An Examination of Inca Huacas and Their Use for Political and Social Organization

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TOTEM 23

Sacred Politics: An Examination of Inca Huacas and their use for Political and Social Organization

Amy B. Scott

Introduction Huacas: Inca and Andean Ideologies The sacred nature of the Andean The concept of the huaca as a sacred region is a topic that has been widely place or object is directly related to explored in recent years. As empires were ideology, which can be defined as a set of built and destroyed within this region, cohesive ideas and beliefs that validate the ideology played an important role in existence of a collective group of individuals political and social organization. It is the (Conrad and Demarest 1984:4). Although goal of this paper to examine the rise of the ideology can be an inclusive concept, it is Inca Empire and the use of ideology, and important to recognize that the ideological more specifically huacas, to gain political beliefs of the Inca do not necessarily and social control. At the time of Inca represent the beliefs of the Andean groups expansion and conquest, the sacred Andean that pre-dated them (MacCormack 1991:4). landscape was already well-established For this discussion, the Andean people along the coast and in the highlands of Peru represent all individuals that pre-dated the and its neighbouring countries. The power of Inca or were not considered ethnically Inca; the sacred Andean landscape was built upon the Inca in contrast, represent the small a network of shrines and sacred places group of individuals considered ethnically collectively defined as huacas. As the Inca Inca and expanded throughout the Andes expansion spread throughout the Andes, beginning in the 15th century. Once the Inca governing power was gained through the use conquered the Andean region, they and manipulation of huacas which had interwove their own ideological beliefs into significant historical roots in many Andean pre-existing Andean ideologies, creating a communities. By incorporating pre-existing fluid exchange of ideas and beliefs over time Andean beliefs into the official state (MacCormack 1991:4,148,150). ideology, the Inca were able to utilize It can be argued that the sacred huacas to aid in their political and social nature of huacas represented the primary expansion. connection between Andean ideologies and This paper will explore the Inca ideology. Both Andean and Inca characteristics of huacas within the Andean ideologies considered huacas as region through the Cusco Ceque System and manifestations of both the natural and the the Inca mountaintop shrine system and how supernatural world such as springs, stones, the underlying ideologies surrounding hills and mountains, temples, caves, roads, huacas aided the Inca in their Andean or trees (D‟Altroy 2002:163). Although expansion. The theoretical framework of many of these huacas were physically static, ideological materialization will also be some were portable and were moved by discussed with reference to political context Andean groups to other regions (Bauer and the Moche culture that pre-dated the 1998:25). These characteristics associated Inca Empire. with huacas helped to unite the Andean region in that portable huacas allowed TOTEM 24 ideology to reach distant peoples, while the Andean region under a re-formulated permanent huacas united local people under Inca state belief system. similar belief structures. This commonality between Inca ideology and Andean The Inca Expansion ideologies was also present in the worship of As the Inca began their expansion ancestors and natural places (Classen into smaller Andean provinces, they 1993:2). Many huacas occupied natural required a means of political and social places across the landscape and were organization. By examining the mechanisms associated with the ancestors of both the of Inca conquest and the conflict Inca and non-Inca people, as origin myths surrounding their rise to power in the Andes, generally presented the Creator God as it becomes clear why they relied on the emerging from a natural land formation power of huacas to establish political (D‟Altroy 2002:49). The power of the stability and social union. The early Inca physical environment was an important (pre-empire) were a small scale rural ethnic aspect of both Andean and Inca ideologies, group that evolved in a bitterly competitive as the people “literally read their [physical] Andean world after the decline of the Wari surroundings as a resonant text of sacred and the Tiwanaku (Conrad and Demarest places and spaces” (Moseley 2001:51). It 1984:95,96,101; D‟Altroy 2002:48; Sallnow was through this ideological commonality 1987:32). It was not until A.D. 1400 that the that the Inca established the power of huacas Inca began to emerge in the Andean region across the