Disinformation, Deepfakes & Democracy
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FROM the G7 to a D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’S Challenges
FROM THE G7 TO THE D-10 : STRENGTHENING DEMOCRATIC COOPERATION FOR TODAY’S CHALLENGES FROM THE G7 TO A D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’s Challenges Ash Jain and Matthew Kroenig (United States) With Tobias Bunde (Germany), Sophia Gaston (United Kingdom), and Yuichi Hosoya (Japan) ATLANTIC COUNCIL A Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security The Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strategies to address the most important security challenges facing the United States and the world. The Center honors General Brent Scowcroft’s legacy of service and embodies his ethos of nonpartisan commitment to the cause of security, support for US leadership in cooperation with allies and partners, and dedication to the mentorship of the next generation of leaders. Democratic Order Initiative This report is a product of the Scowcroft Center’s Democratic Order Initiative, which is aimed at reenergizing American global leadership and strengthening cooperation among the world’s democracies in support of a rules-based democratic order. The authors would like to acknowledge Joel Kesselbrenner, Jeffrey Cimmino, Audrey Oien, and Paul Cormarie for their efforts and contributions to this report. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. © 2021 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. -
The Impact of Disinformation on Democratic Processes and Human Rights in the World
STUDY Requested by the DROI subcommittee The impact of disinformation on democratic processes and human rights in the world @Adobe Stock Authors: Carme COLOMINA, Héctor SÁNCHEZ MARGALEF, Richard YOUNGS European Parliament coordinator: Policy Department for External Relations EN Directorate General for External Policies of the Union PE 653.635 - April 2021 DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT STUDY The impact of disinformation on democratic processes and human rights in the world ABSTRACT Around the world, disinformation is spreading and becoming a more complex phenomenon based on emerging techniques of deception. Disinformation undermines human rights and many elements of good quality democracy; but counter-disinformation measures can also have a prejudicial impact on human rights and democracy. COVID-19 compounds both these dynamics and has unleashed more intense waves of disinformation, allied to human rights and democracy setbacks. Effective responses to disinformation are needed at multiple levels, including formal laws and regulations, corporate measures and civil society action. While the EU has begun to tackle disinformation in its external actions, it has scope to place greater stress on the human rights dimension of this challenge. In doing so, the EU can draw upon best practice examples from around the world that tackle disinformation through a human rights lens. This study proposes steps the EU can take to build counter-disinformation more seamlessly into its global human rights and democracy policies. -
Transatlantic Collective Identity in A
THE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND THE FUTURE GLOBAL GOVERNANCE ISSN 2281-5252 WORKING PAPER 45 | OCTOBER 2014 Social constructivists have always thought of September 11, 2001, reveals that the repre- NATO as the institutionalization of the trans- sentatives of NATO member states often voice atlantic security community, based quite different understandings of their on a collective identity of a collective identity. While there community of liberal is still a lot of agreement democracies. Unfor- among the speakers, the tunately, most re- debates also reflect searchers have Transatlantic Collective a heterogeneous just postulated “identity terrain”, this collec- shaped by diverg- tive iden- Identity in a Nutshell. ing conceptions tity without of constitutive studying its Debating Security Policy norms, differ- content and ent interpreta- contestation tions of NATO’s in detail. An at the Munich Security purpose, various analysis of the interpretations speeches given Conference (2002-2014) of its relationship at the annual with other actors, Munich Security and diverse cogni- Conference, often Tobias Bunde tive models concerning dubbed the “transat- diplomacy and the use of lantic family meeting”, since force. THIS PROJECT HAS RECEIVED FUNDING FROM THE EUROPEAN UNION’S SEVENTH FRAMEWORK PROGRAMME FOR RESEARCH, TECHNOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMONSTRATION UNDER GRANT AGREEMENT NO 290454 T ransatlantic Collective Identity in a Nutshell Debating Security Policy at the Munich Security Conference (2002-2014) Tobias Bunde* NATO Security Elites Summits Transatlantic relations Introduction Social constructivists have long argued that the transatlantic security partnership and its institutional embodiment, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), are more than just another military alliance based on common interests. Instead, it should be considered as a “security community” built on a shared collective identity (Risse-Kappen 1996, Gheciu 2005). -
Democracy Index 2020 in Sickness and in Health?
