Monomachiai and Kynēgesia in Mylasa in the Hellenistic and the Roman Periods1

D A Université Paris IV-Sorbonne Temporary Teaching and Research Assistant at the Collège de France Chaire d’Épigraphie et histoire des cités grecques

Monomachiai and kynēgesia in Mylasa in the Hellenistic and the Roman periods1.

1 Mylasa is situated in the South-West of Asia Minor, in the inland2 part of Caria, which is an area of contacts between the Greek and the Asiatic world. Surrounded by many mikrai poleis3, it is a small, recently hellenized city, with a large plain where Kyberssos/Sarı Çay and Keniôs4 run, and with numerous hills5.

1 I would like to thank very much the organizing committee of this International Student Confer- ence in Antiquity and Byzantine Studies and particularly the Professors of the University Adam Mic- kiewicz of Poznan for inviting me to this historical and beautiful city of Poznan. I am also grateful to Murielle Pasquet for proofreading this article. I have to mention my Doctoral esis that I defended in March 2009 at the University Paris IV-Sorbonne, under the supervision of Professor André Laronde, Membre de l’Institut. e subject was Research on Mylasa and Labraunda at the Hellenistic time 334–31 B. C.. is monograph, based mostly on epigraphic documentation, focuses on the close relationship between a small polis in Caria and one of its outside sanctuaries, linked by a sacred path. Mylasa, an old Carian community, became a city on the Greek pattern by the wish of the Hekatomnids. e members of this dynasty were at the same time satraps of the Megas Basileus and dynasts of Mylasa, which was the capital of Caria until Mausolus transferred, on unknown date, his dynastic seat from Mylasa to Halicarnass. About Mausolus and Halicarnass, see Diodor, XV, 90, 3 (Coll. C. U. F., Cl. Vial) and XVII, 23, 4 (Coll. C. U. F., P. Goukowsky) ; Vitruvius, II, 8, 10–11. (Coll. C. U. F., L. Callerat and P. Gros) 2 Strabo, XIV, 2, 22. (Coll. Loeb) 3 I mean Euromos, Olymos, Chalketor, Hydai, Kindye, Kildara, Hydisos and Kasossos. For example, see the map by W. Blümel, I. K. 35, 1988, p. 227, or else that by P. Debord, E. Varinlioğlu, Les hautes terres de Carie, Ausonius, Bordeaux 2001, p. 86. 4 J. Tischler, Kleinasiatische Hydronymie. Semantische und morphologische Analyse der griechischen Gewässernamen, Wiesbaden 1977. On a recently published inscription – W. Blümel, 2004, N° 7, lign. 12 –, we read, with diculty, the mention of a third river. 5 F. Rumscheid, Mylasas Verteidigung: Burgen statt Stadtmauer? [in:] E.-L. Schwandner, Kl. Rheidt (ed.), Stadt und Umland. Neue Ergebnisse der archäologischen Bau- und Siedlungsforschung. Baufor- schungskolloquium in Berlin vom 7. bis 10. Mai 1997, Berlin 1999, p. 209.

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e subject of this conference in Poznan, Feast, Play and Celebration in the Ancient World gives me the opportunity to present in this paper some aspects of the civic life, especially about the VYWYVKaIKS and the T_WQMG]SK, i.e., in Ro- man world, the munera and the venationes. It cannot be denied that gladiatorial combats are appreciated as a very typical expression of Roman culture and it is interesting to study the adoption and the adaptation of these Roman shows to the Greek world, especially to the Greek East. After a paper about the signicance of the Greek verb i_T^OgOSW6, L. Robert, the well-known specialist in Caria and particularly in Mylasa7, published (in 1940) a very important monograph8 with a lot of supplements9 about gladiators in the Greek East and considered the signicance of these Roman shows in a recently hellenized society and their impact on Greek paideia. It is worth mentioning here that, by making use of dierent forms of knowledge transmission, i.e., thanks to literary, archaeological and, especially, epigraphical documents, this monograph has not come out of date and has kept its importance and topicality in view of the great number of surveys that W. Blümel, Professor at the University of Köln, started in Milas in 1985, then F. Rumscheid, Professor at the University of Kiel, continued in 1994, in the name of the German Archaeological Institute from Istanbul. In recent excavations, these two scholars discovered gladiatorial epitaphs from dierent armaturae, which are short, but with a relief representation. ese new inscriptions are exhibited in the small Archaeological Museum in Milas. I would like to start by discussing the place where it was possible for the Mylasians to see these shows. As recent archaeological research shows a great development, in Asia Minor, of theatres10 and a rarity of elliptic amphitheatres11, identical to these that we can see in the occidental part of the Roman world, it is then probably necessary to consider that in the Greek East performances are represented by monomachiai and kynēgesia in a mixed building, a theatre/ amphitheatre in reality, which is built in such a way that all the spectators can enjoy a good seat. In fact, if the monomachiai in the Occident often take place