Empire (Conrad and Demarest as the dominant political power established 1984:102). Inca state ideology was through “force of arms” (D‟Altroy 2002:48; persuasive because it converged with long- Moseley 2001:9). Once in power, the Inca standing Andean traditions surrounding governed over ten million people within a huacas, allowing the Inca to fully region of 5,500 square kilometers until the manipulate and utilize these sacred places Spanish conquest in 1532 (Moseley and objects as forms of political 2001:7,9). legitimization and social control Despite the success of amalgamating (MacCormack 1991:148). over eighty provinces, particularly in Peru, Political legitimization and social the Inca inevitably created tension through control were also harnessed by the Inca as their imperial expansion that required some they re-formulated state dogma to elevate kind of control system (Conrad and their own history and traditions (Niles Demarest 1984:129). Because the Inca 1992:347; D‟Altroy 2002:175). Huacas Empire was characterized by one ruling elite were the primary tools in the re-formulation known as the Inca in Cusco, political and of Inca state ideology as they dictated the ideological authority needed to be re- rights to land, to water, and to power, over affirmed in all outlying polities in the which the Inca claimed ownership (Isbell Andes. This was achieved through Andean 1997:53-54). Huacas gained their status unification projects such as the across the Inca Empire through their establishment of local lords in outlying mythical importance, their relationship to communities, the mass movement of Inca rulers, and their astronomical alignment Andean people to Inca dominated cities, and (Bauer 1998:8). Because huacas were most importantly the creation of a state already infused with great respect, the Inca ideology (Niles 1992:348). control of these sacred places both Although the Inca and Andean established their divine rulership and united people shared certain ideological beliefs, the

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 25 formation of a state ideology was primarily tools for the Inca to use and manipulate. to solidify regional power through empire cohesion. The danger of ideological re- Materialization of Ideology structuring was a constant threat to the Inca Ideology is generally regarded as an because if they altered traditional rituals and intangible experience or belief that is not beliefs too much, then the smaller easily accessible within the archaeological communities within the Empire may have record. Attempts at understanding ideology deemed the changes unacceptable, leading to and the associated physical experience are a loss of state unification (Jennings characteristic of the field of phenomenology, 2003:452). Some Andean scholars believe which was applied to archaeology in the that Inca ideology was rooted in the belief 1990s in an attempt to study the human that the Empire was weakening and being experience inferred from archaeological corrupted under the influence of different remains (Johnson 1999:193). Although not local ideological practices and therefore, the restricted to ideological experience, Inca needed to re-affirm the one true phenomenology has been utilized as an ideology of the Andes (Jennings 2003:452- important approach within archaeological 453). For this re-establishment of the „true‟ interpretation. It can be argued here that this ideology, the Inca had to tactfully weave phenomenological approach to the human their own beliefs into those of the non-Inca experience has been further enhanced by the people (Jennings 2003:452-453). Many concept of ideological materialization rituals and traditions of the Inca were (DeMarrais et al. 1996). Ideology, at times, established in communities throughout the can be identified as passive and static by Empire to unify the ideological practices of scholars, when in fact it is frequently these communities with the practices of dynamic and an important variable Cusco, the Inca capital (MacCormack contributing to cultural transformations 1984:33). Because many of these Inca (Conrad and Demarest 1984:3). traditions and rituals were built upon the Unfortunately due to the difficulty in local ideological beliefs, communities were accessing ideology and its social influence less likely to rebel against their Inca lords from the archaeological record, it is (Jennings 2003:452). It was through the generally over-shadowed by other catalysts social beliefs of the Andean people that the of social change (Conrad 1981:4). However, Inca legitimized their authority and created a it is important not to disregard the instances sense of community among the many ethnic of ideological materialization that can groups in the Andes (cf. VanDyke and demonstrate the power of state beliefs in the Alcock 2003:3). Building their Empire on a formation