DOCSLIB.ORG

The Problem of Democratization in Egypt: “Electoral”

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Problem of Democratization in Egypt: “Electoral” THE PROBLEM OF DEMOCRATIZATION IN EGYPT: “ELECTORAL” AUTHORITARIANISM AND THE MILITARY The popular revolts that started at the end of 2010s, shattered the base of long- established authoritarian regimes in the Arab Middle East. Those events inevitably brought about debates on the democratization in this part of the world which had been taking place since early 1990s. At the core of these debates laid whether a democratization process could be applicable in the Middle East as it happened in the West. Most of the discussions about democratization in this region carried with a Western centric discourse and frame. Mainstream approaches argued that the political, social, religious and cultural structures of the region were a stumbling block on the way for Western style democratization. This approach is based on the idea of the “other” and a dichotomy between the East and the West, in which this dichotomy occupied a central place. The revolts erupted in the Arab Middle East were framed with such metanarratives as the Thirty Years Wars, the Peace of Westphalia and the Prag Spring. The Arab peoples who are the subjects of their own history and struggle for democracy have been turned into a Western-centric object of discourse. These kinds of approaches not only render the social-political struggles of region into an ahistorical process, but they have also been problematic from the outset since they argued that there is only one model for democratization and regional peace. Instead of an overarching assessment, there needs to be an approach which tries to transcend this reading, and which acknowledges divergent democratization traditions and experiences of individual Arab societies. It is important to develop an approach that transcends imaginary geographical narratives on the one hand, and has an historical background which takes into account of social structures on the other. In an historical 1 conjuncture that implies that “authoritarianism” belongs to the “East” and democratization belongs to the West, the question why the “Middle Eastern societies are not democratizing” gains ever more significance. The first round of the Arab Spring which started in Tunisia with a popular uprising led to the collapse of the 24 yearlong Zaynal Abidin bin Ali’s regime and his escape from the country. This shocking event represented a disenchantment (Entauberung) in the Weberian sense and showed the vulnerability of the authoritarian regimes in the face of mass demonstrations, paving way for the other popular revolts of the discontented masses in neighbouring countries. “Starting from Tunisia, in a domino effect those uprisings spread to other countries such as Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Bahrain and Omman. Egypt was the second country where a 30 year long Husni Mubarak regime collapsed under pressure from the mass riots. Mubarak who was in power since 1981, left office to Omar Suleiman when he realized that the powerful military remained silent during the riots and conceded to the demands of the public. This made it possible for a relatively smooth transition. Muhammad Mursi was elected as the president who was the candidate of the Freedom and Justice Party, the political wing of the Muslim Brotherhood organization. Although free elections were important in terms of democratization, the rapid moves in democratic backsliding led to the debates about elections equal democratization. After all, the Arab Middle East is no stranger to the election processes, but it is known that democracy as an idea and tradition and democratization as an act have not taken root in the region. Mursi was ousted from power only after he was elected a year ago by his hand-picked minister of defence Abdulfattah es-Sisi which was followed by the elections won by a huge margin of the 2 incumbent leader. However, what Larbi Sadiki termed as “election fetishism” does not bring democratization to the region. The events of 2011 are part of the history of the Egyptian society as well as the uprisings started in Tunisia and spread to other authoritarian regimes. Therefore, the mass riots in 2011 were not an exception in Egypt, just as it would not be correct to speak of an opposition free Egyptian political scene during the Mubarak era. Transition to the neoliberal opening and integration to the international system during the Sadat period has been the main dynamic whose impact continued even today. This policy aimed to replace social welfare practices of the Nasir’s Arab Socialism in the area of education and health and subvention of basic needs with neoliberal principles. Coupled with the high inflation and unemployment rate, the social eruption came in 1977 with the “bread uprisings”. The global contraction during the 1980s led to the riots not only in Egypt but also in other countries. When the Mubarak regime intensified its oppression in order to implement neoliberal policies, Egypt experienced mass protests in 2008 which targeted both the regime and austerity measures. The question still hangs in the air: why Egypt struggles with democratization despite the existing oppositional forces? There maybe two explanations regarding this question. Externally, the US-Egypt relations played a significant part in this. The US strategy in the Middle East was based on the stability in Egypt which was one of the most important actors in the Arab world. Egypt was critical in suppressing the Islamist movements the most important of which was the Muslim Brotherhood, and its recognition of Israel and diplomatic ties. Both the US and the European countries ignored human rights violations and pressures on the opposition for the sake of stability which has turned into a covert compromise. 