6 L. Robert, 1929/II, pp. 24–42 = O. M. S. I, 1969, pp. 691–708. 7 L. Robert, Monnaies grecques. Types, légendes, magistrats monétaires et géographie, Paris 1967, p. 54, note 1, where he referred to himself as a vieux Mylasien; see C. R. A. I. 1953, p. 406 = O. M. S. III, Paris 1969, p. 1528, where he considered the old Carian city as his second native country. 8 L. Robert, 1940. 9 L. Robert, Hellenica III, pp. 112–150; V, pp. 77–99; VII, pp. 126–151; VIII, pp. 39–72. 10 Br. Le Guen, 2003, p. 336. 11 J.-Cl. Golvin, Chr. Landes, 1990, p. 9.

20 M M ... in an amphitheatre, in the Greek East only megalai poleis12 are equiped with one. In Mylasa we do not have any trace of an amphitheatre and archaeologists have found it dicult to locate the theatre. A. et T. Akarca13 claim that the theatre in Mylasa was built against the hillside of Topbaşı, in the north-eastern part of the city. But there are no vestiges of the construction. In accordance with J. and F. Rumscheid14, it is possible to re-open the whole question of localization and to take dierent assumptions into consideration. We have to read again the ancient English travellers’ writings15 which were left out by A. and T. Akarca. We also have to mention the dedication, on an Ionic architrave, to the goddess Nemesis16, discovered at the end of the 19th century by French archaeologists in the yard of a private house, on the West slope of Topbaşı hill. Nemesis, a deied abstraction, is a personication of the gods’ envy and vengeance; she is often O¹i^O[Y\, that is, provided with great and powerful wings because she continuously scours the world and runs after misdeeds, particularly immoderation ‚r‹r−L[S\r‚. Since the goddess rules over the uncertainty of human life, her cult17 is particularly adjusted to the hazards of gladiature. She is the goddess of gladiatorial shows thus. However that may be, the Greek theatre in Mylasa was probably changed18 and

12 L. Robert, 1940, pp. 33–34. For example, Alexandria, Corinth, Cyzic, Dyrrachium, Gortyn, Pergam are equipped with an amphitheatre. 13 A. et T. Akarca, 1954, p. 87. G.E. Bean, Turkey beyond the Maeander, London 1971, p. 42 and J.-Ch. Moretti, Des masques et des théâtres en Grèce et en Asie Mineure, « REA », vol. 95, 1993, p. 213, share the same opinion. 14 J. and F. Rumscheid, 2001. 15 R. Pococke, A description of the East, and some other countries, London 1743–1745, vol. 2, p. 60; R. Chandler, Voyages dans l’Asie Mineure et en Grèce, faits aux dépens de la société des dilettanti, dans les années 1764, 1765 et 1766, Riom 1806, vol. 2, p. 22; W.J. Bankes who is cited by A. Sartre- -Fauriat and M. Sartre, Le voyage de William John Bankes en Carie (1817) [in:] P. Brun (ed.) Scripta Anatolica. Hommages à Pierre Debord, Bordeaux–Paris 2007, p. 124; Ch. Fellows, An account of dis- coveries in Lycia, being a journal kept during a second excursion in Asia Minor, London 1841, p. 69. 16 Am. Hauvette-Besnault, M. Dubois, 1881, p. 39 = I. K. 34, N° 337. About Nemesis, see A. v. Pre- merstein, 1894, pp. 400–415; P. Perdrizet, 1898, pp. 599–602; 1912, pp. 248–274; 1914, pp. 89– –100; F. Chapouthier, 1924, pp. 287–303; H. Volkmann, 1928, pp. 296–321 and 1934, pp. 57–76; B. Schweitzer, 1931, pp. 175–246; E. Bouley, 1990, pp. 241–251. 17 In Patras, the 8OVO]O5YW was near the theatre, according to Pausanias, VII, 20, 9. (Coll. C. U. F., M. Casevitz, Y. Lafond) About ^rL.VK in the inscription of Mylasa, P. Perdrizet, 1914, p. 99, claims that it is the platform, the scaena of the odeon. 18 In this same way, the theatre in Aphrodisias, which was built between the end of the Roman Republic and the age of Augustus, shows extensions and restructurings in the reign of Antoninus and Marcus Aurelius: the scaena and the orchestra are altered so that munera and venationes are possible.