and the maintenance of an empire. foundation of locally-held ideological It is clear that the Inca relied on the beliefs, the Inca were able to illustrate the unification of ideological beliefs to gain relationship between the state and the sacred power throughout the Andes, specifically structure (Classen 1993:67). For the Inca, through the materialization of huacas. As huacas were the primary agents of the argued by DeMarrais et al. (1996:16), sacred structure because of their ideologies gain power through supernatural affiliation throughout the “materialization” which can take many Andes (Sallnow 1987:36). It is important to forms such as ceremonies, monuments, recognize however, that only through the landscapes, symbolic objects, or written materialization of these huaca ideologies sources. Through the materialization of were they available as political and social ideology, a shared experience is created

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 26 between groups through tangible means, as social organization of the Inca, the primary ideology can then extend beyond a local geographical focus is on the Inca capital of group to communicate central authority to a Cusco, with reference to Spanish larger population (DeMarrais et al. ethnohistorical records and some 1996:16,28). When empires are built upon archaeological data (Zuidema 1964:39). The unstable foundations, as was the case with Cusco Ceque System is defined as a system the Inca, the materialization of ideological of huacas and sacred places in and around beliefs can aid in the reduction of tensions the city of Cusco that required constant and promote the cohesion of an empire maintenance and sacrificial offerings. This (DeMarrais et al. 1996:31). DeMarrais et al. Ceque System has been long studied by (1996:20-30). discuss how this material- Andean scholars with extensive reliance on ization of ideology can occur at varying the ethnohistorical record of Bernabe Cobo levels of social organization in similarly- written in 1653 (Bauer 1998; Hamilton successful and effective ways with examples 2008; Julien 2008; Rowe 1985; Zuidema of chiefdoms, states, and empires. 1964). Cobo was a Jesuit priest who lived in In order to understand the success of Peru most of his life, studying the Inca and the Inca materialization of ideology through recording their history (Hamilton 2008:547). the use of huacas, the Cusco Ceque System He is perhaps best known for his written and the Inca mountaintop shrine system will account of the intricate huaca system found be examined as case studies. The Cusco throughout the capital city of Cusco entitled Ceque System, as an example of Historia del Nuevo Mundo (Julien materialized ideology, represents how the 2008:711). Although Cobo‟s account of the geographic positioning of architecture, Cusco huacas is the most widely used by settlements, and public space provides a map scholars, he was not the primary author of of the surrounding sociopolitical system the information but rather transcribed his (DeMarrais et al. 1996:19). The huaca account from another documentary mountaintop shrine system will also provide source (Bauer 1998:13-17; Julien 2008:712). evidence of the successful materialization of Polo de Ondegardo is generally regarded as ideology due to elite control and power gain the primary author that Cobo utilized to (DeMarrais et al. 1996:19). These two create his narrative account of the huacas, specific examples will be examined to show although many scholars remain divided as to the power of huacas as tools of political who compiled the original huaca data. control and social organization through their In his account, Cobo outlined 328 materialization at the hands of the Inca. huacas that made up the sacred landscape of ancient Cusco (Bauer 1998:23). The The Cusco Ceque System majority of huacas that were described and Materialized ideology was not categorized by Cobo were springs or sources unique to the Inca, as many Andean of water, as well as standing stones, hills, communities had tangible ideological mountain passes, palaces, and royal temples objects or places that dominated their belief (Bauer 1998:23). At the center of the Cusco system such as iconography, cultural Ceque System was the Temple of the Sun, practices, or architecture. However, it was also known as the Coricancha or „Golden the way in which the Inca used materialized Enclosure‟ from which all ceque lines huacas to aid in their own political and radiated outwards (Julien 2008:716; Rowe social gains that made their rise to power 1944:26). Ceques were an important unique. To understand the political and characteristic of the Cusco Ceque System