3 The domestic reason for the lack of democratization should be the focal point, and one needs to consider the post anti-colonial dynamics. In that period, the Arab nationalists and Baathists prioritised anti-imperialism and economic development. The powerful leadership was the order of the day, single party authoritarian regimes with strong executive power were formed with a heavy emphasis on nationalist ideology. Unlike some Arab countries, in the Egyptian case, the military has a privileged place in this country. Military officers led the revolution against the Farouk regime, and wars waged against Israel turned the military into an active player in domestic politics. The post- 2011 period showed the prominent role of the Egyptian military in politics, economy and social life. The military formed the interim government after the overthrow of Mubarak, generals maintained critical positions in the cabinet during the Mursi government and took control of the executive after the military coup in 2013. The main consequences of strong leadership and military’s active involvement in politics has been the narrowing down of the political space and weakening of civil society and marginalizing of the opposition. The designation of the Muslim Brotherhood which has been the most organized political group, as a terrorist organization, the imprisonment of its leading figures and the ensuing purge of its members is a case in point. Beginning from the 2000s, there emerged a rudimentary civil society, along with new generation of young people and growing urbanization which manifested itself in the formation of April 6 movement. Those liberal minded groups spearheaded anti-Mubarak protests but civil society is still weak in Egypt. 4 .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Impact of Disinformation on Democratic Processes and Human Rights in the World
    STUDY Requested by the DROI subcommittee The impact of disinformation on democratic processes and human rights in the world @Adobe Stock Authors: Carme COLOMINA, Héctor SÁNCHEZ MARGALEF, Richard YOUNGS European Parliament coordinator: Policy Department for External Relations EN Directorate General for External Policies of the Union PE 653.635 - April 2021 DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT STUDY The impact of disinformation on democratic processes and human rights in the world ABSTRACT Around the world, disinformation is spreading and becoming a more complex phenomenon based on emerging techniques of deception. Disinformation undermines human rights and many elements of good quality democracy; but counter-disinformation measures can also have a prejudicial impact on human rights and democracy. COVID-19 compounds both these dynamics and has unleashed more intense waves of disinformation, allied to human rights and democracy setbacks. Effective responses to disinformation are needed at multiple levels, including formal laws and regulations, corporate measures and civil society action. While the EU has begun to tackle disinformation in its external actions, it has scope to place greater stress on the human rights dimension of this challenge. In doing so, the EU can draw upon best practice examples from around the world that tackle disinformation through a human rights lens. This study proposes steps the EU can take to build counter-disinformation more seamlessly into its global human rights and democracy policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy Index 2020 in Sickness and in Health?
    Democracy Index 2020 In sickness and in health? A report by The Economist Intelligence Unit www.eiu.com The world leader in global business intelligence The Economist Intelligence Unit (The EIU) is the research and analysis division of The Economist Group, the sister company to The Economist newspaper. Created in 1946, we have over 70 years’ experience in helping businesses, financial firms and governments to understand how the world is changing and how that creates opportunities to be seized and risks to be managed. Given that many of the issues facing the world have an international (if not global) dimension, The EIU is ideally positioned to be commentator, interpreter and forecaster on the phenomenon of globalisation as it gathers pace and impact. EIU subscription services The world’s leading organisations rely on our subscription services for data, analysis and forecasts to keep them informed about what is happening around the world. We specialise in: • Country Analysis: Access to regular, detailed country-specific economic and political forecasts, as well as assessments of the business and regulatory environments in different markets. • Risk Analysis: Our risk services identify actual and potential threats around the world and help our clients understand the implications for their organisations. • Industry Analysis: Five year forecasts, analysis of key themes and news analysis for six key industries in 60 major economies. These forecasts are based on the latest data and in-depth analysis of industry trends. EIU Consulting EIU Consulting is a bespoke service designed to provide solutions specific to our customers’ needs. We specialise in these key sectors: • Healthcare: Together with our two specialised consultancies, Bazian and Clearstate, The EIU helps healthcare organisations build and maintain successful and sustainable businesses across the healthcare ecosystem.
