1 HE STRUCTURALPARADOX: MOCHECULTURE AS POLITICALIDEOLOGY

GarthBawden

In this article I demonstrate the utility of an historical study of social change by examining the development of political authority on the Peruvian north coast during the Moche period through its symbols of power. Wetoo often equate the mater- ial record with "archaeological culture,^^assume that it reflects broad cultural realityXand interpret it by reference to gener- al evolutionary models. Here I reassess Moche society within its historic context by examining the relationship between underlying social structure and short-termprocesses that shaped Moche political formation, and reach very different con- clusions. I see the "diagnostic" Moche material recordprimarily as the symbolic manifestationof a distinctivepolitical ide- ology whose character was historically constituted in an ongoing cultural tradition.Aspiring rulers used ideology to manip- ulate culturalprinciples in their interests and thus mediate the paradox between exclusive power and holistic Andean social structure which created the dynamicfor change. A historic study allows us to identify the symbolic and ritual mechanisms that socially constituted Moche ideologyXand reveals a pattern of diversity in time and space that was the product of differ- ential choice by local rulers, a pattern that cannot be seen within a theoretical approach that emphasizes general evolution- ary or materialistfactors.

En este articulo demuestro la ventaja de un estudio historico sobre la integraciony el cambio social, a traves de un examen del caracter del poder politico en la costa norte del durante el periodo Moche. Con demasiadafrecuencia equiparamos el registro material con "las culturas arqueologicas "; asumimos que este refleja la realidad cultural amplia y la interpreta- mos con referencia a modelos evolutivos generales. En este articulo presento una evaluacion de la arqueologia Moche den- tro de su contexto historico, al examinar la relacion entre la estructurasocial subyacente y procesos de corta duracion que modelaron la formacion politica Moche, y llego a conclusiones muy diferentes. Veoa la arqueologia Moche solamente como la manifestacion de una ideologia politica distintiva cuyo caracterfue historicamenteconstituida dentro de una tradicion cul- tural continua. El elemento que dio forma a la ideologia Mochefue su cimiento basicamente andino, establecido en el con- texto regional de la costa nortena. Los aspirantes a gobernantes emplearonla ideologia para manipularlos principios estruc- turales tradicionales en su propio interes y asi mediar la paradoVaen tre el poder exclusivo y la estructurasocial holistica andina que constituyo la dinamica de cambio. Un estudio historico nos permite identificar los mecanismos rituales y sim- bolicos que socialmente constituyeron la ideologia Moche, y revela un modelo de diversidad en tiempo y espacio que no se puede ver dentro de una perspectiva teorica basada en la teoria evolutiva general.

Scholars are increasinglyaware that the els emphasizeincrease of managerialcomplexi- structureunderlying early Andeansocial ty, and generalmaterial causes of change.This complexityincorporated a distinctivepat- approachtends to deflect study from mecha- ternof structuringprinciples (e.g., Moseleyand nisms of social integrationand changethat are Cordy-Collins1990; Netherly 1984; Zuidema mentally constructedin the specific cultural 1986). However,the implicationsof this insight experienceof a society (e.g., Ohnuki-Tierney for understandingsocial developmenthave not 1990). It has been so with the Moche"culture" been thoroughlyexplored, especially for pre- of the Peruviannorth coast (Figure 1), often Inkaicsocieties. In these cases, generalmodels describedas a chiefdomor embryonicstate. In of culturalevolution often providethe theoreti- this study I view Moche sociopoliticalintegra- cal frameworkfor socialexplanation. Such mod- tion as a productof a distinctivecultural tradi-

Garth Bawden * Director, Maxwell Museum of Anthropology, and Professor, Departmentof Anthropology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque,NM 87131

Latin American Antiquity, 6(3), 1995, pp. 255-273. Copyright t by the Society for American

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Figure1. Map of the Peruvian north coast region with principal sites Mochepolitical influence mentioned in text and the southern limit in the Moche III-IV and Moche V phases. of

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:09:55 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Bawden] MOCHECULTURE AS POLITICALIDEOLOGY 257 tion, and I explorethe structuraldynamics that CO LONIAL | COLONIAL PERIOD determinedits development. 1500 INCA LATE HORIZON Models of Moche Political Development LATE INTERISIEDIATE Althoughrecent fieldwork (AARG 1993a, 1993b; PE R IOD CHI ISIU Alva 1988, 1990; Donnan and Cock 1986; 1000 1 Shimada 1976, 1978, 1990; Tschauner1993; 181I DD L E Wilson 1983, 1988) and iconographicresearch HORIZON

______(Castillo 1989; Cordy-Collins1992; Donnan V

1978, 1988;Donnan and Castillo1992; Donnan lV 500 andMcClelland 1979; Hocquenghem 1981, 1987; 181OCH E @s EAR LY McClelland1990; Quilter 1990; Schuster 1992) is ll INTERISIEDIATE modifying the database, the developmental PERIOD A. D . schemefor the Early Intermediate Period Peruvian G AL Ll N AZO - north coast (Figure2) still dependslargely on B. C. ceramicand settlementanalysis generated from SALI NAR the Moche-Chicama-Viru"core area"(Bawden 1982a;Beck 1991; Donnanand Mackey 1978; 500 E A R LY Fogel 1993;Hastings and Moseley 1975; Kroeber HORI ZON 1925, 1926; Larco 1938, 1939, 1945; Moseley CUPISNIQUE 1975; Moseley and Mackey 1974; Topic 1982; Willey1953). As withmost style-based chronolo- 1000 gies, the Mochesequence (Moche I-V:Figure 2) emphasizestemporal disjuncture, whereas the wide projectionof ideas derivedfrom a "core INIT IA L PE RIOD area"imposes an unrealpattern of spatialunity. 1500 Thetraditional model describes Moche society as evolving from antecedentGallinazo culture Figure 2. Chronology of north coast archaeological cul- tures. aroundA.D. 1 to 100 (Figure2; see Fogel 1993 fora somewhatlater date), and in MocheIII times natureof the powerthat they embody (e.g., Earle establishing a conquest state supported by 1991a; Uphaml 990a).Despite growing recogni- exploitationof labor,intensive agricultural pro- tion of variability,however, concepts of social duction,and monopolizationof trade(Shimada typology continueto influence such research. 1987; Topic 1982; Willey 1953; Wilson 1988). Whileaccepting the importance of ideologyin the Afterrecovering from major ecological disruption formationand maintenanceof politicalsystems, aroundA.D. 600 atthe endof MocheIV (Moseley these approachesultimately regard ideology as andDeeds 1982;Niles at al. 1979;Shimada et al. themeans by whichelites exploit their power, and 1991),the statecollapsed around A.D. 750 (e.g., theycontinue to ascribethe basisof politicalfor- Shimada1990). As is commonin studiesof early mationto the materialdomain (Claessen and van society,the schemesketched in the foregoingsen- de Velde 1987, 1991; Daggett 1987; D'Altroy tences associateschange with materialagencies 1992; Earle 1991a; Earle and D'Altroy 1989; thatact through functionalist or adaptiveprocess- Friedmanand Rowlands 1978; Gregg 1991; Haas es to producea seriesof definablesocial stages. 1982;Haas et al. 1987;Hastorf 1990, 1993;Isbell The valueof such studiesin creatingour current 1987;Johnson and Earle 1987; Kristiansen 1991; databasesis clear,but they have been less suc- Patterson1991; Upham 1990b). cessfulin identifyingdynamics of socialintegra- Theutility of evolutionaryviews is increasing- tion andchange. ly being questioned (e.g., Bawden 1989; Newerevolutionary theories focus much more Brumfield1992; Demarest 1989; Hodder 1986; on the structureof political systems and the Leonardand Jones 1987;Paynter 1989; Roscoe

