DOCSLIB.ORG

Backsliding to Autocracy: the Case of Turkey Under Erdoğan

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Backsliding to Autocracy: the Case of Turkey Under Erdoğan American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations Student Research Spring 5-25-2021 Backsliding to Autocracy: The Case of Turkey under Erdoğan Yasmina Khaled Elazazi American University in Cairo, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Part of the Comparative Politics Commons Recommended Citation APA Citation Elazazi, Y. K. (2021).Backsliding to Autocracy: The Case of Turkey under Erdoğan [Master's Thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1619 MLA Citation Elazazi, Yasmina Khaled. Backsliding to Autocracy: The Case of Turkey under Erdoğan. 2021. American University in Cairo, Master's Thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1619 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Backsliding to Autocracy The Case of Turkey under Erdoğan Thesis Yasmina Khaled Elazazi SID: 900120380 Spring 2021 Thesis Supervisor: Dr. Nadine Sika (AUC) 1st Reader: Dr. Mostafa Hefny (AUC) 2nd Reader: Dr. Rolf Frankenberger (Tübingen University) Comparative Politics and Middle East Studies (CMEPS) Political Science Department The American University in Cairo Table of Contents Chapter I: Introduction .................................................................................................................... 3 Abstract ....................................................................................................................................... 3 Conceptual Framework ............................................................................................................... 4 Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................................... 6 Literature Review ........................................................................................................................ 8 Research Question, Hypotheses and Variables ......................................................................... 18 Research Design and Methodology........................................................................................... 19 Organizational Structure of the Thesis ...................................................................................... 21 Chapter II: The Military and Democratic Politics ........................................................................ 22 The Politicization of the Military and Democratic Politics ....................................................... 22 Theorizing Civil-Military Relations .......................................................................................... 24 Overview of Civil-Military Relations in Turkey....................................................................... 33 The Role of the Turkish Military in Politics after 2002 ............................................................ 38 “The Straw that Broke the Camel's Back” ................................................................................ 41 Chapter III: The Democratic Project: Old versus New ................................................................. 44 The Deep State .......................................................................................................................... 45 The Authoritarian Legacy ......................................................................................................... 49 The AKP “Democratic Model” ................................................................................................. 54 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 59 Chapter IV: Reversing or Surviving? ........................................................................................... 61 Personalism, Populism and the “Erdoğanization of Turkish Politics” ...................................... 61 Strategies of Reversal ................................................................................................................ 66 Threats and Responses .............................................................................................................. 67 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 82 Chapter V: Concluding Chapter.................................................................................................... 83 Review of Findings ................................................................................................................... 83 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................. 88 1 Tables and Figures Figure 1: Analytic Structure of Path-Dependent Explanation……………………….....................7 Figure 2: Own Compilation of Path-dependent Explanation of Regime Change…………………8 Table 1: Mechanisms of Change and Strategies…………………………….…………................30 2 Chapter I: Introduction Abstract Democratic backsliding is a gradual process that results from changes in formal political institutions and informal political practices that significantly affect how citizens engage with the state (Lust and Waldner, 2015: 7). Even though such a phenomenon may occur in different types of democracies, there is always a threshold that determines whether the state will completely backslide to autocracy or conserve being a “minimal democracy”. For instance, a current model of democratic backsliding is Turkey; a state which has been experiencing a decline in basic civil liberties, political rights and freedoms. According to Freedom House, from 2002 to 2020, Turkey’s “political environment” has decreased from 23 to 31 (on a scale of 0 to 40, 40 being the worst); moreover, its “global freedom” has deteriorated to 32 (on a scale of 100, 100 being the worst), which labeled it “not free”, compared to being “partly free” in 2002 (Freedom House, 2020). Indeed, the literature indicates that such decline mostly stemmed from Erdoğan’s personalization of institutions and control of the military’s political power after the attempted coup of July 2016. Nevertheless, when examining the literature on democratization, studies reveal that undermining the political influence of the military is crucial to consolidate democracy, yet in the Turkish case that did not happen (Droz-Vinznet, 2014: 668). Accordingly, an emerging puzzle is: why does a regime continue to backslide from democracy despite de-politicizing its military? How do other personalized institutions, within a state, determine the outcome of democratic transitions? Looking at Turkey under Erdoğan and the AKP1, this thesis aims to examine the causes of democratic backsliding in relation to the de-politicization of the military. 