Democracy Index 2020 In sickness and in health? A report by The Economist Intelligence Unit www.eiu.com The world leader in global business intelligence The Economist Intelligence Unit (The EIU) is the research and analysis division of The Economist Group, the sister company to The Economist newspaper. Created in 1946, we have over 70 years’ experience in helping businesses, financial firms and governments to understand how the world is changing and how that creates opportunities to be seized and risks to be managed. Given that many of the issues facing the world have an international (if not global) dimension, The EIU is ideally positioned to be commentator, interpreter and forecaster on the phenomenon of globalisation as it gathers pace and impact. EIU subscription services The world’s leading organisations rely on our subscription services for data, analysis and forecasts to keep them informed about what is happening around the world. We specialise in: • Country Analysis: Access to regular, detailed country-specific economic and political forecasts, as well as assessments of the business and regulatory environments in different markets. • Risk Analysis: Our risk services identify actual and potential threats around the world and help our clients understand the implications for their organisations. • Industry Analysis: Five year forecasts, analysis of key themes and news analysis for six key industries in 60 major economies. These forecasts are based on the latest data and in-depth analysis of industry trends. EIU Consulting EIU Consulting is a bespoke service designed to provide solutions specific to our customers’ needs. We specialise in these key sectors: • Healthcare: Together with our two specialised consultancies, Bazian and Clearstate, The EIU helps healthcare organisations build and maintain successful and sustainable businesses across the healthcare ecosystem. -
Arxiv:1909.11836V5 [Econ.GN] 30 Oct 2020
Propaganda, Alternative Media, and Accountability in Fragile Democracies Anqi Li1, Davin Raiha2, and Kenneth W. Shotts3 Forthcoming, Journal of Politics arXiv:1909.11836v6 [econ.GN] 29 Jul 2021 1Department of Economics, Washington University in St. Louis. [email protected]. 2Kelley School of Business, Indiana University. [email protected]. 3Stanford Graduate School of Business. [email protected]. Abstract We develop a model of electoral accountability with mainstream and alternative media. In addition to regular high- and low-competence types, the incumbent may be an aspiring autocrat who controls the mainstream media and will subvert democracy if retained in office. A truthful alternative media can help voters identify and remove these subversive types while re-electing competent leaders. A malicious alternative media, in contrast, spreads false accusations about the incumbent and demotivates policy effort. If the alternative media is very likely be malicious and hence is unreliable, voters ignore it and use only the mainstream media to hold regular incumbents accountable, leaving aspiring autocrats to win re-election via propaganda that portrays them as effective policymakers. When the alternative media's reliability is intermediate, voters heed its warnings about subversive incumbents, but the prospect of being falsely accused demotivates effort by regular incumbents and electoral accountability breaks down. Keywords: propaganda, alternative media, electoral accountability and selection, fragile democracy Supplementary material for this article is available in the online appendix in the online edition. Many countries inhabit a grey area between democracy and autocracy: their leaders are elected, but try to eliminate checks on their power and subvert the institutional foundations of democracy. -
International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding. -
Personal Invitation to the Inaugural Copenhagen Democracy Summit, June 22, 2018
12 June 2018 Personal invitation to the inaugural Copenhagen Democracy Summit, June 22, 2018 Dear Gregory Miller, It is my great pleasure to invite you to attend the inaugural Copenhagen Democracy Summit on June 22, 2018. Located at the scenic Royal Danish Playhouse in Central Copenhagen, the Summit will gather business executives and political leaders from the world’s democracies to discuss the future of democracy, trade, and technology. Organized by the Alliance of Democracies Foundation, the annual Copenhagen Democracy Summit will help build stronger interpersonal links between key leaders, binding the world’s democracies closer together politically, economically, and culturally. Limited to a select group of 250 participants, the Summit offers top-level networking opportunities in an intimate and intellectually vibrant atmosphere during Denmark’s beautiful midsummer season. Confirmed speakers include: - Joe Biden, former Vice President, United States - Felipe Calderon, former President of Mexico - Jose Maria Aznar, former Prime Minister of Spain - Stephen Harper, former Prime Minister of Canada - Nick Clegg, former Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom - Lars Løkke Rasmussen, Prime Minister of Denmark The post-World War II international order based on democracy and free trade has come under increasing pressure in recent years from rising autocracies and terrorist organizations. Many of the world’s leading democracies are marred by self-doubt and internal divisions amplified by blatant Copenhagen · Denmark · [email protected] © ALLIANCE OF DEMOCRACIES FOUNDATION 2018 12 June 2018 election interference, misinformation and manipulation by antidemocratic forces. At this time, it is critical to renew our faith in democracy and develop new commercial links between our nations. -
The Global State of Democracy 2019 Addressing the Ills, Reviving the Promise
Key findings The Global State of Democracy 2019 Addressing the Ills, Reviving the Promise www.idea.int International IDEA The Global State of Democracy 2019 Key Findings Addressing the Ills, Reviving the Promise The global democracy landscape KEY FINDINGS • The number of democratic re-transitions is on the increase, pointing to the democratic fragility of many newer Positive developments democracies. The number of weak democracies with low democratic quality is also increasing. The largest share of weak democracies is in Africa, but they can be found in almost all regions of the world. • More than half of the countries in the world (62 per cent, or 97 countries) covered by the GSoD Indices are now democratic • Democratic erosion is on the rise. The share of countries (compared to only 26 per cent in 1975), and more than half (57 experiencing democratic erosion has more than doubled in the per cent) of the world’s population now lives in some form of past decade compared to the decade before. North America, democracy, compared to 36 per cent in 1975. Europe, and Asia and the Pacific are the regions most affected by democratic erosion, with more than half of countries in • The number of democracies continues to rise, from 90 in 2008 these regions falling into this category. This is also the case for to 97 in 2018. This increase has occurred despite a slowdown in under half of democracies in Africa, and Latin America and the global democratic expansion since the mid-1990s. Caribbean. • Popular demands for democracy are strong even in countries • There are signs that the quality of the world’s high-performing that have never experienced democracy. -