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1993;Shanks and Tilley1987; Wylie 1989; Yoffee negotiation in the social arena, reflexively 1993).There is no need to reviewthis criticism changesit (Giddens1979, 1984).In the political fully here, but threepoints are relevantto this domainsuch negotiationusually occurs between study.First, the use of socialcategories, no matter conflictinginterests, a dialecticinteraction that is how sophisticated,inclines the scholarto investi- an importantdynamic in socialchange. gate integrationand change by referenceto cross- Andeansocial order is embeddedin a structur- cultural similarity.This approachdownplays the al traditiondefined by kinshipprinciples. Here importance of uniquedevelopment. Second, func- suchfactors as affinityto mythicalfounder, ances- tional models,still influentialin Andeanstudies, tralreverence, and emphasis on communitymem- assume systemicequilibrium as the objectiveof bershipdefine status,strengthen social cohesion, evolution andprogressive complexity as the adap- andimpede intergroup political integration. At the tive mechanismby whichthis is achieved.Historic basiccommunity level authority is exercisedmore eventsthat upset balance are viewed as anomalies throughconsensus than through exclusive political and insignificantin widerevolutionary terms. follllation.Consequently, elite power,by defini- The thirdpoint, which is especiallyrelevant to tionexclusive in nature,must be constructedwith- my study,is the tendencyto base evolutionary in a contextthat innatelyresists it; this creates models on the relatively accessible material structuralparadox between what have been aptly aspectsof humanculture. Although few scholars termed holistic and individualizingideology would deny the role of materialagencies, their (Bloch1992; Dumont 1980, 1986).It followsthat frequent use as the explanatorydeterminants of the greaterthe paradox,the greaterthe potential social integrationand changehas obscuredthe fordisruption should social stress imperil the abil- importanceof less tangiblefactors that derive ity of elitesto sustaintheir position. from the specific culturalexperience of each Withinthe greaterAndean tradition the Inka humangroup. Prominent among such factorsare maskedpower behind an ideologygrounded in the structurallybased ideological systems through principlesof genealogyand ancestryby present- which interestgroups negotiatetheir political ing themselvesas a seniorkinship group (Bauer advancement.In this paperI explorethe role of 1992;Conrad and Demarest 1984; Urton 1990). thestructural and ideologicalaspects of society Netherly's(1984, 1990;also Zuidema1990) eth- duringthe Moche period, and reassess the historic nohistoricstudy of the Chimusuccessors of the developmentand political dynamics that charac- Mochesuggests that they were organized accord- terizedthe northcoast at this time. ing to an extendedsegmentary system within which moieties of unequalstatus were The AndeanBasis of North Coast Social nested hierarchicallyby rulesof Structure asymmetricaldual orga- nizationwhile they retainedtheir internal social Structureembodies the innatecomplex of shared integrity.Given the persistenceof Andeansocial valuesand rules that defines group psychology or strategiesit is quitelikely that, despite the impact "worldview,"the relationsbetween group mem- of conquest,this patterngenerally reflects earlier bers,and the responsibilitiesassociated with such structure.In boththe Inkaand the Chimucase the relations.It thereforesets the parametersfor structuralfoundations of integrationembodied socialaction. Structure is historicallyconstituted, paradoxbetween holistic and individualizing andat its broadestextent defines the world's great forcesthat inhibitedformation of strong,long- culturaltraditions. Within this broadly shared her- lastingpolitical entities and ensuredthat their itage,specific culturalhistories describe their componentswould revertto autonomousexis- ownvariants. Two importantpoints should be tencewith the removalof the superstructure. made:first, although structure shapes, it does not I assumethat the structureof earliersocieties determinesocial action by group or individual wasalso embeddedin traditionalAndean princi- becausea rangeof alternativeactions is applica- plesand that Moche elites, like theirChimu suc- bleto any situation;second, and closely related, cessors,faced the challenge of creatingindividual- actionis not only constitutedin structure,but, by izingpower within a holistic culturalmilieu. I

