m. Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française La censure en temps de guerre : Radio-Canada et le plébiscite de 1942 Alain Canuel Volume 52, Number 2, automne 1998 Article abstract This study proposes to analyse, in the context of censorship during the Second URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/005347ar World War, the controversy that the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/005347ar raised during the plebiscit campaign of 1942 in authorizing the YES advocates and in denying the NO advocates to present their point of view on the national See table of contents airwaves. This decision not only exacerbates the NO advocates but also undermines the CBC's credibility which rapidly becomes identified as the repressive apparatus of the State. The analysis also questions the assertion Publisher(s) which tends to prove that it was the CBC's decision during the plebiscit that would have favoured the development of the French network in Canada. Institut d'histoire de l'Amérique française ISSN 0035-2357 (print) 1492-1383 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Canuel, A. (1998). La censure en temps de guerre : Radio-Canada et le plébiscite de 1942. Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française, 52(2), 217–242. https://doi.org/10.7202/005347ar Tous droits réservés © Institut d'histoire de l'Amérique française, 1998 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. -
In Crisis Or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Arts Arts Research & Publications 2018-06 In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government Thomas, Melanee Cambridge University Press Thomas, M. (2018). In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government. Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique, 51(2), 379-403. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/107552 journal article Unless otherwise indicated, this material is protected by copyright and has been made available with authorization from the copyright owner. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government By Melanee Thomas Associate Professor Department of Political Science University of Calgary 2500 University Drive NW Calgary, AB T2N 1N4 Abstract: The majority of Canada’s women premiers were selected to that office while their parties held government. This is uncommon, both in the comparative literature and amongst premiers who are men. What explains this gendered selection pattern to Canada’s provincial premiers’ offices? This paper explores the most common explanation found in the comparative literature for women’s emergence as leaders of electorally competitive parties and as chief political executives: women are more likely to be selected when that party is in crisis or decline. Using the population of women provincial premiers in Canada as case studies, evidence suggests 3 of 8 women premiers were selected to lead parties in government that were in crisis or decline; a fourth was selected to lead a small, left-leaning party as predicted by the literature. -
Eugene Alfred Forsey Mg 30 a 25
Manuscript Division des Division manuscrits EUGENE ALFRED FORSEY MG 30 A 25 Finding Aid No. 712 / Instrument de recherche no 712 Prepared in 1977 by P. Dozois. Préparé en 1977 par P. Dozois. Revised in 1984 by P. DeLottinville, Révisé en 1984 par P. DeLottinville in 1994 by Neil Forsyth and en 1994 par Neil Forsyth et in 2010 by Barbara Blakeney. en 2010 par Barbara Blakeney. -ii- TABLE OF CONTENTS (ONLINE VERSION STARTS AT PAGE 74) Pages Note to Researchers...................................................... iii Partial Inventory Entry ................................................. iv-vi Western Labour News Series ...............................................1 Nominal Correspondence Series ............................ 1-5, 12-13, 60-65, 76 Chronological Correspondence Series .......................... 5-6, 58-59, 76-77 Personal Correspondence Series ................................ 65-67, 77, 80-81 Articles, Speeches, Reviews and Letters to the Editor Series . 7-8, 12, 42-58, 77-78, 108 Subject File Series........................................ 8-32, 78-80, 93-108 Labour History Series ............................................ 9-10, 33-36 Ontario Advisory Committee on Confederation Series ....................... 36-42 Personal and Family Material Series............................ 68-75, 81-87, 108 Meech Lake Accord Series ........................................... 103-108 Centre for Election Studies Series ...................................... 108-109 List of Materials Transferred.......................................... 110-113 -iii- NOTE TO RESEARCHERS The Eugene Forsey papers consist of five parallel sections or parts. Volumes 1 to 18 of the collection were organized in 1977, volumes 19 to 48 were organized in 1984, volumes 49 to 51 were organized in 1991, and volumes 52 to 64 were organized in 1992, and volumes 65, 66 and 67 were organized in 2008or earlier. Researchers are advised to check all five parts in the finding aid when using the collection as most series' are in more than one part (See the Table of Contents, p. -