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 27 because these radiating lines or pathways into the huaca (Bauer 1998:27). connected the various huacas to one another, The care and maintenance involved creating organization among the shrines with huaca worship were also important (Julien 2008:716). Huaca organization was aspects of the physical and social further aided by the division of the Inca understanding of the Cusco Ceque System. Empire into four main provinces, Within the city of Cusco and throughout the collectively called Tahuantinsuyu (four Inca Empire, caretakers known as quarters) with the Coricancha representing quipucamayos kept detailed records of the the center of the Empire (Bauer 1998:1). offerings that were given and owed to each Each of the four provinces, Chinchaysuyu, huaca (MacCormack 1991:201). The term Antisuyu, Collasuyu, and Cuntisuyu quipucamayos is derived from the Inca encompassed certain huacas within the tradition of the quipus or knotted cords that Cusco Ceque System and were composed of were kept as detailed records of economic nine ceque lines each, except Cuntisuyu, transactions, suggesting a highly organized which had fifteen ceque lines (Bauer Inca society both ideologically and 1998:184; Rowe 1944:39). The organization economically (Bauer 1998:8). It was through of ceques and huacas into these four this meticulous record keeping and ritual provinces provided relatively equal responsibility that a connection was ideological distribution within Cusco that established between the Inca and their demanded maintenance and worship subjects. Not only were quipucamayos achieved only through the social responsible for huaca offerings but also for organization of ritual responsibilities. Both the organization of shrine worship that took the physical distribution of these huacas and place during certain times of the year (Bauer the traditions and rituals associated with 1998:8). Despite all individuals in the Inca them were important. Empire being responsible for shrine As discussed, each huaca had its worship, there were strict hierarchical own specific meaning and each served a divides among society between the upper different purpose for the Inca such as class royal ayllus (kin group) and lower- guarding against death, or wishing for a level citizens known as non-royal ayllus good harvest, health, or a safe journey (Bauer 1998:39). Each ayllus within Cusco (Bauer 1998:23). The pilgrimage to these and the surrounding communities had ritual specific huacas was an important aspect of responsibilities to their huacas and the Inca state ideology as specific rituals and surrounding ceques (Bauer 1998:39; Niles offerings were required at different shrines 1987:205). From this basic understanding of (Bauer 1998:26; Sallnow 1987:32-41;). The the Cusco Ceque System, scholars have different offerings made at the various developed different interpretations of these huacas throughout the Cusco Ceque System huacas and how they related to the political were llamas, guinea pigs, textiles, coca, control and social organization of the Inca. metals, and children. All of these offerings represented various ideological beliefs and Interpretations of the Cusco Ceque System were closely associated with the meaning of How a scholar approaches ideology the huaca (D‟Altroy 2002:167). The manner and the role it played within the Inca Empire in which these offerings were processed was will ultimately affect the way that she or he also important, in that they were either interprets the Cusco Ceque System. The burned or buried or in the cases of springs Ceque System has been interpreted as either and water sources the offerings were thrown a functional organizational tool removed

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 28 from ideology or as an organizational tool that huacas were established based on their built upon an ideological framework, both of sacred nature and not simply on their which will be briefly discussed. The Straight geographical position (Bauer 1992:187). Line Argument supported by Zuidema The importance of recognizing these (1977) and Aveni (1981) is a structuralist differences in archaeological interpretations archaeological approach to the Cusco Ceque aids in the understanding of how the Inca System. The central argument of the Straight garnered political control and social Line hypothesis is that the function of the organization from the use of the Cusco Cusco Ceque System was for counting Ceque System. This system may have had through the Inca calendar. It was believed very practical implications such as that each huaca represented a specific day calendrical and astronomical patterning but and that vanishing points on the horizon the ideological basis of these huacas must be were astronomical markers (Bauer recognized. Therefore, it can be argued that 1998:187; Julien 2008:715; MacCormack it is because of the underlying ideological 1991:194-195). Huacas considered within beliefs about huacas that the Inca were able this context were important