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:09:55 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Bawden] MOCHECULTURE AS POLITICALIDEOLOGY 259 stress,however, that although these broader princi- the constructionof power.Ethnohistory reveals ples providedthe conceptualcontext for Moche thatInka rulers consciously translated traditional politicalformation, they could not determineits conceptsinto ideologiesof authorityin orderto specificstrategies or course.These specifics were surmountthe constrainingeffects of local belief theproducts of discretedecisions by whichMoche systems(Conrad and Demarest1984; Patterson elites createda paradoxicaldynamic of social 1991; Urton 1990). Similarly,archaeological changein whichan ideologyof powerserved to researchreveals the importanceof ideological mediatestructure and political enhancement. manipulationof conceptsof descentand kinship by Chimurulers (Conrad 1981,1990). Theseide- Ideologyand Power ologies employedritual enactmentof mythic Variousoverlapping meanings are ascribed to ide- eventsand processes that underlay group integra- ology in social studies (e.g., Althusser 1971; tion as the meansof maintainingsocial order. By Bloch 1983; Bourdieu 1977; Conrad and conductingthese rituals, rulers and their political Demarest1984; Demarest 1989; 1992;Eagleton orderidentified themselves with the transcenden- 199l; Friedmanand Rowlands1978; Giddens tal qualityof mythand the socialpermanence that 1979; Gilman 1989; Godelier 1978a, 1978b; it fostered. Shanksand Tilley 1987; Valeri 1990). I focushere Materialsymbols playedactive roles in the on ideologyas themeans by whichthe interestsof above-mentionedpolitical process. Symbols are certaingroups are promotedrelative to others activeforces in ordering,interpreting, even recon- throughthe perceivedresolution of socialopposi- stitutingreality, and resolve social contradictions tion, oftenwith recourseto divinesanction (e.g., by permittinghumans to forge links with the Foucault1984; Gero 1985;Giddens 1979, 1981; structuralevents that give them group identity Godelier1988: 149-168; Gordon1980; Gramsci (Kurtz1982:203). Suchdiverse symbols as dress, 1971; Handsmanand Leone 1989; Leone et al. regalia,religious and funeraryparaphernalia, rit- 1987;Tilley 1989).In helpingto sustaininequal- ual iconography,monumental public art, and the ity, ideologyenters the domainof politicalrela- architecturalcontexts of powerall actto articulate tions.Although initially actively created, ideolo- humanleadership with the structuralfoundations gy, if successful,becomes part of structureand of society.By so doing,material symbolism con- embodiesthe beliefs of its culturalcontext while fersboth mundane and supernatural status on elite it is continuallyreconstituted as a dynamicmech- leaders,closely identifiesthem with the founda- anlsm. ot > power. tionsof socialorder, and legitimizes their exercise It is importantto realizethat society is always of power. in a stateof transition.Internal tension, whether betweenthe forces and relationsof production, ReassessingUniformity and Diversityin the competingviews of social order,or individual MochePeriod interestrelative to thatof widerinstitutions, spurs Moche "culture"traditionally has been largely negotiationand change.Ideology as both cause understoodthrough archaeological research cen- andproduct of socialimbalance cannot ultimate- tered in the Moche and Chicamavalleys. The ly possessgreater inherent stability than the con- resultingscenario sees a discretearchaeological ditionsit seeksto disguise.Hence, it is constantly culturesucceeding Gallinazo in this restricted adjustingto changingsituations, whether to main- "corearea," and later spreadingthroughout the tain the position of the privileged,to confront region as the materialexpression of a unified opposingideologies, or to mediatechallenge by state.My reassessmentof the evidencedrastical- those whomit seeksto subordinate.When it can ly modifiesthis view by suggestingthat there was no longerresolve the contradictionspresented by no disruptionin the northcoast cultural tradition such situationalchallenges, breakdown in social duringthe EarlyIntermediate Period. The charac- processoccurs. teristicMoche material complex was actuallythe In theAndean political domain it appearsclear symbolicmanifestation of an influentialpolitical thatelites used ideology as a vitalmechanism for ideologythat was differentiallyadopted by local

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groups;north coast historyof the Mocheperiod complexes.Exclusive use of religiousiconography was therefore farless uniformthan supposed. in contextsof corporateauthority and formal reli- gionclearly identifies it as Gallinazo-MocheContinuity a symboliccomponent of power.Continuity in manyother aspects of reli- A brief summaryof thearchaeology of Gallinazo- gious and corporatepractice suggests, however, Moche transitionsuggests that regionalculture thatMoche iconography and its relatedelite belief remained essentiallyunchanged. It is difficultto systemwere outgrowths of existingcultural con- distinguish Gallinazo from Moche platform ception,not culturalreplacements. It followsthat mounds by form (Kroeber1930:77; Lumbreras the artcomplex that has traditionally been regard- 1973:100; Moseley 1992:165; Strongand Evans ed as markingMoche "culture" actually possessed 1952; Wilson1988: 151), by constructionbecause its greatestsignificance as the symbolismof a theyshare the segmentarytechnique that suggests politicalideology growing out of the culturaltra- community-basedlabor organization(Bennett ditionthat formed its continuingcontext and gave 1950:68;Moseley 1975:183; Willey 1953:163), . t meanlng.. or by site contextbecause they generally share the "ceremonialcenter" configuration (Fogel 1993; North Coast Diversityduring the Early Topic1982: 165). In agriculture, the extensive irri- MochePeriod gation systemsthat supported Moche populations Having narrowedthe meaningof elite Moche derivedfrom majorGallinazo-phase expansion materialculture to an ideologyof power,I now (Willey1953). Significant settlement disjunction proposeto examineits emergenceand develop- betweenthe phaseswas limitedto the southern ment.The earliestMoche stylistic phase is found valleys (Willey 1953;Wilson 1988), a situation farmore widely than emphasis on core areadis- whose causesI discusslater. tributionwould suggest. Most prominentamong Other aspects of Gallinazo-Mochematerial numerous"peripheral" appearances is the far culturealso displaycontinuity. Utilitarian ceram- northVicus complex (Figure 1), whereearly pot- ics are almost identical,and elite potteryalso tery(Larco 1966b; Lumbreras 1979) and ornate sharesmany formal features (e.g., Collier 1955; metalitems (Jones 1979; Lechtman 1979) appear Larco1966a; Lumbreras 1973:106; Strong and in the looted Loma Negra cemeteries,together Evans1952; see especiallyFogel 1993). In metal- withceramic features that suggest distant connec- lurgy,copper- alloy, the basisof Mochetech- tions with Ecuador(Guffroy 1989; Kaulicke nology,became popularin the earlier period 1991; Lumbreras1973:149) and the Peruvian (Bennett1950:101-103; Donnan and Mackey southerncoast (Larco1966a:63-64). The Vicus 1978:45-54;Strong and Evans 1952:71,73). In Mochestyle (Lumbreras1979:119-144) is dis- thereligious domain there are manycontinuities tinctfrom that of Mocheand Chicama in termsof inburial practices (Fogel 1993:281-290), includ- ritualiconography (Schaffer 1981), emphasis on ing the extendedburial position, similargrave metallurgy(Cordy-Collins 1992:Note 1; Jones goods,and placement of copperin the mouthof 1979),and mass productionof potteryjars from thedeceased (Donnan and Mackey1978; Larco thesame mold (Larco 1966a:84). 1945:25-28; Strongand Evans 1952:71 -79). Some scholarsbelieve that the Vicusmaterial Onlyin the areaof elite artis therebasic dis- reflectsthe presenceof a distantMoche colony continuity(Moseley 1992); a complexand formal (Larco1966a:87-88; Lumbreras 1979; Shimada iconographyreplaced the muchplainer Gallinazo 1987:135).Although this is certainlypossible, it elitestyle (Fogel 1993:279). Various scholars have isimportant to notethat Moche I andII material describedthe religiouscontent of Mocheart (e.g., isincreasingly being foundin the Jequetepeque, Donnan1978; Donnan and McClelland1979; Zana,and Lambayequevalleys (e.g., Shimada McClelland1990; Quilter 1990). Iconography was 1987:131; Ubbelohde-Doering1983 :Plate 63); restrictedto such statussymbols as fine pottery, recentwork in the Lambayequeregion even textiles,and metal, and was used in broadlycere- evokesthe suggestionof a MocheI andII north- monialcontexts-elite burialsand great platform ernpolity (AARG 1993b:19).Hence even if its