21 Ś – Z – U adjusted19, at a late time, to the gladiatorial shows introduced from Italy. So in Mylasa there was certainly a dual building. In Rome, the rst20 attested venatio dates from 186 BC. Originally, venatio is performed in a circus, as is the rule in Circus Maximus. However, from Augustus’s reign on venatio becomes integrated little by little into the munus, until, during the reign of Tiberius, it leaves the circus for the amphitheatre. Are the venatores gladiators? Often confused with gladiators, the fundamen- tal phenomenon in the Roman society, venatores constitute a class of hunters without any other relationship with the gladiature than the common usage of the amphitheatre. Indeed, the former ght against wildcats and not against other men trained for ght. e hunters21 in the amphitheatre are not, nor- mally, gladiators, but a special class of ghters, with equipment and armament quite dierent from the one of the gladiators. e words ]SNQ[YTfW^[K and TYW^[YT_WQMG]SYW indicate that the spear plays an essential role in the armament and the tactics of hunters. But it is possible that once Roman people did not make any distinction between venatores and gladiators. is distinction is sharply made from Imperial times. From then on, venatores are always represented dressed in a tunic and equipped with a spear, as we can see on the mural painting of the amphitheatre of Merida (Spain). It is also necessary to note that venatores enjoy a much lower prestige than gladiators. eir representations on funerary monuments and their presence in epigraphic sources are extremely rare. is discretion is certainly a sign of their lesser importance in the eyes of the public. However, venationes in the amphitheatre are, in the Roman world, a common accompaniment of gladiatorial combats. ese entertainments are distributed throughout the day, venationes in the morning, munera in the after- noon. Also in the Greek East do numerous texts unite venationes and munera. e most frequent word22 is T_WQMG]SYW which indicates hunting or animal ghts. ese venationes explain the necessary presence of hunters ‚rY˛rT_WQMYIr‚ in the inscription in Mylasa. According to F. Chapouthier23, hunting becomes a fa- vourite sport in the Hellenistic times. For instance, in 1888 in Milas, in the house

19 J.-Ch. Moretti, 1992, pp. 179–185. 20 J.-Cl. Golvin, Chr. Landes, 1990, p. 33. 21 L. Robert, 1940, p. 324. 22 e other words, in the inscriptions, are : T_WHMSKrTKrVYWYVKaIKS}rRQ[SYVKaKSrTKrVYWYVKaKS}r T_WQMG]SKrTKrVYWYVKaIKS. See P. Roussel, 1930, p. 371. 23 F. Chapouthier, 1924, p. 300.