1 The AKP: The Justice and Development Party, known in Turkey by its Turkish acronym AKP (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi). 3 Keywords: democratic backsliding; politicization of the military; personalization of institutions; authoritarian legacy. Conceptual Framework Before examining the theoretical part of the thesis, a conceptual debate will be demonstrated then key terms will be defined. To begin with, there is growing uncertainty on how we should name the phenomenon “opposite to democratization”, how many distinct forms it can take in the empirical reality, and consequently how relevant and worrisome it is. Three commonly used concepts vary in degrees of differences when describing “the moving away” from democracy: “backsliding, breakdown/decay and autocratization” (Luhrmann and Lindberg, 2018: 7). However, for the purpose of this thesis, I abide by the term backsliding, arguing that democracies can lose democratic traits without necessarily breaking down or becoming autocracies. It should also be emphasized that my conception of democracy adheres to Dahl’s “procedural minimal democracy” which offers seven conditions for a modern democracy to be present: 1. Control over government decisions about policy is constitutionally vested in elected officials. 2. Elected officials are chosen in frequent and fairly conducted elections in which coercion is comparatively uncommon. 3. Practically all adults have the right to vote in the election of officials 4. Practically all adults have the right to run for elective offices in the government, though age limits may be higher for holding office than for the suffrage. 5. Citizens have a right to express themselves without the danger of severe punishment on political matters broadly defined, including criticism of officials, the government, the regime, the socioeconomic order, and the prevailing ideology. 6. Citizens have a right to seek out alternative sources of information. Moreover, alternative sources of information exist and are protected by law. 7. To achieve their various rights, including those listed above, citizens also have a right to form relatively independent associations or organizations, including independent political parties and interest groups (Dahl, 1982: 10-11). In general, those seven conditions capture the essence of a procedural democracy; however, I also include the additional two conditions proposed by Schmitter and Karl (1991), which are perceived
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Impact of Disinformation on Democratic Processes and Human Rights in the World
    STUDY Requested by the DROI subcommittee The impact of disinformation on democratic processes and human rights in the world @Adobe Stock Authors: Carme COLOMINA, Héctor SÁNCHEZ MARGALEF, Richard YOUNGS European Parliament coordinator: Policy Department for External Relations EN Directorate General for External Policies of the Union PE 653.635 - April 2021 DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT STUDY The impact of disinformation on democratic processes and human rights in the world ABSTRACT Around the world, disinformation is spreading and becoming a more complex phenomenon based on emerging techniques of deception. Disinformation undermines human rights and many elements of good quality democracy; but counter-disinformation measures can also have a prejudicial impact on human rights and democracy. COVID-19 compounds both these dynamics and has unleashed more intense waves of disinformation, allied to human rights and democracy setbacks. Effective responses to disinformation are needed at multiple levels, including formal laws and regulations, corporate measures and civil society action. While the EU has begun to tackle disinformation in its external actions, it has scope to place greater stress on the human rights dimension of this challenge. In doing so, the EU can draw upon best practice examples from around the world that tackle disinformation through a human rights lens. This study proposes steps the EU can take to build counter-disinformation more seamlessly into its global human rights and democracy policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey Country Report – Update November 2017 [3Rd Edition]
    21 November 2017 (COI up to 11th September 2017) Turkey Country Report – Update November 2017 [3rd edition] Explanatory Note Sources and databases consulted List of Acronyms CONTENTS 1. Main Developments since the attempted Coup d’état (July 2016) a. Overview of major legislative and political developments: i. Recent legislative developments incl. new amendments or decrees 1. State of Emergency 2. Emergency decrees a. Decree of 22 July 2016 (KHK/667) b. Decree of 25 July 2016 (KHK/668) c. Decree of 31 July 2016 (KHK/669) d. Decrees of 17 August 2016 (KHK/670 and 671) e. Decrees of 1 September 2016 (KHK/672, 673 and 674) f. Decrees of 29 October 2016 (KHK/675 and 676) g. Decrees of 22 November 2016 (KHK/677 and 678) h. Decrees of 6 January 2017 (KHK/679, 680 and 681) i. Decrees of 23 January 2017 (KHK/682, 683, 684 and 685) j. Decree of 7 February 2017 (KHK/686) k. Decree of 9 February 2017 (KHK/687) l. Decree of 29 March 2017 (KHK/688) m. Decrees of 29 April 2017 (KHK/689 and 690) n. Decree of 22 June 2017 (KHK/691) o. Decree of 14 July 2017 (KHK/692) p. Decrees of 25 August 2017 (KHK/693 and 694) 3. 2016: Observations by the Council of Europe Committee, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of opinion and expression and the Council of Europe’s Venice Commission 4. January – September 2017: Observations by the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly, the Council of Europe’s Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe, and the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of opinion and expression 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy Index 2020 in Sickness and in Health?