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:09:55 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Bawden] MOCHECULTURE AS POLITICALIDEOLOGY 261 originswere externalrather than local, Vicus is this elite ideology,and on a moregeneral discus- most likely to have been a productof northern sionof Mocheideological response to stressin the innovationthat was succeededby the elaborate finalMoche V phase.By so doing,in thebroadest Sipan(Alva 1988, 1990) and San Jose de Moro senseI examinethe reflexive relationship between (Donnanand Castillo 1992) sites, whose burial short-termhistoric processes and social structure. symbolismdiffers markedlyfrom that of the Moreparticularly, I use this interactionto explain southernvalleys. Moreover, Kroeber (1930:163) the specifichistoric changes evident in theMoche longago noted and Shimada and Cavallaro (1986) archaeologicalrecord. recentlyreiterated that such northernplatforms differ in form, location,and constructionfrom Vicus as Ritual Signification theirsouthern counterparts, a traitthat persisted Thesuperb quality of MocheI metalobjects from in later settlement configuration (Bawden Vicus, includingmany of gold alloy,has raised 1977:359) doubtsas to theirdate relative to pottery.The ulti- Distributionalstudies support the evidencefor materesolution of this issue awaitsfurther study, diverseMoche origins and early development. They but Lechtmanet al. (1982:5) have elegantly now indicatethat Moche and non-Moche societies addressedthe apparentincongruence by asserting coexistedthroughout the EarlyIntellllediate Period the structuralpriority of Andeanmetallurgical in the north (Kaulicke 1991; Schaedel 1951, canons.The inherentqualities of gold imbuedit 1985a:448;Shimada 1987: 132-133), not the pat- with profoundcultural significance in Andean ternto be expectedin a unifiedstate. Also, as I have thought.Gold possessedsacred import; its non- noted,the fact that there is betterevidence for a dis- corrosivenature made it an idealideological sym- tinctMoche I-II presencein thenorth than there is bol forthe permanenceof divinelyordered power in the supposedcore area (AARG 1993b: 19; Fogel (Sallnow1989:222-223). It was so usedby Inka 1993),casts doubts on the latterarea's generative rulers,who monopolizedall gold productionfor role in broadpolitical expansion. Indeed Fogel this purpose (Harris 1989:258; Helms 1981; (1993)interprets the sparseearly southern Moche Sallnow 1989). Lechtman (1975:8- 1O, materialremains as indicativeof tellllinalGallinazo 1984:29-35) has proposed that the essential culture,at besttransitional between it andMoche; natureof gold shapedAndean metal technology, onlyin MocheIII is thereclear evidence of strong and explainsthe metal'simportance even when Mochepolitical presence in thisarea, a farcry from paintedor interred(Lechtman 1979:32). Superb thepicture emerging from recent work in thenorth. Mochemetal items probablyalso actedas sym- All this challengessimple evolutionary models of bols of divinelysanctioned power, a statusthat Mocheorigins and state formation. wouldexplain their technical superiority relative to pottery in the Moche Vicus complex. The IdeologicalDynamic of Moche Historic Moreover,their presencein a funerarycontext Development wouldhave separated the deceasedfrom the gen- Centralto the ensuingdiscussion are two implica- eral populationand would have accordedthem tionsof my assertionthat Moche material culture sacredstatus. wasthe symboliccomponent of politicalideology. The Vicus funeraryinventory also possessed First,changes in thematerial record should denote more particularideological significance. The ideologicaladjustment. Second, it follows that metalinventory included masks and otheritems dynamicsof socialchange during the Moche peri- thatrepeated specific themes, a reflectionof the od can be observedin the ideologicaldomain. I processof symboliccodification that is vital for applythese premises to explainthe diversenature generalcommunication of a well-definedideolog- of Mochedevelopment presented above. I focus ical system. Furthermore,headdress emblems on theVicus Moche complex to studythe internal wereused to linktheir wearers iconographically to structureof Mochepolitical ideology, on the "flo- representationsof specificrituals, the beginnings rescent"Moche III-IV phases in the Moche- of the Mochepractice of interringpowerfill per- Chicamaarea to portraythe dynamicof changein sons in the regaliaof theirrank and ritualstatus

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(Donnan 1988; Donnan and Castillo 1992). ogy and to harnessin symbolicform powerful Althoughseveral rituals are suggested in theVicus ideasthat were distant in time and spaceand yet material,the best-definedincludes a figurehold- partof the northcoastal cultural experience. ing trophyhead and knife (Jones 1979:96-100). Theuse of funeraryritual as a primaryfocus of On groundsof iconographicsimilarity (Cordy- ideologicalsymbolism offers another avenue for Collins 1992:Figure8; Jones 1979:Figure37), I understandingthe structuralbasis of Mocheide- propose that this is an early version of the ology. Almost by definition, burial possesses DecapitationTheme (Cordy-Collins 1992), a cere- importantreligious connotations.In Andean monyconcerned with ritual sacrifice. belief the treatmentof the dead was integrally Sacrificeis a centraland persistenttheme in linkedto kin-basedprinciples of descentand the Moche ritualiconography. Sacrifice is an event relationshipbetween the living and their fore- that enablesofficiants, acting on behalfof their bears.Whether at the communitylevel (Bastien community,to acquirethe vitality of outside 1985;Sallnow 1987:128) or in the Inkaroyal cult forcesthrough ritual violence in a settingcharged (Conradand Demarest 1984), funeraryritual with supernaturalpower where they themselves playedan essentialrole in Andeanreligious belief become spirituallytranscendent (Bloch 1992). by makingancestors vital players in the affairsof Whenthey re-enterthe mundanecommunity, the the living.I proposethat Moche elite burialprac- sacralizedparticipants retain aspects of their tice naturallyembodied these Andeanstructural supernaturalvitality that enhance their status and principlesto create a spiritualcontext within authority.Belief in the ability of a shamanto whichpolitical ideology could be mosteffective- mediatedirectly with the spiritualworld is a fun- ly constitutedby animatingelite ancestorsas vital damental feature of Andean belief. We can supernaturalforces for perpetuatingthe prevail- assumethat, by takingthe shaman'splace, Moche ing sociopoliticalorder. elite transformedthe ritualof sacrificeinto for- malreligious practice. At the sametime they used The Dynamicof Change:Individualizing their controlof this importantritual to acquire Ideologyin MocheIII and IV divinelysanctioned authority. I havenoted that political ideologies are never sta- A recurrentmotif associatedwith the trophy tic; they exist in a stateof dialectictension with head/sacrificetheme is the "Moon Animal" antagonisticforces withintheir wider societies. (Jones1979:95), a religioussymbol adopted from Throughactive engagement with these forces the the adjacenthighland Recuay Culture (Menzel ideologiescontinually adjust, and, in the process, 1977:62-64).The symbolis an exampleof adop- theyreflexively affect social structureand stimu- tion of a materialsignifier of ideas that tran- latewider change. The Moche III-IV archaeolog- scendedlimitations of local belief systemsas an ical recordillustrates this dynamicaspect of ide- adjunctof power.Whereas the "MoonAnimal" ology. The well-known Moche-Chicama-Viru exemplifiesborrowing from a familiarnearby tra- Valley"core area," location of the Huacadel Sol dition, the Moche also used powerfulsymbols platform(the Mochesite:Figure 1) and assumed fromtheir own religious history. For example, the centerof an expansioniststate, has traditionally Moche DecapitationTheme itself derivedfrom beenused to characterizeMoche III-IV society as earlier Chavin-relatedCupisnique iconography a whole, a dangerthat I have exploredabove. (Cordy-Collins1992), as did the fangedmouth, Importantregional trends are apparent,but they also a dominantsymbol of the ChavinHorizon vary locally in symbolicexpression. I continue (Benson 1974; Kan 1972:81-84; Menzel my contextualfocus on funeraryritual here as a 1977:61-62). Adoption of Cupisnique/Chavinvehicle to studygrowth of the individualizingele- motifs suggeststhe intentionalmanipulation of mentin Mocheideology. powerfulsymbols of an earlierpan-Andean ideo- Moche portraitvessels, variouslyinterpreted logical system. Hence, to reinforceelite status, as realisticdepictions of individuals(Larco 1939) Vicus symbolismwas used both to identifyan or symbolicimages of shamans(Hocquenghem elite with the supernaturalritual of Mocheideol- 1977), are amongthe best-knownand admired