22 M M ... of a blacksmith, there was discovered a base24 of a statue « élevé25 à la mémoire d’un des premiers citoyens de la ville, Hybreas, qui avait reçu la citoyenneté ro- maine et avait été grand-prêtre héréditaire du culte impérial, par dix-huit chas- seurs, qui sont manifestement des hommes libres et des citoyens. » At the time of Augustus, the hunters who participated, apparently, in hunting given by Hybreas, make a sacrice in honour of a dead highpriest in the person of Caius Iulius Hy- breas, the son of Leon, whose family has occupied for several generations ‚rNSĆr MGWY_\r‚ the high ponticate. What sorts of animals are let onto the arena in Mylasa? We are short of testimonies, in particular iconographic documents, to be able to answer this question, but epigraphy allows to bring some elements to answer it. Since the works of Louis Robert26 and the ones of the Copenhagen Polis Centre27, it has been a well- -known fact that the Greek polis is the asty with its chôra/territory. e bullght is a Carian speciality, as the inscriptions show. In the feasts which are celebrated by a tribe of a Carian polis the man who is honored by this decree, the ^K_[K`G^Q\, lets, at his expense, some bulls for a hunting; furthermore, the esh of one of these bulls put to death is distributed among the members of the tribe. e bulls which are present in the T_WQMO]IKS must come from specialised breedings. e importance of cattle in Mylasa is an unusual fact in a region with a totally medi- terranean climate; however, we can explain it by the nature of the substratum and by the water coming down from the surrounding reliefs: the presence of water and wet lands justies the existence of pastures28 ‚rK˛rWYVKIr‚ and of meadows ‚rY˛rUOSVCWO\r‚. Two texts29 also attest to the presence of meadows for hay (^r aY[^YTiSYW), which facilitate the stalling of cattle. Besides, Mylasian farms are equipped with special buildings for cattle: ¦rLYhW30 or ‹rLYg]^K]S\31, which are cowsheds.

24 I. K. 34, N° 534; . Reinach, Bull. Épigr. 1891, p. 334 and W. Blümel, 2004, p. 38. 25 L. Robert, 1940, p. 330, considers all these gladiators as free men, as well as those who do not mention their liation. G. Ville, 1981, p. 255, thinks that 15 of them, at least, are free. ey report their patronymic name, except one, who mentions his Z[Y]^F^Q\/patronus and who appears to be a liberated slave. 26 L. Robert, 1954, p. 7. 27 M.H. Hansen, .H. Nielsen (ed.), An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis, Oxford 2004. 28 I. K. 34, N° 206, lign. 5: WYVCW does not originate fromr¦rWYV\ but from ‹rWYV. 29 I. K. 34, N° 257, lign. 9 and I. K. 35, N° 828, lign. 2; see L. Robert, Études épigraphiques et philologiques, Paris 1938, p. 225. 30 I. K. 34, N° 206, lign. 11. 31 I. K. 34, N° 216, lign. 1 and N° 217, lign. 17.

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Let us now look at munera, which constitute, in Rome, the gladiatorial combats for which the amphitheatre is built. In 264 BC, under the consulate of Ap- pius Claudius and Quintus Fulvius, Roman people are present for the rst time on Forum Boarium, near the northern extremity of Circus Maximus, at a gladiatorial combat32. On this occasion three pairs of gladiators, prisoners of war, are presented to the public. Gladiature, a mass practise, exercises an extraordinary fascination33 over the public. It is absolutely necessary to underline the longevity of the phenomenon and its social importance in Rome and in the whole Roman Empire. Men who are led to ght other men, gladiators, vile and heroic, are both a foil and a model. e whole Roman society seems to be touched by gladiature. All34 the social classes of all ages like gladiators who also arouse a special infatuation in women, as the poet Juvenal35 says: Eppia, a woman from the highest aristocracy, married to a Roman senator, does not hesitate to leave her husband and her children to follow Sergius, a conrmed gladiator. e gladiature spreads very widely through the Empire and the Eastern Greek world thanks to the development of the imperial36 (not only provincial but also municipal) cult, until the third century AC. Munera and venationes constitute important moments of these ceremonies organized by evergetes37, who are priests ‚r˛O[O5\r‚ or highpriests ‚rª[aSO[O5\r‚ of the imperial cult. ese ghts, although of Roman origin, did not remain a Roman custom, reserved to Roman people who had settled there. It is interesting to consider that the study of the specic vocabulary suggests that, at rst simply transcribed, these terms were assimilated