The Good Fight Marcel Cadieux and Canadian Diplomacy
THE GOOD FIGHT MARCEL CADIEUX AND CANADIAN DIPLOMACY BRENDAN KELLY UBC PRESS © SAMPLE MATERIAL CONTENTS Foreword / ix Robert Bothwell and John English Preface / xii 1 The Birth of a French Canadian Nationalist, 1915–41 / 3 2 Premières Armes: Ottawa, London, Brussels, 1941–47 / 24 3 The Making of a Diplomat and Cold Warrior, 1947–55 / 55 4 A Versatile Diplomat, 1955–63 / 98 5 Departmental Tensions: Cadieux, Paul Martin Sr., and Canadian Foreign Policy, 1963–68 / 135 6 A Lonely Fight: Countering France and the Establishment of Quebec’s “International Personality,” 1963–67 / 181 7 The National Unity Crisis: Resisting Quebec and France at Home and in la Francophonie, 1967–70 / 228 UBC PRESS © SAMPLE MATERIAL CONTENTS 8 The Politician and the Civil Servant: Pierre Trudeau, Cadieux, and the DEA, 1968–70 / 260 9 Ambassadorial Woes: Washington, 1970–75 / 296 10 Final Assignments, 1975–81 / 337 Conclusion / 376 Acknowledgments / 380 List of Abbreviations / 382 Notes / 384 Bibliography / 445 Illustration Credits / 461 Index / 463 UBC PRESS ©viii SAMPLE MATERIAL 1 THE BIRTH OF A FRENCH CANADIAN NATIONALIST, 1915–41 n an old christening custom that is all but forgotten today, Joseph David Roméo Marcel Cadieux was marked from birth by a traditional IFrench Canadian Catholicism. As a boy, he was named after Saint Joseph. The Hebraic David was the first name of his godfather, his paternal grandfather, a Montreal plasterer. Marcel’s father, Roméo, joined the Royal Mail and married Berthe Patenaude in 1914. She was one of more than a dozen children of Arthur Patenaude, a “gentleman” landowner whose family had deep roots in what had once been the Seigneury of Longueuil, on the south shore of the St. -
Francis Andrew Brewin, “He Who Would Valiant Be”: the Makings of a Canadian Anglican Christian Socialist
Francis Andrew Brewin, “He Who Would Valiant Be”: The Makings of a Canadian Anglican Christian Socialist JOHN BREWIN1 Francis Andrew Brewin (1907-1983) was a formative figure in the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) and later in the New Democratic Party. He helped to shape a party that shaped Canada. FAB, as I shall refer to him, was a lifelong “practising” Anglican. He represented a significant Anglican contribution to the Canadian polity. His religious sensibilities led to his decision to join the CCF in 1935 and determined the nature of his participation. This paper focuses on FAB’s decision to join the CCF, and examines the cultures that interacted to produce that decision. It will be argued that his religion and his politics were completely integrated. In his context it made sense for FAB to become a democratic socialist of the Canadian variety. The paper’s methodology is influenced by the approach of Clifford Geertz, as described by Aletta Biersack.2 The decision by FAB to join and to become active in the CCF is best understood as a cultural event, the convergence of cultures that gave FAB his world-view and informed his actions. I will, therefore, look at each of the main sources of FAB’s cultural perspective. In revisiting the way in which one Christian of a particular tradition responded to the problems of his day, one might glimpse how we might respond to the almost overwhelming social, economic and environmental challenges of our own day. Historical Papers 2000: Canadian Society of Church History 74 The Makings of a Canadian Anglican Christian Socialist Family FAB’s family background was very English and very Canadian. -
2019 Election: Seat Clusters June to September Survey Results