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:09:55 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 263 Bawden] MOCHECULTURE AS POLITICALIDEOLOGY expressionsof New Worldindigenous art. They andChimu government centers (Isbell 1986:194; portraypersons wearingheaddresses that bear Schaedel1985b:159-160). I proposethat the via- distinctiveemblems. Two importantpoints pro- bility of the southernMoche polity depended vide the geographicand social contextsof their chieflyon the abilityof its rulersto articulatein meaning:almost all known vessels have been theirown persons the combinedauthority of high recoveredin the Moche-Chicamaarea, and were social position, ritual status, and supernatural used exclusivelyin funerarysettings (Strong and affiliation,through the codified symbolismof Evans1952: 156). Portrait vessels repeat the Vicus Mocheideology. practiceof usingheaddress signifiers to linkindi- Projectionof the expansionistmodel to the vidualswith specific ritualactivity, now chiefly entirenorth coast generated the ideaof a unified depictedin fine-lineceramic painting . Theactors Moche III-IV state.Examination of the record, in theselarger ritual scenes either are themselves however, shows that this view is untenable. divinitiesor assumesupernatural quality through Recentexcavation of elite burialsites at SanJose the masks that they wear (e.g., Donnan 1978, de Moro in the JequetepequeValley (Figure 1; 1992:42;Quilter 1990:44). Donnan and Castillo 1992) and Sipan in the Formally,portrait vessels denotean extension LambayequeValley (Alva 1988, 1990; Donnan of the ideologicalsymbolic system and its mean- 1988; Schuster1992) revealsthe persistenceof ing. I suggestthat, in the Moche-ChicamaValley, local variationin Mocheelite funerarypractice. MocheIII political leaders succeeded in acquiring Thesetwo sitesrepresent the onlyintact examples a greaterdegree of exclusivepower than either of such high-statusburials, and hence compar- theirpredecessors or northerncounterparts. The isonswith the thoroughly looted Vicus and south- questionof whetherthe vessels were actualpor- ern sites, known chiefly throughprivate and traitsor not is less significantthan the fact that museum holdings, must be made cautiously. symbolsof social positionwere now so strongly Despitethis preservationalasymmetry, however, individualized,a developmentthat suggestspro- it is possible to identify certain differences gressivedifferentiation of exclusiveelite groups betweennorthern and southernpatterns which if not actualpersons. This in turnindicates emer- suggestthat the interredindividuals of Sipanand gence of a domainof powerless constrainedby San Jose were membersof autonomouslocal communitysanction, together with its structural societies, not provincialgovernors of a Moche corollary increased potential for tension Valleysenteredpolity. betweenindividualizing and holistic ideology. TheSipan and San Jose sites followthe gener- Thisunprecedented consolidation of exclusive al Moche customof buryingelaborately accou- poweraccompanied coercion of the valleysfrom tred individualswith iconographicsignifiers of Viruto Hualllleyinto a MocheValley-centered theirparticipation in the importantPresentation polity (Figure 1). Rapid southwardspread of or SacrificeRitual (Donnan 1988). However, they Moche artifactsand architecture,together with differfrom Moche-Chicama practice by emulat- majorchanges in settlementand agricultural pat- ing earlierVicus emphasison preciousmetal terns (e.g., Donnan1973; Willey 1953; Wilson itemsfor this purpose.In contrast,the southern- 1988), constitutesthe single clear body of evi- area inhabitantsused the new and exquisitely dence for the forcefulreplacement of Gallinazo craftedportrait vessels to designatestatus in politicalhegemony by the Moche.There is little funeraryritual. There is no evidencethat such sign, however,that the intrusiveMoche III-IV vessels were used at Sipan,San Jose, or in the southernceremonial centers accompanied signif- Vicus area,whose largepottery inventories lack icantly increased managerial differentiation. thequality and iconographic richness found in the Largelyabsent in the architecturalinventory are southernvalleys. Finally, at SanJose de Moro,the highly controlledcorporate storage facilities, presenceof Cajamarcaand Nieveria pottery from elaborate administrativecomplexes, military the northernhighlands and centralcoast respec- housing, and specialized craft sectors, all of tively,together with lapiz lazuli from Chile and whichform such a conspicuouspart of MocheV Spondylusshell from Ecuador (Donnan and