32 It is oered by D. Iunius Brutus on the occasion of the burial of his father. Several texts conserve the memory of this event, and particularly Valerius-Maximus, II, 4, 7. (Coll. C. U. F., R. Combès) 33 Seneca, De constantia sapientis, XVI, 2: « Quod inter gladiatores fortissimos, quorum alter premit vulnus et stat in gradu, alter respiciens ad clamantem populum signicat nihil esse et intercedi non patitur. » (Coll. C. U. F., R. Waltz) 34 Tacitus, Dialog of the orators, XXIX, 3–4: « Iam vero propria et peculiaria huius urbis vitia paene in utero matris concipi mihi videntur, histrionalis favor et gladiatorum equorumque studia. Quibus occupatus et obsessus animus quantulum loci bonis artibus relinquit? Quotum quemque invenies qui domi quicquam aliud loquatur? Quos alios adulescentulorum sermones excipimus, si quando auditoria intravimus? Ne praeceptores quidem ullas crebriores cum auditoribus suis fabulas ha- bent. » (Coll. C. U. F., H. Goelzer, H. Bornecque) 35 Juvenal, VI, 83–113. (Coll. C. U. F., P. de Labriolle and Fr. Villeneuve) 36 L. Robert, 1940, p. 243 and p. 270. 37 In 160 B. C., Polyb, XXXI, 28, 5–6 (Coll. Teubner, . Büttner-Wobst), says that an acceptable munus costs 30 talents, which is a considerable sum.

24 M M ... by the Greek38 population who fully accepted this Roman show. ese ghts are attested in Mylasa by bas-reliefs, by epigraphic and literary testimonies. And so, on several occasions in his polemical work, the Philippics, Cicero39 mentions a munus in Mylasa. In an honorary decree40 for an imperial priest, the parade41 ‚r‹rÀXYZUK]IKr‚ of the competitors in the amphitheatre is mentioned, which comes before the confrontation, as well as the ghts ‚r‹rZ_MVHr‚. is enter- tainment produces in spectators the greatest surprise –rœTZUQXSWrVOMI]^QWr‚ and cheers from the audience ‚r^đWrZKW^\r^Y=rZUHRY_\rÀZSLQ]SWr‚. Gladiatorial combats ‚rY˛rVYWYVFaYSr‚rare distributed according to diverse specialities – armaturae –, which are associated with various42 arms ‚rY˛r¦ZUS]VYIr‚, which include iron43 weapons, as well as according to very specic ghting techniques. In the diverse entertainments the editores may give presents, which are thrown at the spectators, who are sitting on the steps. ese are the missilia, which can be of all kinds; so in this particularly interesting inscription missilia44, in the form of roses and other distributions, are attested to in Mylasa: TKr<NcWrTKrÀZSN]OcW. At the beginning of the Principate, there is a great evolution in the armaturae with the lex pugnandi. Suetonius45 highlights about Augustus that he subjects « to very severe rules the ghts of the athletes and gladiatorial combats ». When they enter the ludus, the newcomers have to choose an armatura, according to their physical capacities; often heavier men become integrated into the heavy armaturae: mirmillones, secutores, hoplomachi, provocatores, whereas lighter men become velites and especially retiarii. e iconographic corpus shows a wide variety

38 e gratti prove how gladiators were popular; ‹r 8ITQr signicates the wish of the victory: I. K. 34, N° 541–564. 39 Cicero, Philippics , V, 20: « Etenim aderat Lucius frater, gladiator Asiaticus, qui Myrmillo Mylasis depugnerat ; sanguinem nostrum sitiebat, suum in illa gladiatoria pugna multum pro- fuderat. »; VI, 13: « In foro L. Antoni statuam videmus [...]. O impudentiam incredibilem! Tantumne sibi sumpsit, quia Mylasis myrmillo raecem jugulavit, familiarem suum? » (Coll. C. U. F., P. Wuilleumier) 40 I. K. 34, N° 531, lign. 9: the impatience of the public grows still at the view of the gladiators, who are sometimes presented by the munerarii before the munus. 41 I. K. 34, N° 531, lign. 2; see Lucianus, Toxaris , 58 : –cROWr NČr ZO[SS Wr TK^Ćr ^đWr ªMY[ĆWr OšNOrZ[YZYVZWr^SWK}r¾\rœ`Q}rMOWWKIcWrTKrTKUCWrWOKWI]TcWÄrVYWYVKaO5WrNČrY½^YSrÀirVS]RDr ªWN[YUYMQRGW^O\rO˝\r^[I^QWr‹VG[KWrNSKMcWSO5]RKSrœVOUUYWÄ (Coll. Loeb, V, A. M. Harmon) 42 L. Robert, 1940, p. 24 and I. K. 34, N° 531, lign. 17–18. 43 I. K. 34, N° 531, lign. 3 : ^/r^Y=r]SN[Y_raY[QMI$. 44 I. K. 34, N° 531, lign. 16. See also Statius, Silves , 1, 6, 10. (Coll. C. U. F., H. Frère and H.J. Izaac) 45 Suetonius, Augustus , 45. (Coll. C. U. F., H. Ailloud)