based on their to utilize the Cusco Ceque System to create geographical position in forming straight a cohesive empire. lines across the landscape rather than due to their sacred meaning (Bauer 1992:187). Due The Political and Social Implications of the to the well-established sacred nature of Cusco Ceque System huacas, not only to the Inca but to The way in which the Cusco Ceque generations preceding them, it is System provided the Inca Empire with questionable to assume that the Cusco political control and social organization can Ceque System was used merely as a be examined from three main perspectives: geographic marker of calendrical time and ritual responsibility, regional continuity, and astronomical patterns. The known the fluidity of huaca meanings. The ritual significance of huacas and their responsibilities of the Andean people materialization throughout the Andes promoted social organization where demonstrates the necessity in considering individuals had a specific purpose or role the ideological undertones of the Cusco within the larger society. It can be argued Ceque System and how it functioned as a that through the creation of these societal political and social tool. roles of ideological obligation, the Andean In contrast to the Straight Line people were united under the common state Argument, the Conceptual Line Argument ideological belief system. Not only did these supported by Rowe (1979) and Niles (1987) ritual responsibilities create group cohesion assumes an ideological framework for the throughout the capital, but they also Cusco Ceque System. This hypothesis, provided individuals with a sense of identity which is based primarily on archaeological in the Inca world; although they would never evidence, argues that the ceque lines within be considered as ethnically Inca, the Andean Cusco do not follow a straight line pattern. people were still highly regarded within the The topographic nature of Cusco alone Empire (Bauer 1998:35; Morris 1993:189). illustrates that the ceque lines must have This creation of identity was an important zigzagged across that landscape and could organizational tool for the Inca who needed not have followed a specific straight line to control and organize their Empire to suit pattern (Bauer 1992:187). This lack of their own specific goals and agendas. consistency of the ceque patterning suggests

Regional continuity within the Inca materialization of huacas to gain political Empire was also created in Cusco through control and social power was unique. the integration of neighbouring shrines into Because huacas were already tangible the Ceque System and through the aid of objects or places before the expansion of the outsiders in the maintenance of the huacas. Inca their transition into state ideology was These huacas and their importance to all relatively smooth. The Cusco Ceque System groups in the Andean region would have merely provided an arena for these wide- acted as a political tool to subdue rival or spread beliefs to be arranged and divided rebellious groups within the Empire whose among kin groups to solidify Inca political beliefs were integrated into the Cusco Ceque power and social organization. System (MacCormack 1991:104). Social Materialization provides a focal point of organization would have also been created ideology where individuals can experience through kin group responsibilities that were and access the same objects and places. The expected not only within the capital, but also Inca consolidation of power would have in outlying kin group communities. been greatly encumbered without tangible Alliances with other groups near Cusco were representations of the dominant ideological strengthened through the inclusion of system. The Cusco Ceque System represents outside members into the Inca capital but the importance of the materialization of most importantly through the incorporation ideology and specifically huacas for the of outsider huacas into the Cusco Ceque Inca, without which their gain of political System (Niles 1987:174). power and social organization would have The fluidity of the huaca meanings been greatly hindered. was also important for establishing political control and social organization for the Inca. The Inca and the Human Body: Because the Inca constantly changed their Mountaintop Huacas beliefs over time, they could re-affirm their In order for the Inca to utilize rulership through the dynamic Ceque mountaintop huacas to gain political and System (D‟Altroy 2002:167). Although the social organization they needed to huacas were usually physically static, their incorporate human sacrifice as a meaning was continually re-invented to representation of Inca power. As recognized promote Inca control. Considered as by many Andean scholars, the most valued “flexible expression[s] of social and spatial sacrificial offering was