    Democracy Index 2020 In sickness and in health? A report by The Economist Intelligence Unit www.eiu.com The world leader in global business intelligence The Economist Intelligence Unit (The EIU) is the research and analysis division of The Economist Group, the sister company to The Economist newspaper. Created in 1946, we have over 70 years’ experience in helping businesses, financial firms and governments to understand how the world is changing and how that creates opportunities to be seized and risks to be managed. Given that many of the issues facing the world have an international (if not global) dimension, The EIU is ideally positioned to be commentator, interpreter and forecaster on the phenomenon of globalisation as it gathers pace and impact. EIU subscription services The world’s leading organisations rely on our subscription services for data, analysis and forecasts to keep them informed about what is happening around the world. We specialise in: • Country Analysis: Access to regular, detailed country-specific economic and political forecasts, as well as assessments of the business and regulatory environments in different markets. • Risk Analysis: Our risk services identify actual and potential threats around the world and help our clients understand the implications for their organisations. • Industry Analysis: Five year forecasts, analysis of key themes and news analysis for six key industries in 60 major economies. These forecasts are based on the latest data and in-depth analysis of industry trends. EIU Consulting EIU Consulting is a bespoke service designed to provide solutions specific to our customers’ needs. We specialise in these key sectors: • Healthcare: Together with our two specialised consultancies, Bazian and Clearstate, The EIU helps healthcare organisations build and maintain successful and sustainable businesses across the healthcare ecosystem.
    [Show full text]
  • Arxiv:1909.11836V5 [Econ.GN] 30 Oct 2020
    Propaganda, Alternative Media, and Accountability in Fragile Democracies Anqi Li1, Davin Raiha2, and Kenneth W. Shotts3 Forthcoming, Journal of Politics arXiv:1909.11836v6 [econ.GN] 29 Jul 2021 1Department of Economics, Washington University in St. Louis. [email protected]. 2Kelley School of Business, Indiana University. [email protected]. 3Stanford Graduate School of Business. [email protected]. Abstract We develop a model of electoral accountability with mainstream and alternative media. In addition to regular high- and low-competence types, the incumbent may be an aspiring autocrat who controls the mainstream media and will subvert democracy if retained in office. A truthful alternative media can help voters identify and remove these subversive types while re-electing competent leaders. A malicious alternative media, in contrast, spreads false accusations about the incumbent and demotivates policy effort. If the alternative media is very likely be malicious and hence is unreliable, voters ignore it and use only the mainstream media to hold regular incumbents accountable, leaving aspiring autocrats to win re-election via propaganda that portrays them as effective policymakers. When the alternative media's reliability is intermediate, voters heed its warnings about subversive incumbents, but the prospect of being falsely accused demotivates effort by regular incumbents and electoral accountability breaks down. Keywords: propaganda, alternative media, electoral accountability and selection, fragile democracy Supplementary material for this article is available in the online appendix in the online edition. Many countries inhabit a grey area between democracy and autocracy: their leaders are elected, but try to eliminate checks on their power and subvert the institutional foundations of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
    The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding.