25 Ś – Z – U of types and an omnipresence of the shield in gladiators’ confrontation. Forms, sizes, handlings are extremely varied and denote a very specic and perfectly adapted use to every type of adversary, within the two main groups – scutati and parmati –. Besides, as the ghts which are given in the poleis take place by pairs of gladiators ‚r^rPO=MY\}r¦rP_Mf\r‚ and not by troops, numerous combinations are possible between the armaturae. Several principles drive the editor/ munerarius in his arrangements. If he chooses to set heavy gladiators against each other, he facilitates close combat and physical strength. On the contrary, the op- position between light ghters grants the priority to agility and to technique. e most clever combinations consist in bringing together heavy and light armaturae. Based on attack, dodging and pursuit, this type of ghts seems very fashionable in the rst century. So the retiarius is brought into conict with the mirmillo or the secutor: the rst possibility privileges pursuit, whereas the second emphasizes the contrast between movement and immobility. It is especially the confrontation between the gladiators who are provided with small shields – parmae – and those endowed with long shields – scuta – which captivates the audience composed of scutarii and parmularii. e epitaphs of gladiators are indispensable to know their individual life. Be- sides the name and the number of achievements – the crowns and the palms –, they sometimes mention the age of the late gladiator. When he mentions the monuments of the gladiators in the Greek East, L. Robert46 is interested in a bas-relief in Mylasa : « Partie inférieure d’un gladiateur lourd marchant vers la droite. A gauche, une palme, sculptée avec soin. A droite, restes de 3 couronnes sommairement représentées; la série devait continuer vers le haut. Ceinturon de cuir à plusieurs bandes. Un grand bouclier rectangulaire descend jusqu’au genou gauche. La jambe gauche est protégée par une gaine à 12 bandes descendant jusqu’au bas du pied et recouvrant aussi le cou-de-pied; par-dessus est xée une cnémide, qui, par devant, protège la jambe et le genou. L’autre jambe est nue; le genou et la musculature sont bien indiqués; il n’y a qu’une bande de cuir au-dessus de la cheville; elle est compo- sée de deux bandes et d’une languette protégeant le pied en son centre jusqu’aux or- teils. Entre les jambes pendent presque jusqu’à terre 4 bandelettes, terminées par un ornement en fer de lance ou en feuille de lierre; elles doivent s’attacher par-derrière à la ceinture. » On a fragment47 of an Mylasian epitaph, we can read 7:?5

46 L. Robert, Hellenica V, 1948, pp. 95–96 and pl. VII, 2. 47 I. K. 34, N° 539.

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. Drew-Bear48 suggests in his review, recognizing the name of the gladiator – 7YgT[cWr‚, « the transcription in Greek of the Latin mucro which means point of the sword, that is a very well chosen nickname for a gladiator. » e essedarius49, who appears probably at the beginning of Principat, ghts on his chariot; in My- lasa he is represented on foot, doubtless out of technical diculty, according to L. Robert50. A dedicatory inscription51 of a gladiator – it is rather a rare document! – on an altar of Zeus Labraundos mentions, in Mylasa, the ]Y_VVK[YgNQ\, the transcription of the word summa rudis. is term indicates a liberated gladiator serving as instructor and as arbitrator of the combat. is gladiator summa rudis, often dressed in a long white tunic, as various mosaics reveal, owes his name to the instrument with which he presides, rudis, a long and thin stick, sometimes replaced by a bludgeon. Honoured with this distinction, the late gladiator Lucius Vetonius Alexandre dedicates a statue of Zeus Labraundos to the Z[O]Lg^KS, an association in which probably he takes part. In 1970 in the locality of Süleyman Kavağı, on a small hill below the rock grave of Berber İni52, A. Akarca53 could read a funeral stele54 from imperial time, that is broken at the top and endowed with the representation of the raex Morsynos. is relief, certainly ordered by the widow of the gladiator, reveals a man en face, in whom J. and L. Robert recognize the type of the « gladiateur dans sa gloire »: « À gauche, la grande palme dressée sur le sol et vers le sommet