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Castillo 1992:42),suggests that the local elite would have furtherseparated the ideology of exploited a wide distribution network as powerfrom its holisticcultural origins, and thus autonomousleaders. increasedthe potentialfor social tensionshould It wouldbe surprisingif therewere not compe- authorityno longerbe perceivedas servingthe titionamong the local polities.Although the ten- generalinterest. Around A.D. 600, in the context sion is most clearlyseen in the subjectionof the of regionalcrisis, the efficacyof Mochepolitical southernGallinazo sphere, it also appearsthat ideologywas apparentlyso tested,with resultant Mochepolities fought among themselves, a prac- structuralcrisis and transformation. ticereflected in thecommon artistic theme of com- batbetween warriors wearing identical Moche garb Ideological Response to Stress: Collapse (see Donnan1978:Figure 266; Kutscher1955: 11, Revisited Figure).Given the frequentassociation of sacrifi- The well-knownbasic frameworkof the Moche cial scenes with captive taking, both Donnan IV-V transitionincluded Moche expulsion from (1978:182)and Kutscher (1955:29) reasonably see the southernvalleys (Figure 1), abandonmentof combatas havingplayed a majorritual role. This the"capital" at the ,establishment of interpretation,with which I concur,has twoimpli- the inland urban settlementsof Galindo and cations.First, the very custom intrudes an ideolog- PampaGrande at the valley necks (Figure 1), ical requirementthat other polities exist as ritual abandonmentof previouslycultivated land, and partners,a structuralobstacle to politicalunity. majorchanges in the iconographyof eliteart (e.g., Second,combat was an activityconceptually and Bawden 1982a:287;Moseley 1992:213). The practicallyintegrated into a ritualcomplex cen- transformationhas variously been ascribed to Wari tered on the Presentation/SacrificeCeremony invasion(Menzel 1964; Schreiber 1992:274-275; (Donnan1978, 1988), and hence provided another Willey 1953:397),internal breakdown (Bawden visualreferent to theprincipal sacralized actors of 1982a, 1982b), and environmentalperturbation Mocheritual the elite. (Craigand Shimada1986; Moseley and Deeds It appearsthat by MocheIII-IV times several 1982;Moseley and Ortloff 1981; Niles et al. 1979; autonomousnorth coast societies existed,some see especiallyShimada et al. 1991).Whereas these adheringto Mocheideology while others rejected changeshave usually been viewed as reflectionsof it. Mochesocieties ranged in size fromthe large unitary,pan-regional, state collapse,I now pro- Moche III-IV multi-valleysouthern polity with pose thatthey were the differentialexpressions of its centerin the MocheValley, probably organized local responseto disruption,and that they depict on segmentaryprinciples (Moseley 1975), to the complexnature of Mocheideological adjust- smallernorthern examples that may not have con- ment.I tracethis process through Moche V funer- trolledthe entirevalleys in whichthey were locat- ary,iconographic, and settlement data. ed (Bats 1991; Hocquenghem1991; Schaedel 1985a:448;Shimada 1987:132-133). Through Iconography severalcenturies of local development,Moche In MocheV manyof thekey figuresof earlierrit- societiescreated diverging political and symbolic ual iconographydisappeared, to be replacedby systems;differentiation in the lattersphere shows new ones or, as in the case of the Presentation that, while sharingmost ideologicalprecepts, Theme, used in innovativecontexts (Bawden local elites used differentmeans of communicat- 1983:231-233;Berezkin 1980, 1983; Donnan and ing thisbasis of theirpower. McClelland 1979; McClelland 1990; Quilter Moche III conquestof the south must have 1990). Followingother scholars,I regardthe increased the demands on central authority. Revolt/Presentation/Burial/Raftthematic series as However,this challengewas addressedprimarily a mythiccycle assertingthe triumphof orderover by ideologicaladjustment rather than administra- chaos(Berezkin 1980; Quilter 1990). Myths, like tive differentiation,a processdependent on fur- structure,are not changeless. They embody persis- therenhancement of elitepower through funerary tentideas that underlie the relationshipsof people andpolitical ritual whose extreme symbol was the with their wider temporaland spatialuniverse. portraitvessel. Individualizationof authority However,they also resolve particularstructural

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contradictionsof theirsociety and hence necessar- 1977:362-377).They include modest in-house ily incorporateinterpretational flexibility (Bloch burialand groups of chamberburials whose loca- 1992:99; Levi-Strauss 1955; Obeyesekere tion withina town is otherwiseunknown in the 1992:1>15).It followsthat myths are constrained Moche period,as well as a single small burial by time, and addressmajor historical problems platform (Bawden 1982a:293-296; Conrad andevents (Obeyesekere 1992; Sahlins 1985). 1974).Moreover, a largeproportion of the dead I suggest that the Moche V mythic cycle wereburied in semiflexedside position. The mag- reflectsideological adjustment in responseto ter- nitudeof these innovationsin a social domain minalMoche IV disruption,and is an exampleof imbued with supernaturalsignificance clearly the ritualform commonly used to promotesocial marksprofound religious change. renewal(e.g., Bloch 1992).The focal Presentation Themeoffered historic continuity and symbolized Settlement acquisitionof vitalityfrom the defeatedforces of Moche V settlementsurvey revealsthat, apart disorderportrayed in the RevoltTheme through from loss of the valleys from the Viru Valley the mediumof sacrificeconducted by elite offi- south,the overallMoche settlementdistribution ciants.The Burial Theme depicts further transfor- remainedmuch the same, comprisingthe entire mationsignifying re-entry of the sacralizedoffi- Moche,Chicama, Jequetepeque and Zana Valleys ciantsinto the community, bearing spiritual power (Figure1) andthe middleparts of the valleysfar- thatreinforced political authority in the mundane thernorth (Eling 1987; Schaedel 1985a; Shimada world.Finally, the RaftTheme shows the arrival 1990:334-5),where non-Moche polities also per- of the two centraldivinities of the Presentation sisted(Schaedel 1985a:448e49). However,data Theme from exotic maritime sources from the Moche V towns of Pampa Grande (McClelland1990). They symbolizerenewal by (Anders1981; Haas 1985;Shimada 1976, 1978) bringing with them valued commoditiesthat andGalindo (Bawden 1977, 1982a,1982b, 1983; includethe sacrificialprisoners vital for the ritual Moseley and Ortloff 1981;Topic 1991) clearly reconstitutionof MocheV society. supporticonographic and burial evidence for One othermajor iconographical change indi- change.Located in the valley necks in orderto cates the reality of ideological adjustment. controlthe main canal intakes and maximize agri- Portraitvessels, symbolsof the triumphof indi- cultural capacity that had been significantly vidualizingideology, abruptly disappear from the diminishedduring the ecologicalcrisis of late Moche ceramictradition. Their elimination is a Moche IV times (Moseley and Deeds majorindicator of the rejectionof the ideological 1982:38-39;Shimada et al. 1991), these towns complexin whichthey were centralplayers, fol- introducedan urbanpattern of unprecedented lowingbroad economic and political collapse. complexityand administrative differentiation. The economic disruptionreflected by such FuneraryRitual majoradjustments would have been greaterat In the importantarea of funeraryritual diverse Galindothan in thenorth. The small local change occurred in Moche V In the waspreviously the coreof a largepolity that drew JequetepequeValley elite burialpractice demon- on the resourcesof the subjectedsouthern valleys strates general continuity (Disselhoff 1958; (Willey 1953; Wilson 1988:335-336).With the Donnan and Cock 1986; Ubbelohde-Doering MocheIV disruptionsnot only was this entire eco- 1951, 1983) by following earlier patternsof nomicsphere lost but also the southernpart of the extendedcemetery and mound burial. Elsewhere Moche Valley itself fell out of production change is much more pronounced.Neither (Moseley1983). This massive economic blow was Galindo nor Pampa Grande, the best-known probablymagnified by theneed to supportsettlers MocheV towns,possesses formal cemeteries, a ejected from the southernvalleys. In contrast, majorbreak with convention. The means of burial althoughit is clearthat significantreduction of at PampaGrande has yet to be discovered,but agriculturalcapacity did occur in the north threeinnovative types of burialhave been found (Shimadaet al. 1991),it was not compoundedby at Galindoin the rumpsouthern polity (Bawden loss of politicalcontrol over large areas.