    [Show full text]
  • Media-Watch-On-Hate-Speech-May
    Media Watch on Hate Speech & Discriminatory Language May - August 2013 Report Hrant Dink Foundation Halaskargazi Cad. Sebat Apt. No. 74 D. 1 Osmanbey-Şişli 34371 Istanbul/TURKEY Phone: 0212 240 33 61 Fax: 0212 240 33 94 E-mail: [email protected] www.nefretsoylemi.org www.hrantdink.org Media Watch on Hate Speech Project Coordinators Nuran Gelişli – Zeynep Arslan Part I : Monitoring Hate Speech in the National and Local Press in Turkey İdil Engindeniz Part II: Discriminatory Discourse in Print Media Gözde Aytemur Nüfuscu Translator Melisa Akan Contributors Berfin Azdal Rojdit Barak Azize Çay İbrahim Erdoğan Eda Güldağı Merve Nebioğlu Günce Keziban Orman (statistic data analysis) Nazire Türkoğlu Yunus Can Uygun Media Watch on Hate Speech Project is funded by Friedrich Naumann Foundation, Global Dialogue, the British Embassy and Danida. The views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the funders. CONTENTS MONITORING HATE SPEECH IN THE MEDIA 1 MONITORING HATE SPEECH IN THE NATIONAL AND LOCAL PRESS IN TURKEY 2 PART I: HATE SPEECH IN PRINT MEDIA 5 FINDINGS 6 NEWS ITEMS IDENTIFIED DURING THE PERIOD MAY-AUGUST 2013 16 EXAMPLES BY CATEGORY 24 1) ENMITY / WAR DISCOURSE Masons, communists and Jews! – Abdurrahman Dilipak 24 From EMPATHY to YOUPATHY! – Dursen Özalemdar 26 2) EXAGGERATION / ATTRIBUTION / DISTORTION German violence to the Turk – Dogan News Agency 28 ‘Do not be treacherous!’ - News Center 30 3) BLASPHEMY/ INSULT/ DENIGRATION Unwavering hatred and grudge - C. Turanlı 31 No such cowardice was ever seen before
    [Show full text]
  • The Global State of Democracy 2019 Addressing the Ills, Reviving the Promise
    Key findings The Global State of Democracy 2019 Addressing the Ills, Reviving the Promise www.idea.int International IDEA The Global State of Democracy 2019 Key Findings Addressing the Ills, Reviving the Promise The global democracy landscape KEY FINDINGS • The number of democratic re-transitions is on the increase, pointing to the democratic fragility of many newer Positive developments democracies. The number of weak democracies with low democratic quality is also increasing. The largest share of weak democracies is in Africa, but they can be found in almost all regions of the world. • More than half of the countries in the world (62 per cent, or 97 countries) covered by the GSoD Indices are now democratic • Democratic erosion is on the rise. The share of countries (compared to only 26 per cent in 1975), and more than half (57 experiencing democratic erosion has more than doubled in the per cent) of the world’s population now lives in some form of past decade compared to the decade before. North America, democracy, compared to 36 per cent in 1975. Europe, and Asia and the Pacific are the regions most affected by democratic erosion, with more than half of countries in • The number of democracies continues to rise, from 90 in 2008 these regions falling into this category. This is also the case for to 97 in 2018. This increase has occurred despite a slowdown in under half of democracies in Africa, and Latin America and the global democratic expansion since the mid-1990s. Caribbean. • Popular demands for democracy are strong even in countries • There are signs that the quality of the world’s high-performing that have never experienced democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption and Democratic Backsliding: a Perplexing Relationship
    CORRUPTION AND DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING: A PERPLEXING RELATIONSHIP By MARIN EXLER Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY May, 2020 1 CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis of Marin Exler candidate for the degree of Master of Arts* Committee Chair Kelly McMann Committee Member Karen Beckwith Committee Member Pete Moore Date of Defense 5/1/2020 *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein. 2 Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................... 4 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 5 The Phenomenon of Corruption ..................................................................................... 6 The Phenomenon of Democratic Backsliding ................................................................ 9 The Argument and Its Contributions ............................................................................ 11 Methods And Data ........................................................................................................ 14 Comparative Analysis ................................................................................................... 18 Brazil .......................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • From Guardianship to Civilian Control: How Did the Turkish Military Get Here?