Corruption and Democratic Backsliding: a Perplexing Relationship
CORRUPTION AND DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING: A PERPLEXING RELATIONSHIP By MARIN EXLER Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY May, 2020 1 CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis of Marin Exler candidate for the degree of Master of Arts* Committee Chair Kelly McMann Committee Member Karen Beckwith Committee Member Pete Moore Date of Defense 5/1/2020 *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein. 2 Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................... 4 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 5 The Phenomenon of Corruption ..................................................................................... 6 The Phenomenon of Democratic Backsliding ................................................................ 9 The Argument and Its Contributions ............................................................................ 11 Methods And Data ........................................................................................................ 14 Comparative Analysis ................................................................................................... 18 Brazil ....................................................................................................................... -
The Populist Harm to Democracy: an Empirical Assessment
The Populist Harm to Democracy: An Empirical Assessment JORDAN KYLE RENEWING YASCHA MOUNK THE CENTRE Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 The Link Between Populism and Democracy 8 Populism’s Effect on Democracy 10 Conclusion 23 Appendix: Methodology 25 Published at http://institute.global/insight/ renewing-centre/populist-harm-democracy on December 26 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXE CUTIVE SUMMARY Many academics and commentators are sounding the alarm about the threat that rising populism poses to the stability of liberal democracies. Others respond that populism is, on the contrary, a sign of democratic resilience, providing a necessary corrective that will help address popular grievances, curtail the excessive power of elites and make political systems more democratic. Populist rule—whether from the right or the left—has a highly negative effect on political systems and leads to a significant risk of democratic erosion. To resolve this important debate on the basis of sound empirical evidence, this paper measures the impact that past populist governments have had on democracy by drawing on a first-of-its- kind global database of populist rule. It looks at the effect of populist government on three aspects of democratic institutions: the quality of democracy broadly, checks and balances on executive power, and political participation. The paper finds that populist rule—whether from the right or the left—has a highly negative effect on political systems and leads to a significant risk of democratic erosion. KEY FINDINGS • Populists last longer in office. On average, populist leaders stay in office twice as long as democratically elected leaders who are not populist. -
Global Democracy and Human Rights Impacts of COVID-19: in Brief
Global Democracy and Human Rights Impacts of COVID-19: In Brief June 26, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46430 Global Democracy and Human Rights Impacts of COVID-19: In Brief Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Background ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Global Trends and U.S. Interests ............................................................................................... 1 Principles for Permissible Restrictions on Human Rights ........................................................ 2 Potential Impacts of COVID-19 ...................................................................................................... 3 Freedom of Expression, Press Freedoms, and Access to Information ...................................... 6 Surveillance and Privacy ........................................................................................................... 8 Elections .................................................................................................................................... 9 Other Potential Challenges and Opportunities .......................................................................... 9 U.S. Responses ............................................................................................................................... 11 Possible -
N. 95 Il Summit Per La Democrazia Di Joe Biden
Giugno 2021 95 Il Summit per la democrazia di Joe Biden A cura di Mario Del Pero, Professore di Storia internazionale, Centre d'Histoire, Sciences Po – Parigi e ISPI Senior Associate Research Fellow, e Gaetano Di Tommaso, Ricercatore, Centre d'Histoire, Sciences Po – Parigi Nel luglio del 2019, poco più di due mesi dal lancio ufficiale della sua candidatura per le elezioni presidenziali, Joe Biden definì temi e contorni di quella che sarebbe stata la sua proposta di politica estera in un incontro organizzato alla City University of New York (Cuny).1 Tra le misure elencate per rilanciare il ruolo statunitense nel mondo, Biden annunciò la volontà di convocare un summit mondiale per la democrazia (“a global summit for democracy”) entro la fine del suo primo anno di mandato, con l’obiettivo di rendere il rafforzamento delle istituzioni democratiche nuovamente una priorità a livello globale. La promessa fu di invitare a Washington altri “leader democratici” per discutere di questioni legate a lotta alla corruzione e all’autoritarismo, sicurezza elettorale e promozione dei diritti umani su scala nazionale e internazionale. Oltre ai capi di governo, Biden espresse il desiderio di includere nel progetto anche componenti della società civile e aziende private, in particolare i giganti tecnologici dell’informazione e della comunicazione online, chiamate a fare la loro parte per combattere censura, fake news e limitazioni alla libertà personale e contribuire così al mantenimento di società aperte. L’iniziativa, secondo l’allora candidato democratico, avrebbe dovuto ricalcare quella lanciata nel 2010 dall’amministrazione Obama (di cui Biden era vicepresidente) che puntava a limitare i rischi di proliferazione e terrorismo nucleare.