48 . Drew-Bear, Gnomon 66, 1994, pp. 36–37. F. and J. Rumscheid, 2001, p. 122, have the same opinion. 49 I. K. 34, N° 532, lign. 1–2 ; see J. and L. Robert, Bull. Épigr. 1940, 149 and F. and J. Rumscheid, 2001, p. 128. Some scholars explain the origin of this gladiator who ghts on a chariot with the Caesar expeditions in Britain: the Roman legions meet, on these occasions, Celtic warriors, who also ght on chariots (Caesar, G. Gaules, IV, 32–33), but it has to be granted that the essedarius is not relatively well-known. 50 L. Robert, 1940, p. 67. 51 I. K. 34, N° 533, lign. 1–8 and J. and L. Robert, Bull. Épigr. 1971, 670a. L. Robert, Hellenica III, 1946, p. 161 and especially Hellenica V, 1948, p. 85, accepts the function of arbitrator : « Placé tout auprès du couple de combattants, tantôt il est prêt à intervenir, tantôt, le moment venu, il sépare les combattants avec sa baguette; (…) son activité suppose une connaissance parfaite de la technique des combats. (…) Il faut donc, me semble-t-il, supposer que ces arbitres des combats étaient d’anciens gladiateurs, libérés après une activité brillante, et honorés de la summa rudis ou de la secunda rudis », ]OTY_WNK[YNQ\, second arbitrator. 52 See the map by F. Rumscheid, 1999, p. 209. 53 A. Akarca, Beçin, « Belleten » 35/1, 1971, p. 1–37 and pl. 1–34; see J. and L. Robert, Bull. Épigr. 1972, 418. 54 I. K. 34, N° 537, lign. 1–3.

27 Ś – Z – U de laquelle était posée la main droite; à droite, le bouclier sur lequel est posé le casque avec collerette et trous sur la visière; le bras gauche était posé dessus. Les jambes de l’homme (la surface de la pierre a disparu pour le torse et la tête) ne sont pas couvertes d’un pantalon, mais de cnémides, dont l’extrémité supérieure, semble-t-il, monte au-dessus du genou. » e legs of the man are protected by greaves – ocreae –: this specicity of having two greaves instead of only one, like other gladiators, allows to recognize in him a raex, very frequent in iconographic sources. Another funeral stele55 presents the gladiator Aurigas, alias Neoteros56, heav- ily armed. More recently, W. Blümel57 mentions a discovery, by workers during a public construction site, of three funeral steles of gladiators, sixty to eighty centimeters high, which all show in relief a gladiator in the same position; over the gladiator is written his name in the nominative. e rst one – a heavy armed mirmillo –, who is called 5KUUIVY[`Y\58, the Well-built, is represented on a dark gray marble including some clearer blisters. He is honored with ve crowns. His head is protected by a helmet with a visor in the shape of wire netting; the gladiator holds, in his left hand, a rectangular shield – scutum –. His right arm is in a manica, which also protects his hand carrying a short sword. e latter overlaps a subligaculum, that a belt – cingulum – retains. His left tibia is protected by a greave. e two others gladiators are provocatores; only one has a name which we can read: 0Þi[OiH\59; three crowns stand behind his head and eight others are visible on the right border of the bas-relief. Under the name of the second provocator60, that we can read 5,;í~î4,/:= according to W. Blümel, or 5,í~r~r~î,6:= or 5,í~r~r~î,/:= according to F. Rumscheid, we can still see eight crowns. Provocatores constitute the foundation of professional gladiature. At the end of the Republic time, they appear in Cicero61, who mentions the lanist Va- tinius, with his Samnits and his provocatores. It is not possible to rank the provocator into the parmati or the scutati because his shield can have dierent sizes, between