    [Show full text]
  • Arxiv:1909.11836V5 [Econ.GN] 30 Oct 2020
    Propaganda, Alternative Media, and Accountability in Fragile Democracies Anqi Li1, Davin Raiha2, and Kenneth W. Shotts3 Forthcoming, Journal of Politics arXiv:1909.11836v6 [econ.GN] 29 Jul 2021 1Department of Economics, Washington University in St. Louis. [email protected]. 2Kelley School of Business, Indiana University. [email protected]. 3Stanford Graduate School of Business. [email protected]. Abstract We develop a model of electoral accountability with mainstream and alternative media. In addition to regular high- and low-competence types, the incumbent may be an aspiring autocrat who controls the mainstream media and will subvert democracy if retained in office. A truthful alternative media can help voters identify and remove these subversive types while re-electing competent leaders. A malicious alternative media, in contrast, spreads false accusations about the incumbent and demotivates policy effort. If the alternative media is very likely be malicious and hence is unreliable, voters ignore it and use only the mainstream media to hold regular incumbents accountable, leaving aspiring autocrats to win re-election via propaganda that portrays them as effective policymakers. When the alternative media's reliability is intermediate, voters heed its warnings about subversive incumbents, but the prospect of being falsely accused demotivates effort by regular incumbents and electoral accountability breaks down. Keywords: propaganda, alternative media, electoral accountability and selection, fragile democracy Supplementary material for this article is available in the online appendix in the online edition. Many countries inhabit a grey area between democracy and autocracy: their leaders are elected, but try to eliminate checks on their power and subvert the institutional foundations of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
    The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding.
    [Show full text]
  • The Global State of Democracy 2019 Addressing the Ills, Reviving the Promise
    Key findings The Global State of Democracy 2019 Addressing the Ills, Reviving the Promise www.idea.int International IDEA The Global State of Democracy 2019 Key Findings Addressing the Ills, Reviving the Promise The global democracy landscape KEY FINDINGS • The number of democratic re-transitions is on the increase, pointing to the democratic fragility of many newer Positive developments democracies. The number of weak democracies with low democratic quality is also increasing. The largest share of weak democracies is in Africa, but they can be found in almost all regions of the world. • More than half of the countries in the world (62 per cent, or 97 countries) covered by the GSoD Indices are now democratic • Democratic erosion is on the rise. The share of countries (compared to only 26 per cent in 1975), and more than half (57 experiencing democratic erosion has more than doubled in the per cent) of the world’s population now lives in some form of past decade compared to the decade before. North America, democracy, compared to 36 per cent in 1975. Europe, and Asia and the Pacific are the regions most affected by democratic erosion, with more than half of countries in • The number of democracies continues to rise, from 90 in 2008 these regions falling into this category. This is also the case for to 97 in 2018. This increase has occurred despite a slowdown in under half of democracies in Africa, and Latin America and the global democratic expansion since the mid-1990s. Caribbean. • Popular demands for democracy are strong even in countries • There are signs that the quality of the world’s high-performing that have never experienced democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption and Democratic Backsliding: a Perplexing Relationship
    CORRUPTION AND DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING: A PERPLEXING RELATIONSHIP By MARIN EXLER Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY May, 2020 1 CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis of Marin Exler candidate for the degree of Master of Arts* Committee Chair Kelly McMann Committee Member Karen Beckwith Committee Member Pete Moore Date of Defense 5/1/2020 *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein. 2 Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................... 4 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 5 The Phenomenon of Corruption ..................................................................................... 6 The Phenomenon of Democratic Backsliding ................................................................ 9 The Argument and Its Contributions ............................................................................ 11 Methods And Data ........................................................................................................ 14 Comparative Analysis ................................................................................................... 18 Brazil .......................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Populist Harm to Democracy: an Empirical Assessment
