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July 2021 e-ISSN: 1857-8187 p-ISSN: 1857-8179 https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5121994 Research Article History Keywords: Yugoslav, Albanian, KOSOVO: SPRING OF 1981 Serbian, federal unit, Josip Broz Tito, A HERALD OF CHANGE IN YUGOSLAVIA The Constitution of 1974, demonstrations, Autonomous Provinces. Ministry of Education Science Technology and Innovation Arbër Salihu Republic of Kosova Abstract This article argues that a number of factors, both internal and international were the cause of the 1981 demonstrations in Kosovo. There were three internal factors: Yugoslav, Serbian and Albanian. External factors include the international context at the time of the events and the influence coming from Albania. Among the internal factors, the Yugoslav factor in itself is quite complex. Josip Broz Tito, an incomparable balancer, had managed to put under control inter-ethnic relations and encourage any initiative for economic development of the country. But since the beginning, the economy faced a number of problems, the foreign debt had gone up, and the gap between the Republics and the Autonomous Provinces had deepened. Kosovo had remained the most underdeveloped region all the time. The Constitution of 1974 marked an important step towards national equality; however, this caused dissatisfaction among Serbs due to the increased level of rights of the two provinces controlled by Serbia. Albanians were also dissatisfied with the new degree of federal element, while their demand was a federal unit, i.e. for a republic. The Serbs had tried to regain their “rights” they had been deprived of, but Tito prevented them. Among Albanians, the Kosovo leadership considered the constitutional changes as part of an evolutionary process, a process which could lead to a republic for Kosovo. That is why, they did not support the demonstrations of 1981, and they even condemned them. In their view, the demonstrations had severely damaged the process and this provided the Serbs the opportunity to exercise their uncontrolled nationalism. This has already been proven. If there are still uncertainties as to who had incited the demonstrations and whether they were politically motivated since the beginning, the fact is that the conditions for social eruptions had been created and that the spring of 1981 became the herald of future changes in Yugoslavia. The demonstrations that broke out in the spring of 1981 represent a turning point for the future of the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo (hereinafter SAPK), but are also a warning for change in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (hereinafter SFRY). The circumstances these demonstrations took place in were quite complex. Although Yugoslavia has long been considered the ‘paradise’ of national equality and successful economic development, the federal state has long been plagued by many problems. Some of Yugoslavia's problems were estimated to be due to changes in the construction of the new decentralized system of self-government; part of the other problems was thought to stem from inheritance and unresolved historical issues in the relations between the peoples that were involved in the socialist federal state of Tito1. Nevertheless, only owing to the experience and dominating authority of J.B. Tito, as a skilled and courageous politician in establishing and maintaining balance, many of the above problems managed to be attenuated and waned down to a considerable extent. However, Tito’s death, in May 1980, brought out the long-held question posed by various international circles as to what would happen in the future to the Yugoslav state after him. 1 “Feuilleton - The CIA Secret File on Kosovo”, Koha Ditore (Prishtina), 21.01.2005. Page | 19 Anglisticum Journal (IJLLIS), Volume: 10 | Issue: 7 | July 2021 e-ISSN: 1857-8187 p-ISSN: 1857-8179 Concerns about this issue had started to appear during the ‘70s, when detailed analyses and forecasts were made away from the eyes of public opinion.2 The fate of Yugoslavia’s future, based on assessments of various possible scenarios, was predicted to be very bleak. Tito’s death was also considered ‘Day X’, the day when the destruction of Yugoslavia would begin.3 Such conclusion was reached based on the identification of known problems, but also of problems that existed potentially and in certain situations could appear as nationalist, separatist and disintegrating actions within the country.4 On the other hand, the fate of Yugoslavia was also linked to developments in international relations. The birth of ‘Solidarnost’ in Poland in 1980, as well as the USSR intervention in Afghanistan,5 had an impact also on Yugoslavia, the leading state of non-aligned countries. Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev's theory of the limited sovereignty of the countries of real socialism, which had in fact begun to be contested on the rebellious satellite, Poland, with the: ‘Solidarnost’6 movement, hung over head like the sword of Damocles for all communist states. Fears that the Soviet Union might be involved in the developments in Yugoslavia, a goal that had remained an attempt for years, were also raised as a concern by various Western diplomats.7 The death of J.B. Tito was a moment that Serbian nationalist forces saw as a chance to strengthen their political power throughout the Yugoslav state. They regarded the Yugoslav Constitution of 1974 and the status of Kosovo in the federation, as the main injustice and obstacle to the realization of their interests. The unitarist ambitions of the Serbian political and intellectual circles began to manifest themselves. Meanwhile, on the other hand, the most economically developed republics, such as Slovenia and Croatia, which had long embraced the idea of economic and political decentralization, opposed unitarism in any form. Serbian nationalists sought a pretext to impose the changes they intended. It was as if they were waiting for a moment to avenge the ‘injustices’ that had been done to them. The political and social atmosphere was impregnated with years of accumulated resentment against Tito and his ethnic and political groups. 2 Yugoslavia: An Intelligence Appraisal (In Response to NSSM 129), 27 July 1971, see: http://www.dni.gov/68C316DC-38CE-4608-B7AC-ECBC13779302/FinalDownload/DownloadId- F1BC22180243B622FA138735FAB8DFB0/68C316DC-38CE-4608-B7AC-ECBC13779302/nic/ DF_GIF_declass_support/yugoslavia/Pub24_An_Intel_Appraisal_27-Jul-1971.pdf (visited on 22.10.2012) ; “Feuilleton - The CIA Secret File on Kosovo”, Koha Ditore, Prishtina, 15.01.2005, 21.01.2005; 27.01.2005. Fill in page number. 3 Fadil Hoxha in the first person (with notes and forewords by Veton Surroi), Prishtina: KOHA, 2010, p. 387. 4 Yugoslavia: An Intelligence Appraisal (In Response to NSSM 129), 27 July 1971 “Feuilleton - The CIA Secret File on Kosovo”, Koha Ditore, Prishtina, 15.01.2005, 21.01.2005; 27.01.2005. fill in page number. 5 Gabriel Partos, The World That Came from the Cold, Tirana: Çabej MÇM, 1995, p.123-124. At the end of December 1979, Soviet Union dispatched thousands of troops to Afghanistan and immediately took military and political control over Kabul and a great part of the country. 6 Ukshin Hoti, Political Philosophy of Albanian Issue, Prishtina: UNIKOM, 1997, p. 106. 7 Albanian Government Diplomatic Documents on 1981 Demonstrations, researched and prepared for print by Sabit Syla, Prishtina: Association of Kosovo Political Prisoners, 2012, f. 39. Document Nr. 9 “Some opinions of western diplomats on Kosovo events, 5 May 1981”. Page | 20 Anglisticum Journal (IJLLIS), Volume: 10 | Issue: 7 | July 2021 e-ISSN: 1857-8187 p-ISSN: 1857-8179 And if we go back in time, we will find the beginnings of this discontent, especially after the sentencing of Aleksandar Rankovic*, a personality in whom most Serb nationalists had outlined the accomplishment of their goals. This is best illustrated by the statement of the member of the Central Committee of the YCL, Dobrica Ćosić (hereinafter Dobrica Qosiq), one of the most determined exponents of extreme Serbian nationalism, who at the time wrote to Tito: “Do not harass Rankovic as this will be understood as a strike to the entire Serbia.”8 The subsequent constitutional changes within the project “Constitutional Amendments and Supplements” during 1967, 1968, 1971 and the approval of the new federal Constitution in 1974 further aggravated the Serbian nationalists, often enrobed in party and ruling garment. After failing to prevent these changes, which sanctioned the decentralization of the federal and republican state system, and consequently the advancement of the autonomy of the autonomous provinces, these forces started seeking other forms for the revision of this constitution. During 1976, 1977, a working group led by senior Serbian officials, such as Dragoslav Marković (hereinafter Dragosllav Markoviq) and Petar Stambolić (hereinafter Petar Stambolliq), drafted the so-called ‘Blue Book’ entitled “Socialist Republic of Serbia and Its Autonomous Provinces - Constitutional Position and Practices”.9 This ‘working document’ as it was called at the time, semi-officially, not publicly, called for a review of the part that had to do with the position of the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina, because Serbia was allegedly damaged. It stated that the provinces should remain under the jurisdiction of Serbia and that many powers [rights] should be returned to Serbia. Serbian leaders initially tried to impose these proposals on provincial leaders. But they also tried, in a camouflaged form, to serve such