55 I.K. 34, N° 538, lign. 1–5 ; see J. and F. Rumscheid, 2001, p. 123. 56 J. and F. Rumscheid, 2001, p. 124–125 and note 37. 57 W. Blümel, Epigraphische Forschungen im westen Kariens 2001, « AST » XX/2, 2003, pp. 93–96 and Cl. Brixhe, Ph. Gauthier, Bull. Épigr. 2004, 312; W. Blümel, 2004, N° 27–N° 29; F. Rum- scheid, 2004b, pp. 631–647 et SEG 54, 1149–1151. 58 F. Rumscheid, 2004b, p. 642. 59 F. Rumscheid, 2004b, p. 643. 60 F. Rumscheid, 2004b, p. 644. 61 Cicero, Pro Sestio, LXIV, 134. (Coll. C. U. F., J. Cousin)

28 M M ... the parma of the raex and the scutum of the mirmillo. His defensive equipment is the following: an ocrea, a manica only for his left arm, a shield, a helmet and a specic protection, a breastplate; for oensive weapons, he has a two-edged sword/ gladius and a dagger. e provocator represents the most technical armatura: master of counter-attack, he provokes his adversary and suddenly retaliates. e polis Mylasa did not have an amphitheatre, but archaeologists discovered at least nineteen funeral bas-reliefs of gladiators, so we can pose the question: was there in ancient Mylasa a gladiatorius ludus, i.e. a real professional training centre for gladiature, as in other poleis of the Greek East – Ancyra, essalonica, Pergam, Alexandria – and a gladiatorial iYU_FWN[SYW62? From all this, it follows that the dierent literary and archaeological documents attest to the large diusion of gladiatorial combats in Mylasa, as early as the end of the Hellenistic time. It is reasonable to think that there is a link between this fact and the existence of a port63 and a slave market in Mylasa64. e iconographic corpus provides a lot of information about gladiators and their ghting technique. is type of shows is also popular in the Greek East. e dierent combats in the amphitheatre, the VYWYVKaIKS and the T_WQMG]SK, are part of cultural and social manifestations in the Empire and really constitute a pathway to imperial politics. Finally, the frequency of these combats can draw our attention to the eco- nomic situation of the polis at this time, i.e. a short moment after 40–39 BC, when the Parthian army invades Caria: Quintus Labienus devastates 65 Mylasa. is paper suggests, beyond technical details about defensive and oensive weapons of dierent armaturae, that Mylasa, a VST[ĆrifUS\66 in the Greek East, is not, despite its numerous historical vicissitudes, « une carcasse blanchie », as in Ph. Gauthier67. Indeed, the study of the epigraphical documentation suggests that Mylasa has an indisputable adaptability. So we can write, like Strabo68, that My- lasa is an axiologos polis!

62 F. and J. Rumscheid, 2001, p. 131. 63 Strabo, XIV, 2, 23 (Coll. Loeb) and Pausanias, VIII, 10, 4 (Coll. C. U. F., M. Casevitz, M. Jost et J. Marcadé) speak about the epineion of Mylasa; see W. Blümel, I. K. 28/1, 1985, N° 30, that mentions the Mikra alassa. 64 Menander, Sicyonians , v. 3–7. (Coll. C. U. F., A. Blanchard) 65 I. K. 34, N° 602, lign. 17–20: letter of Octavianus to the Mylasians, in 31 B. C. 66 J. and L. Robert, Bull. Épigr. 1954, 52, p. 111. 67 Ph. Gauthier, Les cités hellénistiques: épigraphie et histoire des institutions et des régimes politi- ques, « Actes du VIIIème congrès international d'épigraphie grecque et latine, Athènes 3–9 octobre 1982 », Athènes 1984, p. 107. 68 Strabo, XIV, 2, 22. (Coll. Loeb)