    The Populist Harm to Democracy: An Empirical Assessment JORDAN KYLE RENEWING YASCHA MOUNK THE CENTRE Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 The Link Between Populism and Democracy 8 Populism’s Effect on Democracy 10 Conclusion 23 Appendix: Methodology 25 Published at http://institute.global/insight/ renewing-centre/populist-harm-democracy on December 26 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXE CUTIVE SUMMARY Many academics and commentators are sounding the alarm about the threat that rising populism poses to the stability of liberal democracies. Others respond that populism is, on the contrary, a sign of democratic resilience, providing a necessary corrective that will help address popular grievances, curtail the excessive power of elites and make political systems more democratic. Populist rule—whether from the right or the left—has a highly negative effect on political systems and leads to a significant risk of democratic erosion. To resolve this important debate on the basis of sound empirical evidence, this paper measures the impact that past populist governments have had on democracy by drawing on a first-of-its- kind global database of populist rule. It looks at the effect of populist government on three aspects of democratic institutions: the quality of democracy broadly, checks and balances on executive power, and political participation. The paper finds that populist rule—whether from the right or the left—has a highly negative effect on political systems and leads to a significant risk of democratic erosion. KEY FINDINGS • Populists last longer in office. On average, populist leaders stay in office twice as long as democratically elected leaders who are not populist.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Democracy and Human Rights Impacts of COVID-19: in Brief
    Global Democracy and Human Rights Impacts of COVID-19: In Brief June 26, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46430 Global Democracy and Human Rights Impacts of COVID-19: In Brief Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Background ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Global Trends and U.S. Interests ............................................................................................... 1 Principles for Permissible Restrictions on Human Rights ........................................................ 2 Potential Impacts of COVID-19 ...................................................................................................... 3 Freedom of Expression, Press Freedoms, and Access to Information ...................................... 6 Surveillance and Privacy ........................................................................................................... 8 Elections .................................................................................................................................... 9 Other Potential Challenges and Opportunities .......................................................................... 9 U.S. Responses ............................................................................................................................... 11 Possible
    [Show full text]
  • Politics of Aggression: Turkey's Foreign Policy and Its Democratic
    Event Highlights: “Politics of Aggression: Turkey’s Foreign Policy and Its Democratic Demise” POMED Event Highlights: “Politics of Aggression: Turkey’s Foreign Policy and Its Democratic Demise” October 21, 2020 Watch the full event here. Turkey’s aggressive foreign policy is destabilizing its neighborhood and deepening the country’s regional isolation. This approach is a departure from Turkey’s traditional way of dealing with the region and is in many ways a product of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s consolidation of power: his sidelining of institutions and of the diplomatic process and his turn to populist nationalism to manufacture public support. On October 21, POMED’s Merve Tahiroğlu moderated a virtual discussion with experts Sinem Adar of SWP, Alan Makovsky of the Center for American Progress, and İlke Toygür of Elcano Royal Institute on the state of Turkish foreign policy and its relationship to Turkey’s democratic backsliding. Below are some of each speaker’s key points, which have been edited for clarity. Sinem Adar: Military operations abroad have hardly been absent in Turkish history. But the current moment represents a foreign policy watershed in that Turkey is daring to engage in military conflicts on multiple fronts simultaneously. After the 2016 coup attempt, political actors on the far right and far left entered the state bureaucracy and brought a more hawkish approach to foreign policy. The coup attempt also intensified Turkey’s perception of being isolated from its traditional Western allies, who did not unequivocally denounce the coup. And the perception that U.S. hegemony is in decline convinced Ankara that it has an opportunity to reposition Turkey as a regional hegemon—and that using hard power is the right way to do so.