the human body to relationships” it becomes clear why the Inca the most important huacas within the Inca relied heavily upon the Cusco Ceque System Empire (Blom and Janusek 2004:126; Rowe to establish their rightful authority to the 1963:305). Although human sacrifices were Andean region (Bauer 1998:161). By made at some of the huacas within the incorporating huaca beliefs from outlying Cusco Ceque System, the majority were communities into their re-invention of divine confined to the mountaintop shrines located rulership, the Inca created a nearly infallible throughout the Empire. The use of the ideological system that demanded political human body as a huaca offering charged and social control over the Andean people. these shrines with specific meaning due to The materialization of huacas in the the importance of the human body in Inca Andes was not unique to the Inca, but rather cosmology, in which the body is a symbol deeply engrained within the ideological for the dynamic whole or the totality of the systems of the Andean people. However, the cosmos (Blom and Janusek 2004:136; way in which the Inca utilized this Classen 1993:3). Much like how the Inca

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 30 incorporated the four provinces into their presence makes it clear why mountains were political organization in Cusco, the human regarded as sacred representations of the body is analogous to this in that within each supernatural; they were a constant physical body the same dynamic organization exists. marker of the sacred landscape for all to see Because the human body represented the and all to worship, despite the geographic dynamic whole of the Inca world, it is distance separating many communities. The assumed that human sacrifices were drawn influence of the Andes on weather patterns from all four corners of the Empire to unite is also an important consideration when the people under this state ideology (Classen defining their sacred nature. The weather 1993:64). Ultimately the power ascribed to patterns caused by the mountains the human body by the Inca created a link demonstrated to the Andean people their between the natural and the supernatural awesome power and sacred influence on all worlds allowing the Inca to call on the most aspects of society such as food production, powerful gods during human sacrifice cultivation techniques, and social practices rituals, such as Inti the Sun god and Illapa (Reinhard 1992:101). Even today, the Weather god (Ceruti 2004:114). Through mountaintops are still considered sacred by human sacrifice, the Inca therefore native Quechua speakers, who believe they continually reasserted their divine rulership are “personified, sacrilized, deified and still throughout the Empire. the homes of ancestors” (Benson 2001:13). An example of this is the contemporary The Mountaintop Shrine System Snow Star festival in the Andes, where To understand the success of the Inca Christian ideology is woven into the long- materialization of ideology of the standing Andean mountaintop worship mountaintop huacas it is important to ceremonies (Reinhard 1992:95; Surette establish the characteristics of this shrine 2008). system and why it was important throughout The rituals and ceremonies the Andes. As discussed, hills and associated with these mountaintop shrines mountaintop huacas were important were also important in that they ascribed throughout the Andean region well before these huacas with ideological, ritual, and the Inca expansion, with snow-capped social meanings. Capacocha is the term used summits representing the most important to describe the ceremonies in which human huacas and deities (Rowe 1963:296). At sacrifices were made for important events in least one hundred mountaintop summit life (birth, death), to stop natural calamities shrines were built by the Inca throughout the (drought, epidemics), and to appease the Andean region with four principle summits mountain deities who controlled the weather (Ausangate, Vilcanota, Coropuna and (Ceruti 2004:113). The individuals chosen Pariacaca) surrounding the capital of Cusco for mountaintop shrine sacrifice were (Ceruti 2004:104; Rowe 1963:296). usually young boys and girls from all parts Although many of these mountaintop of the Inca Empire, offered to the gods by shrines have been found south of the Inca their parents or chosen specifically by the capital, it is assumed that these huacas Inca (Rowe 1963:306). The offering of these radiated outwards from Cusco, similar to the human bodies to the mountaintop shrines Ceque System, to reach into all areas provided Inca-controlled communities with commanded by the Inca (Farrington messengers into the afterlife to appease the 1992:378). The topographical nature of the gods and to show loyalty to the state Andean mountains and their dominating ideology (Ceruti 2004:114).

