1 HE STRUCTURALPARADOX: MOCHECULTURE AS POLITICALIDEOLOGY GarthBawden In this article I demonstrate the utility of an historical study of social change by examining the development of political authority on the Peruvian north coast during the Moche period through its symbols of power. Wetoo often equate the mater- ial record with "archaeological culture,^^assume that it reflects broad cultural realityXand interpret it by reference to gener- al evolutionary models. Here I reassess Moche society within its historic context by examining the relationship between underlying social structure and short-termprocesses that shaped Moche political formation, and reach very different con- clusions. I see the "diagnostic" Moche material recordprimarily as the symbolic manifestationof a distinctivepolitical ide- ology whose character was historically constituted in an ongoing cultural tradition.Aspiring rulers used ideology to manip- ulate culturalprinciples in their interests and thus mediate the paradox between exclusive power and holistic Andean social structure which created the dynamicfor change. A historic study allows us to identify the symbolic and ritual mechanisms that socially constituted Moche ideologyXand reveals a pattern of diversity in time and space that was the product of differ- ential choice by local rulers, a pattern that cannot be seen within a theoretical approach that emphasizes general evolution- ary or materialistfactors. En este articulo demuestro la ventaja de un estudio historico sobre la integraciony el cambio social, a traves de un examen del caracter del poder politico en la costa norte del Peru durante el periodo Moche. Con demasiadafrecuencia equiparamos el registro material con "las culturas arqueologicas "; asumimos que este refleja la realidad cultural amplia y la interpreta- mos con referencia a modelos evolutivos generales. En este articulo presento una evaluacion de la arqueologia Moche den- tro de su contexto historico, al examinar la relacion entre la estructurasocial subyacente y procesos de corta duracion que modelaron la formacion politica Moche, y llego a conclusiones muy diferentes. Veoa la arqueologia Moche solamente como la manifestacion de una ideologia politica distintiva cuyo caracterfue historicamenteconstituida dentro de una tradicion cul- tural continua. El elemento que dio forma a la ideologia Mochefue su cimiento basicamente andino, establecido en el con- texto regional de la costa nortena. Los aspirantes a gobernantes emplearonla ideologia para manipularlos principios estruc- turales tradicionales en su propio interes y asi mediar la paradoVaen tre el poder exclusivo y la estructurasocial holistica andina que constituyo la dinamica de cambio. Un estudio historico nos permite identificar los mecanismos rituales y sim- bolicos que socialmente constituyeron la ideologia Moche, y revela un modelo de diversidad en tiempo y espacio que no se puede ver dentro de una perspectiva teorica basada en la teoria evolutiva general. Scholars are increasinglyaware that the els emphasizeincrease of managerialcomplexi- structureunderlying early Andeansocial ty, and generalmaterial causes of change.This complexityincorporated a distinctivepat- approachtends to deflect study from mecha- ternof structuringprinciples (e.g., Moseleyand nisms of social integrationand changethat are Cordy-Collins1990; Netherly 1984; Zuidema mentally constructedin the specific cultural 1986). However,the implicationsof this insight experienceof a society (e.g., Ohnuki-Tierney for understandingsocial developmenthave not 1990). It has been so with the Moche"culture" been thoroughlyexplored, especially for pre- of the Peruviannorth coast (Figure 1), often Inkaicsocieties. In these cases, generalmodels describedas a chiefdomor embryonicstate. In of culturalevolution often providethe theoreti- this study I view Moche sociopoliticalintegra- cal frameworkfor socialexplanation. Such mod- tion as a productof a distinctivecultural tradi- Garth Bawden * Director, Maxwell Museum of Anthropology, and Professor, Departmentof Anthropology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque,NM 87131 Latin American Antiquity, 6(3), 1995, pp. 255-273. Copyright t by the Society for American Archaeology 255 This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:09:55 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY 256 [Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995 Figure1. Map of the Peruvian north coast region with principal sites Mochepolitical influence mentioned in text and the southern limit in the Moche III-IV and Moche V phases. of This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:09:55 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Bawden] MOCHECULTURE AS POLITICALIDEOLOGY 257 tion, and I explorethe structuraldynamics that CO LONIAL | COLONIAL PERIOD determinedits development. 