    [Show full text]
  • BTI 2020 Democracy Report
    BTI 2020 | Resistance to democratic regression and authoritarian rule is growing Global Findings Democracy By Sabine Donner* Overview of the status of political transformation in 137 countries This global report analyzes the political transformation findings of the Transformation Index BTI 2020 in the review period from 1 February 2017 to 31 January 2019. For more information visit www.bti-project.org. Suggested citation: Sabine Donner, BTI 2020: Resistance to democratic regression and authoritarian rule is growing — Global Findings Democracy, Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC BY 4.0). * Sabine Donner is Senior Expert at the Bertelsmann Stiftung. BTI 2020 | Resistance to democratic regression and authoritarian rule is growing – Global Findings Democracy 2 _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Introduction The state of political transformation as measured by the BTI has fallen to a new low, although the rate of decline has slowed somewhat in comparison with previous years. In order to secure their power and sustain systems of patronage and self-enrichment, a number of democratically elected governments are purposively undermining the oversight bodies designed to hold them accountable and oblige them to govern responsibly. Autocratic regimes are trying to tighten the thumbscrews further on opposition forces and the free media. Yet many governments are facing increasingly de- termined citizens and resilient institutions that are no longer willing to tolerate social inequality, mismanagement and corruption, and which are finding new strategies to keep up the pressure. At first glance, BTI findings on political transformation trends for the review period from February 1, 2017, to January 31, 2019, give little cause for optimism.
    [Show full text]
  • Backsliding to Autocracy: the Case of Turkey Under Erdoğan
    American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations Student Research Spring 5-25-2021 Backsliding to Autocracy: The Case of Turkey under Erdoğan Yasmina Khaled Elazazi American University in Cairo, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Part of the Comparative Politics Commons Recommended Citation APA Citation Elazazi, Y. K. (2021).Backsliding to Autocracy: The Case of Turkey under Erdoğan [Master's Thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1619 MLA Citation Elazazi, Yasmina Khaled. Backsliding to Autocracy: The Case of Turkey under Erdoğan. 2021. American University in Cairo, Master's Thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1619 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Backsliding to Autocracy The Case of Turkey under Erdoğan Thesis Yasmina Khaled Elazazi SID: 900120380 Spring 2021 Thesis Supervisor: Dr. Nadine Sika (AUC) 1st Reader: Dr. Mostafa Hefny (AUC) 2nd Reader: Dr. Rolf Frankenberger (Tübingen University) Comparative Politics and Middle East Studies (CMEPS) Political Science Department The American University in Cairo Table of Contents Chapter I: Introduction ...................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Beating Backsliding? Episodes and Outcomes of Democratic Backsliding in Asia-Pacific in the Period 1950 to 2018
    1 BEATING BACKSLIDING? EPISODES AND OUTCOMES OF DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING IN ASIA-PACIFIC IN THE PERIOD 1950 TO 2018 Aurel Croissant Paper prepared for the workshop "Democratic Backsliding in Asia: Resilience,Responses, Revival," Heidelberg University, 8-9 December 2019. Very preliminary draft Comments gratefully received 1. INTRODUCTION Worldwide, democracy faces substantial challenges. Advanced democracies in the West face malaise as globalization and technological progress, political polarization and income inequality transnationalization and multi-level governance structures pose challenges to fundamental principles of national, representative democracy (Rodrick 2011; Boix 2019; Przeworski 2019). Simultaneously, an increasing number of so-called new or “Third Wave Democracies” seems to be experiencing mounting challenges of democratic erosion by those elected to lead it (Diamond 2015). Many students of democratization point out that this new “wave of autocratization” (Lührmann and Lindberg 2019) mainly affects democracies with gradual setbacks. Unlike in past periods of global democratic reversal, the problem of democratic erosion after the third wave of democratization is not abrupt collapse or sudden overthrow but gradual erosion of the pillars of democratic competition. The “Asia-Pacific” region (comprising South, Southeast and Northeast Asia) is of particular importance for the discussion about the current state of democracy and its future prospects. For one, it is the most populous region of the world which has been home of some of the most impressive success stories of economic growth and human development in the post-World War II period. At the same time, the region seems to contract the widely held view that “democracy does a better job in raising living standards in poor countries than does authoritarian government” (Halperin, Sigle, and Weinstein 2010: 1).
    [Show full text]