Perhaps the best example of an Inca performed on the summits within a broader mountaintop shrine is from the Llullaillaco context of political strategies to legitimate volcano in Argentina, excavated by Johan the power of the Empire” (Ceruti 2004:113). Reinhard and Constanza Ceruti in 1999 By utilizing the human body as a sacrificial (Ceruti 2004:108). To date, the Llullaillaco offering the Inca could position themselves site is the highest archaeological site in the on the cusp of the natural and supernatural world with an elevation of 6715 meters world (Blom and Janusek 2004:137). above sea level. This sacrificial site is Because ideology was already strong in the characterized by three individuals, a young Andean region, the Inca needed to use the woman, a female child, and a male child mountaintop huacas as representations of who were interred with over one hundred the most powerful ideological symbols to offerings of metal, shell, textiles, pottery, affirm their divine and absolute rulership. and feathers (Ceruti 2004:108). The many The spatial positioning of these hardships and difficulties associated with mountaintop huacas truly illustrates how the reaching mountaintop huacas like Inca extended their political and social Llullaillaco are symbolic of the Inca struggle power to the very limits of the natural world. for political and social control over many Similar to the Cusco Ceque System, which Empire resources, specifically individuals reached into all four corners of the Inca for sacrifice and sacrificial offerings donated capital city, the mountaintop shrine system by different communities (Ceruti 2004:119). stretched into the four corners of the Empire. By embarking on these mountaintop treks to During these mountaintop ceremonies and perform human sacrificial ceremonies, the rituals, sacrificial items and individuals were Inca demonstrated their endurance and sent to Cusco to be transformed into Inca power within the natural world which they offerings that would be dedicated to these attempted to unite with ceremonies mountaintop huacas. The flow of sacrificial dedicated to the supernatural world, goods from all regions of the Empire ultimately reaffirming their divine right to provided the necessary sustenance for the rulership. Inca in the form of a state-controlled pilgrimage (Ceruti 2004:113). By The Political and Social Implications of the incorporating both powerful offerings and Mountaintop Shrine System powerful huacas the Inca established their The way in which the mountaintop political and social organization. Social shrine system provided the Inca Empire with organization was gained through the political control and social organization can integration of the four provinces into these be examined from both a supernatural and specific mountaintop huaca ceremonies, spatial perspective. Although many human while political control was emphasized sacrifices appear to be made strictly for through the Inca connection to the ideological purposes, it is important to supernatural world and their divine consider the political and social gains of rulership. human sacrifice for the Inca. The use of The materialization of mountaintop mountaintops as locations to enhance huacas is another example of how tangible political control was established by the Inca expressions of the dominant ideology aided based on long-standing Andean beliefs. The the Inca in their consolidation of power. sacred nature of mountaintops and hills Despite huacas being palpable objects (or throughout the region gave the Inca an places) before the rise of the Inca, their use opportunity to “frame the ceremonies within the mountaintop shrine system

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 32 represents their unique use as ideological parameters that all Andean people could symbols as well as dominant political and follow. These parameters were best social tools. Similar to the Cusco Ceque established through the materialization of System, the mountaintop shrine system was ideology both in the Cusco Ceque System characterized by the use of huacas to and the mountaintop shrine system. demonstrate the Inca divine rulership. The Inca ultimately began their However, the mountaintop shrine system expansion into the Andes from their capital also incorporated another facet of the city of Cusco. This primary location of Inca materialization of ideology through human influence and power, at the core of the sacrifice. The use of the human body as a expanding Empire, demonstrated the sacrificial offering ultimately became a ideological parameters to be adhered to in all tangible representation of the dominant state outlying polities. Through the integration of ideology much like the huaca to which the the Cusco Ceque System into all aspects of sacrifice was being offered. Although the the political and social realms, the Inca Inca relied heavily on the materialization of demonstrated the importance of materialized ideology created before them, this example ideology as an organizational tool. By first demonstrates that they also had the potential establishing this importance in the Inca to create their own tangible representations capital, the use of the materialization of of ideology. ideology could be diffused outwards into other Inca regions. The mountaintop shrine Discussion system was an important cohesion tool used The materialization of ideology by by the Inca to link communities beyond the the Inca ultimately went beyond the creation physical