    Outlines Of glObal transfOrmatiOns VOlume 10, number 3, 2017 Азия: вызовы и перспективы1 DOI: 10.23932/2542-0240 -2017-10-3-68-82 Acar KUTAY Eastern Mediterranean University 10, Mersin St, Famagusta, Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, 5000 [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0003-1403-9195 From Guardianship to Civilian Control: How Did the Turkish Military Get Here? ABSTRACT. This article examines how civil- that the Turkish government made to civilian- ian-military relations in Turkey have trans- military relations and to the organizational formed from a guardianship of the military structure of the armed forces after the recent to civilian control. To this end, it covers the failed coup attempt. following issues. It surveys the ways in which the military has instituted its influence over KEYWORDS: civil-military relations, mili- civilians from the 1960 military coup up until tary forces, guardianship, civilian control, coup the early 2000s. It elaborates major events and d’etat, Turkey processes that took place during the 2000s un- der the AKP governments. Then, the paper de- FOR CITATION: Kutay A� (2017 From scribes the reasons behind the failed coup at- Guardianship to Civilian Control: How did tempt of July 15, 2016, before concluding with the Turkish Military get here? Outlines of a discussion of the implications of the coup global transformations: politics, economics, attempt. There will be both immediate and law, 10 (3)� 68-82� DOI: 10�23932/2542-0240 long-term implications of the radical changes -2017-10-3-68-82 68 Контуры глобальных трансформаций том 10, номер 3, 2017 Азия: вызовы и перспективы1 DOI: 10.23932/2542-0240 -2017-10-3-68-82 Акар КУТАЙ Восточно-Средиземноморский Университет Мерсин ул., 10, Фамагуста, 5000, Турецкая Республика Северного Кипра [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0003-1403-9195 Oт опеки к гражданскому контролю: как изменилась роль турецкой армии? АННОТАЦИЯ.
    [Show full text]
  • The Populist Harm to Democracy: an Empirical Assessment
    The Populist Harm to Democracy: An Empirical Assessment JORDAN KYLE RENEWING YASCHA MOUNK THE CENTRE Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 The Link Between Populism and Democracy 8 Populism’s Effect on Democracy 10 Conclusion 23 Appendix: Methodology 25 Published at http://institute.global/insight/ renewing-centre/populist-harm-democracy on December 26 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXE CUTIVE SUMMARY Many academics and commentators are sounding the alarm about the threat that rising populism poses to the stability of liberal democracies. Others respond that populism is, on the contrary, a sign of democratic resilience, providing a necessary corrective that will help address popular grievances, curtail the excessive power of elites and make political systems more democratic. Populist rule—whether from the right or the left—has a highly negative effect on political systems and leads to a significant risk of democratic erosion. To resolve this important debate on the basis of sound empirical evidence, this paper measures the impact that past populist governments have had on democracy by drawing on a first-of-its- kind global database of populist rule. It looks at the effect of populist government on three aspects of democratic institutions: the quality of democracy broadly, checks and balances on executive power, and political participation. The paper finds that populist rule—whether from the right or the left—has a highly negative effect on political systems and leads to a significant risk of democratic erosion. KEY FINDINGS • Populists last longer in office. On average, populist leaders stay in office twice as long as democratically elected leaders who are not populist.