1500 INCA LATE HORIZON Models of Moche Political Development LATE INTERISIEDIATE Althoughrecent fieldwork (AARG 1993a, 1993b; PE R IOD CHI ISIU Alva 1988, 1990; Donnan and Cock 1986; 1000 1 Shimada 1976, 1978, 1990; Tschauner1993; 181I DD L E Wilson 1983, 1988) and iconographicresearch HORIZON _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ (Castillo 1989; Cordy-Collins1992; Donnan V 1978, 1988;Donnan and Castillo1992; Donnan lV 500 andMcClelland 1979; Hocquenghem 1981, 1987; 181OCH E @s EAR LY McClelland1990; Quilter 1990; Schuster 1992) is ll INTERISIEDIATE modifying the database, the developmental PERIOD A. D . schemefor the Early Intermediate Period Peruvian G AL Ll N AZO - north coast (Figure2) still dependslargely on B. C. ceramicand settlementanalysis generated from SALI NAR the Moche-Chicama-Viru"core area"(Bawden 1982a;Beck 1991; Donnanand Mackey 1978; 500 E A R LY Fogel 1993;Hastings and Moseley 1975; Kroeber HORI ZON 1925, 1926; Larco 1938, 1939, 1945; Moseley CUPISNIQUE 1975; Moseley and Mackey 1974; Topic 1982; Willey1953). As withmost style-based chronolo- 1000 gies, the Mochesequence (Moche I-V:Figure 2) emphasizestemporal disjuncture, whereas the wide projectionof ideas derivedfrom a "core INIT IA L PE RIOD area"imposes an unrealpattern of spatialunity. 1500 Thetraditional model describes Moche society as evolving from antecedentGallinazo culture Figure 2. Chronology of north coast archaeological cul- tures. aroundA.D. 1 to 100 (Figure2; see Fogel 1993 fora somewhatlater date), and in MocheIII times natureof the powerthat they embody (e.g., Earle establishing a conquest state supported by 1991a; Uphaml 990a).Despite growing recogni- exploitationof labor,intensive agricultural pro- tion of variability,however, concepts of social duction,and monopolizationof trade(Shimada typology continueto influence such research. 1987; Topic 1982; Willey 1953; Wilson 1988). Whileaccepting the importance of ideologyin the Afterrecovering from major ecological disruption formationand maintenanceof politicalsystems, aroundA.D. 600 atthe endof MocheIV (Moseley these approachesultimately regard ideology as andDeeds 1982;Niles at al. 1979;Shimada et al. themeans by whichelites exploit their power, and 1991),the statecollapsed around A.D. 750 (e.g., theycontinue to ascribethe basisof politicalfor- Shimada1990). As is commonin studiesof early mationto the materialdomain (Claessen and van society,the schemesketched in the foregoingsen- de Velde 1987, 1991; Daggett 1987; D'Altroy tences associateschange with materialagencies 1992; Earle 1991a; Earle and D'Altroy 1989; thatact through functionalist or adaptiveprocess- Friedmanand Rowlands 1978; Gregg 1991; Haas es to producea seriesof definablesocial stages. 1982;Haas et al. 1987;Hastorf 1990, 1993;Isbell The valueof such studiesin creatingour current 1987;Johnson and Earle 1987; Kristiansen 1991; databasesis clear,but they have been less suc- Patterson1991; Upham 1990b). cessfulin identifyingdynamics of socialintegra- Theutility of evolutionaryviews is increasing- tion andchange. ly being questioned (e.g., Bawden 1989; Newerevolutionary theories focus much more Brumfield1992; Demarest 1989; Hodder 1986; on the structureof political systems and the Leonardand Jones 1987;Paynter 1989; Roscoe This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:09:55 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LATINAMERICAN 258 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995 1993;Shanks and Tilley1987; Wylie 1989; Yoffee negotiation in the social arena, reflexively 1993).There is no need to reviewthis criticism changesit (Giddens1979, 1984).In the political fully here, but threepoints are relevantto this domainsuch negotiationusually occurs between study.First, the use of socialcategories, no matter conflictinginterests, a dialecticinteraction that is how sophisticated,inclines the scholarto investi- an importantdynamic in socialchange. gate integrationand change by referenceto cross- Andeansocial order is embeddedin a structur- cultural similarity.This approachdownplays the al traditiondefined by kinshipprinciples. Here importance of uniquedevelopment. Second, func- suchfactors as affinityto mythicalfounder, ances- tional models,still influentialin Andeanstudies, tralreverence, and emphasis on communitymem- assume systemicequilibrium as the objectiveof bershipdefine status,strengthen social cohesion, evolution andprogressive complexity as the adap- andimpede intergroup political integration. At the tive mechanismby whichthis is achieved.Historic basiccommunity level authority is exercisedmore eventsthat upset balance are viewed as anomalies throughconsensus than through exclusive political and insignificantin widerevolutionary terms. follllation.Consequently,