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    My jsme Albánci, ne Jugoslávci – demonstrace 1981 Mezníkem v dalším vývoji jak Kosova, tak samozřejmě celé Jugoslávie, se stala Titova smrt 4. května 1980. Na první pokus o revizi kosovského statusu poté nebylo zapotřebí dlouho čekat. Došlo k němu necelý rok po maršálově skonu – v březnu a dubnu 1981, kdy celou autonomní oblast zachvátily nepokoje, které do té doby neměly v SFRJ obdoby. Začaly 11. března 1981 kolem poledne jako izolovaný a na první pohled nevýznam- ný studentský protest, vyvolaný špatným jídlem v univerzitní menze. „Menzovní“ incident záhy přerostl v protest proti nedobrým sociálním podmínkám studentů a vůči nekvalitnímu ubytování v prištinském stu- dentském městečku.809 Poté, co se kolona protestujících studentů vyda- la k stranickému sekretariátu, pokoušeli se profesoři i kosovští politi- ci studenty uklidnit v dlouhých debatách. Mezitím však policie několik studentů zatkla a protest se proto znovu rozhořel. Získal i jisté „anti- byrokratické“ zaměření vůči kosovským představitelům (skandovalo se také „někteří v křeslech, jiní bez chleba“).810 Policie proti studentům in- tervenovala slzným plynem. Při potyčkách byli zraněni dva policisté a 18 demonstrantů. Zhruba stovku studentů policie zatkla. Předseda OV SK Kosova Mahmut Bakalli poté strávil noc s albánskými studenty v diskusi na kolejích, při nichž slíbil zlepšení situace, ale důrazně je upozornil, že další demonstrace již nesmí být.811 Kosovská politická reprezentace, která se sešla následujícího dne, demonstrace sice odsoudila, ale s tím, že k nim došlo spontánně, tj. že předtím „neexistovaly žádné indicie o tom, že by k nim mohlo dojít“.812 Tím ze sebe sňala případné podezření ze zanedbání „revoluční bdělosti“. Přestože ve svých závěrech zhodnotila, že hlavní požadavky byly sociální- 809 von KOHL, Christine – Libal, Wolfgang: Kosovo: Gordischen Knoten des Balkan.
  • Journal of Balkan and Black Sea Studies Year 4, Issue 6, June 2021, Pp

    Journal of Balkan and Black Sea Studies Year 4, Issue 6, June 2021, Pp

    Journal of Balkan and Black Sea Studies Year 4, Issue 6, June 2021, pp. 101-130. The Yugoslav State Security Service and Physical Violence in Socialist Kosovo Isabel Ströhle Abstract: As the movement toward decentralization in Yugoslavia accelerated following the Brioni Plenum of 1966, the Kosovo branch of the League of Communists sought to support its demands for an expansion of the province’s autonomy and Albanian nationality rights by revealing so-called “deformations” (deformacije), including violence of the state security service in Kosovo province. While it formally succeeded in that effort, on a local level this strategy undermined the political legitimacy of Yugoslav Communist rule in multi-ethnic Kosovo. Using court case files and documented interrogations of security service officials by party commissions, the article first reconstructs one of the most-debated incidents of extreme state violence in Yugoslav Kosovo: the confiscation of weapons from villagers in 1955–1956. The article then explores, using archival materials of the League of Communists of Kosovo and Serbia, the ways in which the Kosovar Communist leadership debated the state security and intelligence agencies’ excessive use of violence a decade later The author argues that the leadership’s aspiration to reshape the memory of the earlier phase of Yugoslav Communist rule in Kosovo through releasing selected pieces of information caused outrage locally and undermined the leadership’s effort to legitimate its rule more fully, particularly as the promised lustration
  • Ban on British Cars to Be Challenged in Court

    Ban on British Cars to Be Challenged in Court

    News: EULEX Officers Caught ‘Smuggling’ Out of Kosovo April 23 - May 6, 2010 Issue No. 38 www.prishtinainsight.com Now on sale for € 1 Pacolli Builds NEWS Poor Mansion Infrastructure Outside Keeps Kosovo Off Prishtina Tourist Map Pacolli’s large villa is sur- > page 4 rounded by a two metre high wall. It is being built by his construction com- pany Mabetex, which has been involved in a number of high profile contracts in BUSINESS the former Soviet Union Kosovo Failing and Kosovo. See Page 6 to Meet Green Energy Targets Ban on British Cars to be > page 5 GUIDE Get the Paintball Challenged in Court Rolling The people of a village where a third of locals own right-hand-drive UK cars have mounted a legal challenge to a July > page 10 2009 ruling which banned such vehicles from the roads. already have a Kosovo-registered 2008, and in 2009 another 1,006 According to article three of the FOOD & DRINK By Petrit Collaku right-hand-drive car have been were brought in, despite the ban Constitution, the principle of Cantina AM-PM: required to make the modification, being introduced halfway though equality before the law was being ban on right-hand-dive cars which can cost up to 7,000 euro, the year. British second-hand cars violated, “because the people I rep- Stylish Mexican in in Kosovo is being chal- when they carry out their yearly are popular in Kosovo as they are resent have paid all the necessary lenged in the constitutional A registration of the car.