reach of Cusco to the similar of just tangible objects (or places). This ideological parameters established first materialized ideology was so well- within the capital. established in the Andes that its use to unite The use of materialized ideology in the Inca and non-Inca people was a practical the Andean region was not only and attainable goal, as the power of these demonstrated by the Inca but also preceding huacas was recognized and harnessed. cultures that utilized and manipulated belief Although the Inca were the ultimate systems to unite different regions across the wielders of political and social power, by landscape (Conrad and Demarest 1984:91). utilizing huacas as tools of organization, Moreover, the materialization of ideology they still remained intertwined with state was not only characteristic of Empire ideology rather than removed from it. building but also other forms of government Because the Inca Empire was built upon that relied upon the power of ideology as a many generations of Inca and Andean connecting vein between communities. ideological beliefs, the elite individuals who Because materialized ideology can take rose to power over the non-Inca were still various forms and meanings, there are many deeply tied to these beliefs, which they both different contexts in which this theoretical imposed and embodied. As a result of this framework can by applied by Andean ideological embodiment, the Inca were able scholars; for example with regard to the to command their landscape to suit their Moche culture of the Early Intermediate political and social organizational needs. In Period to the Early Middle Horizon Period order for this political command to be (200 B.C. – A.D. 750). successful within the Andean region, the Characteristic of the Moche culture Inca needed to institutionalize specific was a reliance on material symbols to

TOTEM: vol.17 2008-2009 Copyright © 2009 TOTEM: The U.W.O. Journal of Anthropology TOTEM 33 promote a standard ideology between groups Conclusions of powerful rulers that dotted the landscape Overall, the role of ideology within a of northern Peru (Dillehay 2001:262). The political and social context is difficult to unified ideological belief system that the assess in the archaeological or Moche came to embody was based primarily ethnohistorical record. The subjective nature on the use of cohesive visual arts that of ideological understandings generally promoted public rituals (Dillehay 2001:262; causes the omission of ideological Pillsbury 2001:9). These fine-line drawings interpretations when examining past were strictly controlled by the Moche elites cultures. Although ideology cannot explain who used this materialized ideology to all aspects of Inca political control and appropriate their own history and traditions social organization, it can still contribute and legitimate their social position significantly to the understanding of how the (DeMarrais et al. 1996: 23). Within a Moche Inca Empire was built. Huacas, as context, this visual ideology of the various representations of the materialization of religious cults was considered a vital ideology, were important elements aiding in mechanism for the unification and the Inca consolidation of power and need to centralization of power similar to the Inca be further integrated into archaeological use of huacas to consolidate power interpretations of the Andean past (Gose (Dillehay 2001:274). While the Inca 1993:481). The Cusco Ceque System and demonstrated their materialized ideology the mountaintop shrine system were used as through large-scale architecture and specific case studies to examine the different landscapes (Cusco Ceque System and the ways the Inca used materialized ideology in mountaintop shrine system) the Moche the form of huacas to build and expand their diffused their ideology through small-scale Empire. This examination of huacas was an material goods, such as pottery, and through attempt to illustrate the role that ideology public rituals, particularly burial ceremonies can play in the overall development of (DeMarrais et al. 1996:24-26). It was complex societies. Some scholars consider because the Moche could materialize the ideology as the primary catalyst of political common ideological beliefs through visual and social change, suggesting that ideology art, iconography, and ritual that they created is “political ideas in action” (Friedrich cohesion among the elites of many smaller 1989:301). Despite the limited groups occupying northern Peru. Although ethnohistorical and archaeological data the Moche culture cannot be considered about huacas they are still an important line governmentally equivalent to the Inca, of evidence to further support ideological similar mechanisms of using ideology as a interpretations surrounding the Inca. From unifying tool are present in both cultures. this perspective, ideology and its This brief example demonstrates that the materialization ultimately helped to establish Inca were not the only Andean culture that the Inca Empire and created a form of sacred relied on use of long-standing Andean politics with ideology as an underlying force beliefs to supplement their own goals and for political and social control. agendas. Ideology represents an important unification tool that characterized various References Cited cultures of the pre-contact Andean world. Aveni, A.F. 1981. Horizon Astronomy in Incaic Cuzco. In Archaeoastronomy in the

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