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Local response reflected such differential ative elementsmediated past disruptionthrough impact.The substantive Galindo innovations have ritualtransformation and renewal. However, while beendescribed elsewhere (Bawden 1982a, 1982b, this adjustmentwas probablya majorfactor in 1983, 1990).The platform, architectural focus of allowing temporaryrecovery on the regional socialintegration since the early Gallinazo period, level, local politicalstrategies reflect deepening virtuallydisappeared, to be replacedby a new socialcontradiction that heralded further crisis. walled enclosure form (Bawden 1982a). Therulers of PampaGrande created an organi- Corporatestorage, probably intended for subsis- zationalsystem of unprecedentedcomplexity. In tencegoods, reflects important economic innova- lightof the holisticworldview of northcoast peo- tion in the face of food shortage (Bawden ples,this furtherconcentration of powermay well 1982a:304-306). Residential occupation was have laid the foundationsfor furthersocial ten- highly differentiated(Bawden 1982b), with the sion.In the shortterm, however, it effectivelysus- lowestprivileged group formally segregated by a tainedpolitical cohesion. The basis of recoveryis massivewall thatmay originallyhave been built revealedby its great symbol, HuacaFortaleza. for defenceduring the disruptionsthat attended Bearingmurals that proclaimedthe ideological the town'sfounding (Topic 1991). core of power,this huge platformmanifests the Themuch larger Pampa Grande, often consid- abilityof the localelite to constructpower by har- eredthe capitalof a lateMoche state, is morefea- nessingthe forceof culturalcontinuity embodied sibly explainedas the productof local northern in symbolicform. By usingthis powerfulsymbol responseto pressure.The town far exceeds all of traditionalnorth coast administrative organiza- contemporaryMoche V settlementsin its urban tion as the integrativefocus of a complexurban qualities.Dense residential occupation surrounds system,the PampaGrande elite effecteda struc- a vastcorporate precinct whose formal complexi- turaltransformation and appropriated exceptional ty suggests highly differentiatedmanagerial politicalcontrol. structure.However, the factthat residential class- The MocheValley situation is very different. es werenot segregatedas at Galindoimplies less HereMoche IV leadersdeveloped individualizing socialstress. Extensive craft-production areas are ideologyto an extremedegree in the absenceof a locatedin the corporateprecinct (Shimada 1976, complexadministrative system, thereby centering 1978).A largearea of corporatestorage displays social integrationon theirpersonal qualities. By a high degreeof standardization,excellent con- so doingthey augmentedstructural paradox, and structionquality, and restricted access. Most sig- posed the dangerthat failurewould be solely nificant,the centralprecinct comprises a complex ascribedto themand their ideology. As a resultof of enclosuresand platformsdominated by the the late MocheIV crisisand loss of the southern HuacaFortaleza (Haas 1985), one of the largest territories,the systemcollapsed. In an attemptto edifices ever built in the . Displayingthe restorecontrol, Moche V leadersrejected the dis- distinctivechamber-and-fill technique and formal creditedideology together with its materialsym- proportionscharacteristic of the northernpart of bols.At Galindo,their attempts are vividly seen in theregion (Shimada and Cavallaro 1986), the edi- the materialrecord. Burial practice was trans- fice standssolidly in the northcoast platform tra- formed.Iconographic changes, greater than those dition,its awesomesize andideological meaning thatoccurred farther north (Bawden 1977, 1987), proclaiming the dominant authority of its includedelimination of the portraitvessel, the builders,a situationthat contrastsvividly with symbol of individualizedMoche IV power. Galindo. Moreover,no evidenceof the MocheV mythic cyclehas yet been found. New architecturalforms The Natureof MocheV Political without historic meaning replaced platform Reconstitution moundsas dominantsymbols of the new order.A In responseto collapse, Moche V ideological singleburial mound complex suggests a supreme structureunderwent major adjustment.A new ruler without counterpart or successor. mythiccycle thatcombined traditional and innov- Furthermore,an extremedegree of imposedresi-