2019 Election: Seat Clusters June to September Survey Results August 2019 2 Overview In Canada, we count seats, not vote. Just like in American Presidential elections, you can win the popular vote and lose the election. In fact, that happened to Justin Trudeau’s father in 1979. The general way analysts address that is to look at seats by region. However, seats in the same region can move differently. This release tries to get closer to reality in the seat-by-seat contest. Our analysis combines two projects: • An analysis of federal election districts (which we call “seats”) that groups them into 14 clusters based on which parties are most competitive in those seats. Given the shifting dynamics of Canada’s party system, we have relied on only the results of the past two elections. However, to assess where the parties stand in these 14 seat clusters, we need a lot of data. • A merge of the most recent three national surveys that include federal votes, creating a unweighted total of 7,555 respondents and a weighted total of 4,900. In each of our surveys, we collect postal codes. That allows us to create a riding variable for almost all our respondents and to group their responses by the riding they are in. The deck below shows the output from the analysis. The key finding is that, with the NDP in the doldrums, the Liberals are in a strong position coming into the race. Not only have they cemented their hold on last elections core seats, they may be able to gain seats to offsets the losses they will likely experience in the Toronto and Vancouver suburbs and Atlantic Canada. -
1866 (C) Circa 1510 (A) 1863
BONUS : Paintings together with their year of completion. (A) 1863 (B) 1866 (C) circa 1510 Vancouver Estival Trivia Open, 2012, FARSIDE team BONUS : Federal cabinet ministers, 1940 to 1990 (A) (B) (C) (D) Norman Rogers James Ralston Ernest Lapointe Joseph-Enoil Michaud James Ralston Mackenzie King James Ilsley Louis St. Laurent 1940s Andrew McNaughton 1940s Douglas Abbott Louis St. Laurent James Ilsley Louis St. Laurent Brooke Claxton Douglas Abbott Lester Pearson Stuart Garson 1950s 1950s Ralph Campney Walter Harris John Diefenbaker George Pearkes Sidney Smith Davie Fulton Donald Fleming Douglas Harkness Howard Green Donald Fleming George Nowlan Gordon Churchill Lionel Chevrier Guy Favreau Walter Gordon 1960s Paul Hellyer 1960s Paul Martin Lucien Cardin Mitchell Sharp Pierre Trudeau Leo Cadieux John Turner Edgar Benson Donald Macdonald Mitchell Sharp Edgar Benson Otto Lang John Turner James Richardson 1970s Allan MacEachen 1970s Ron Basford Donald Macdonald Don Jamieson Barney Danson Otto Lang Jean Chretien Allan McKinnon Flora MacDonald JacquesMarc Lalonde Flynn John Crosbie Gilles Lamontagne Mark MacGuigan Jean Chretien Allan MacEachen JeanJacques Blais Allan MacEachen Mark MacGuigan Marc Lalonde Robert Coates Jean Chretien Donald Johnston 1980s Erik Nielsen John Crosbie 1980s Perrin Beatty Joe Clark Ray Hnatyshyn Michael Wilson Bill McKnight Doug Lewis BONUS : Name these plays by Oscar Wilde, for 10 points each. You have 30 seconds. (A) THE PAGE OF HERODIAS: Look at the moon! How strange the moon seems! She is like a woman rising from a tomb. She is like a dead woman. You would fancy she was looking for dead things. THE YOUNG SYRIAN: She has a strange look. -
New NDP Vs. Classic NDP: Is a Synthesis Possible, and Does It Matter? Tom Langford
Labour / Le Travail ISSUE 85 (2020) ISSN: 1911-4842 REVIEW ESSAY / NOTE CRITIQUE New NDP vs. Classic NDP: Is a Synthesis Possible, and Does It Matter? Tom Langford David McGrane, The New NDP: Moderation, Modernization, and Political Marketing (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2019) Roberta Lexier, Stephanie Bangarth & Jon Weier, eds., Party of Conscience: The CCF, the NDP, and Social Democracy in Canada (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2018) Did you know that after Jack Layton took over as its leader in 2003, the federal New Democratic Party became as committed to the generation and dissemination of opposition research, or “oppo research,” as its major rivals in the federal party system? Indeed, the ndp takes the prize for being “the first federal party to set up stand alone websites specifically to attack opponents, now a common practice.”1 The ndp’s continuing embrace of “oppo research” as a means of challenging the credibility of its political rivals was on display during the final days of the 2019 federal election campaign. Facing a strong challenge from Green Party candidates in ridings in the southern part of Vancouver Island, the ndp circulated a flyer that attacked the Green Party for purportedly sharing “many Conservative values,” including being willing to “cut services [that] families need” and to fall short of “always defend[ing] the right to access a safe abortion.” Needless to say, the ndp’s claims were based on a very slanted interpretation of the evidence pulled together by its researchers 1. David McGrane, The New ndp: Moderation, Modernization, and Political Marketing (Vancouver: ubc Press, 2019), 98.