    [Show full text]
  • Humour As Resistance a Brief Analysis of the Gezi Park Protest
    PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 2 PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS David and Toktamış (eds.) In May and June of 2013, an encampment protesting against the privatisation of an historic public space in a commercially vibrant square of Istanbul began as a typical urban social movement for individual rights and freedoms, with no particular political affiliation. Thanks to the brutality of the police and the Turkish Prime Minister’s reactions, the mobilisation soon snowballed into mass opposition to the regime. This volume puts together an excellent collection of field research, qualitative and quantitative data, theoretical approaches and international comparative contributions in order to reveal the significance of the Gezi Protests in Turkish society and contemporary history. It uses a broad spectrum of disciplines, including Political Science, Anthropology, Sociology, Social Psychology, International Relations, and Political Economy. Isabel David is Assistant Professor at the School of Social and Political Sciences, Universidade de Lisboa (University of Lisbon) , Portugal. Her research focuses on Turkish politics, Turkey-EU relations and collective ‘Everywhere Taksim’ action. She is currently working on an article on AKP rule for the Journal of Contemporary European Studies. Kumru F. Toktamış, PhD, is an Adjunct Associate Professor at the Depart- ment of Social Sciences and Cultural Studies of Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, NY. Her research focuses on State Formation, Nationalism, Ethnicity and Collective Action. In 2014, she published a book chapter on ‘Tribes and Democratization/De-Democratization in Libya’. Edited by Isabel David and Kumru F. Toktamış ‘Everywhere Taksim’ Sowing the Seeds for a New Turkey at Gezi ISBN: 978-90-8964-807-5 AUP.nl 9 7 8 9 0 8 9 6 4 8 0 7 5 ‘Everywhere Taksim’ Protest and Social Movements Recent years have seen an explosion of protest movements around the world, and academic theories are racing to catch up with them.
    [Show full text]
  • 15 Temmuz: Erdoğan'ın Darbesi
    15 TEMMUZ ERDOĞAN’IN DARBESİ stockholm center for JULY, 2017 SCF freedom www.stockholmcf.org stockholm center for SCF freedom Bu sayfa boş bırakılmıştır. 2 stockholm center for SCF freedom Stockholm Center for Freedom hakkında tockholm Center for Freedom (SCF- Stockholm Özgürlük Merkezi), Türkiye’de hukukun üstünlüğü, demokrasi, temel hak ve özgürlükler konusundaki gelişmeleri yakından takip etmek ve Sbu konularda raporlama yapmak amacıyla, İsveç yasaları çerçevesinde kurulmuş bir sivil toplum örgütü ve bir izleme grubudur. SCF, otoriter Erdoğan rejimi tarafından yönetilen Türkiye’de, bağımsız medyaya yönelik benzeri görülmedik hapis, kapatma, sansür, baskı ve yasaklamalar sonucu yurtdışında sürgünde yaşamak zorunda kalmış bir grup tecrübeli gazeteci tarafından kurulmuştur. Merkezi, ifade ve basın özgürlüğü konusunda 250 yıllık çok köklü ve güçlü bir geleneği olan İsveç’in başkenti Stockholm’de bulunmaktadır SCF, 80 milyonluk nüfusuyla Avrupa ile Asya arasında uzanan bir ülke olan Türkiye’de hak ve özgürlükler, hukukun üstünlüğü ve demokratik değerler alanında, hızlı kötüye gidişten ciddi endişe duymaktadır. SCF, Türkiye’de olup bitenlerin, Ortadoğu’dan Orta Asya’ya, Kuzey Amerika’dan Güneydoğu Asya’ya kadar uzanan geniş bir coğrafyada olumsuz etkileri ve önemli sonuçları olacağına inanmaktadır. Bağımsız ve tarafsız bir sivil toplum örgütü olarak SCF, Türkiye’de ilgi alanına giren gelişmeler hakkında haberler yaparak günlük izleme yapmakla beraber, bu alanlarda irdelenmesinin önemine inandığı konularda derinlikli analizler ve kapsamlı periyodik raporlar hazırlamaktadır. Şimdiye kadar medya özgürlüğü, işkence ve kötü muamele, şüpheli ölüm ve intiharlar, kaçırılmalar, kadın ve çocukların cezaevlerinde mağdur edilmesi, hukukun üstünlüğü, Erdoğan’ın nefret söylemleri ve Erdoğan’ın yurt dışına uzanan kolları gibi konularda detaylı çalışmalar yapıp, yayınlamıştır. 3 stockholm center for SCF freedom Yönetici Özeti .....................
    [Show full text]