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:09:55 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Bawden] MOCHECULTURE AS POLITICALIDEOLOGY 267 dential segregationindicates that the changes structuralbase, Moche ideology in the south occurredin the contextof socialstress and struc- ceasedto possess structuralmeaning and disap- turalchange (Bawden 1990). pearedfrom history.The MocheValley popula- 1 suggestthat these varied responses were his- tionreturned to a systemof self-dependentsocial toricallyshaped. There is no evidence in the groupings,the usualresponse of Andeanpopula- Lambayequearea of thepolitical disjunction expe- tions to the removalof centralpolitical super- riencedby the south. The rulers of Moche V structure,a situationthat was repeatedat the fall PampaGrande were thereforeable to base their of the Chimupolity. Wider religious focus natu- organizationalchanges on traditionalstructure, rallymoved to the transcendentalWari religion, and restoreeconomic strength in morefavorable and articulatedit with the powerfulaura of the conditions than their southern counterparts ancientHuaca del Sol while rejectingall sem- enjoyed.Northern crisis did not discredit historical blanceof Mocheideology. signifiers of power, and ideologicalcontinuity In the northwhere Moche V changeswere playedan importantrole in politicalrecovery. At groundedin culturaltradition, the endof the peri- Galindo,however, in thecontext of profoundpolit- od did not involvesuch deep disjunction.Hence ical stressrulers rejected the political ideology that althoughurbanism, in its roleas responseto struc- had sustainedpower. The archaeologicalpicture turalcrisis, disappeared as quicklyas it didfarther suggestsan ensuingstate of instabilityin whichan south,the LambayequeValley inhabitants contin- embattledelite ruled a highlystratified population uedto erectlarge ceremonial centers whose mixed largely through coercion. Power here seems Moche-Wariiconography signaled transition from unmaskedby ideologyand the structuralparadox Mocheinto the laterSican (Lambayeque) phase appearseven greater. It follows that, with the struc- rather than transformation(Bonavia 1985; turalfoundations of society eroded,the Galindo Donnan1972; Shimada 1990:313). In thisrespect politywas evenmore vulnerable to completecol- thereobviously had been no deepbreak, with the lapseat the nextmajor crisis. Ironically, with the HuacaFortaleza at PampaGrande maintaining completeremoval of structuralrestraint on power culturalcontinuity through the MocheV period. andwhat can superficiallybe construedas the tri- HereMoche ideology had not divorceditself so umphof individualizingideology, Moche Valley completelyfrom structure, and it appearsto have societywas at its weakestand ripe for the extreme playedan importantrole in thetransition to Sican. dissolutionthat occurred in littleover a century. Conclusions Postscript Conventionalscenarios of Mochepolitical devel- By A.D. 750 the MocheV of Galindoand opmenthave stresseda temporallyand spatially PampaGrande were abandoned and a distinctive uniformevolutionary pattern that is not supported Mochesymbolic complex had ceasedto exist as by the diversearchaeological record. I believethat the dominantexpression of northcoast material more specific focus on social constructionand culture.However, as with its history,the end of change allows better understandingof historic Mocheculture was not as uniformor completeas processand its internaldynamics. I havetherefore oftenbelieved. reassessedMoche culturefrom a historicview- Abandonmentof Galindoaccompanied total point by examiningthe relationshipbetween disintegrationof the Moche Valley polity. underlyingnorth coast social structureand the Settlementreverted to a ruralpattern until the shorter-termprocesses and events that shaped emergenceof Chanchanwell overa centurylater. Moche polities. I have conductedthe study It is significantthat the long-abandonedHuaca throughthe agencyof materialsymbolism, which del Sol was renewedas the site of ritualactivity I regardas a sensitiveindicator of Mochepolitical relatedto foreignWari-related ideology (Menzel development.I believeelite Mochematerial cul- 1977;Uhle 1913).These events marked the final tureto be thesymbolic component of politicalide- collapseof an ideologyand its relatedpolitical ologythat gave objective meaning to the precepts system.Having become so disconnectedfrom its thatdefined it as a sourceof power.It followsthat

This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:09:55 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY 268 [Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995 by studying variationin the symbolismone can the various identifyregional levels of integrationwithin a cultural diversityand change in political tradition structure. experiencedifferent forms and ratesof change, a notion that generallyaccords Mochepolitical ideology and symbolism, with irre- Braudel's multiple time-scale scenario spectiveof local variation,acquired social (e.g., signif- Braudel 1980; see also Knapp 1992). icancewithin a structuralsystem in whichperva- Hence althoughstructural change ensued Eom reflexive sive principlesof kinship,ancestral reverence, interactionwith social practice over the longterm, andthe centralityof directspiritual mediation in it occurredwithin a contextof consistentmeaning. religiouspractice provided its persistentinternal In contrastwe havenoted that both symbolsand logic of meaning.Such group-focused,holistic theirmeaning are subject to moreabrupt modifica- ideationwas a structuralobstacle to the growthof tionat timesof majorshort-term historic change, exclusivepower, and it encouragedlocal autono- whethergenerated Eom insidethe systemas myagainst broad political union. Local rulers part met of the politicalaspirations of Moche III thischallenge by placingthemselves at the ruling axis of elites,or producedin responseto the socialstructure and organization. widersocial They achieved disruptionsof MocheIV-M It is thisby assumingcentral roles in the clearthat pro- enactmentof foundshort-term social disruption mythsof communalorder, thereby occurredcon- rituallyidenti- currentlywith deeper structural fying themselves in life and andcultural conti- death with the nuity.Only in the MocheValley omnipresentspiritual forces of duringMoche V society.They thus dowe see radicaldisjuncture of constructedpolitical ideology structuralmean- accordingto the ing,total collapse of sociopolitical constraintsof structuralmeaning. superstructure, However,by anddisruption of the verytradition of achievinga largedegree of exclusive socialcon- powerthey trolof whichit was part.This was, createdcontradiction between of course,the holistic and indi- culminatingconsequence of the vidualizingideology. This structural structuralparadox paradoxpro- inherentin Moche political formation. videda dynamicfor furtherideological adjust- In conclusion,I believethat study of material mentand related social change. At the sametime culturein its filll historiccontext can facilitate itraised the potentialfor internalsocial crisis. recognitionof importantsocial dynamicsthat Structureconstrains but does not determine mightnot be consideredwithin a materialistevo- action.Within the constraintsindividuals always lutionarymodel. Moreover, the studyof cultural havealternatives open to them. Their chosen meaningthrough material symbols informs us of courseof actionis given meaningby structure, thesignificance of these mechanismsfor under- butalso reflexivelyinfluences it andthereby cre- standingthe deeper structuralfabric that con- atesa force for change.The significantvariation structsboth political ideology and culture itself. evidentin the symbolism of Moche power throughtime and acrossspace vividly illustrates ReferencesCited thisprocess of choice. Thus, throughoutthe AARG courseof Moche history, we see (AndeanAnthropological Research Group) fundamentaldif- 1993aPreliminary Report of ferencein cultural form the Proyecto Arqueologico and symbolic use Complejo "E1 Brujo" Valle de Chicama. Willay betweennorth and south. However, this difference 39/40:17-24. wasnot Althusser,M. merelyone of passivecultural diversity. It 1971 Leninand Philosophy. New Left Books, London. alsorepresents the activeproduction of discrete Alva,W. historic 1988Discovering coursesthrough the conjunctureof short- the World's Richest Unlooted Tomb. termprocess NationalGeographic 174:510-549. andpersistent structure, differential- 1990 ly New Tomb of Royal Splendor.National Geographic mediatedthrough unique social practice.The 177:2-15. natural 1993bReport corollaryof this processwas the develop- of the Sican Archaeological Project, mentthrough 1991- 1992. Willay39/40: 19. time of differentlocal political Anders,M. B. strategiesandhistories 1981 withinthe greaterMoche Investigation of State Storage Facilities in Pampa Grande, ideologicalsphere. Peru.Journal of FieldArchaeology 8:391-404. Finally, Bastien,J. W. this studyof the Mochesuggests that 1985 Mountainof the Condor:Metaphor and Ritual in an

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