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												RESOLVING DISPUTES and BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization Between Kosovo and Serbia
Council CIG for Inclusive Governance RESOLVING DISPUTES AND BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization between Kosovo and Serbia Contents 2 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 SUPPORTING THE BRUSSELS DIALOGUE 16 ESTABLISHING THE ASSOCIATION / COMMUNITY OF SERB-MAJORITY MUNICIPALITIES 24 KOSOVO’S NORTH INTEGRATION AND SERB POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 32 PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION 39 COOPERATION ON EU INTEGRATION 41 PARTICIPANTS Albanian and Serbian translations of this publication are available on CIG’s website at cigonline.net. CIG Resolving Disputes anD BuilDing Relations Challenges of normalization between Kosovo and serbia Council for Inclusive Governance New York, 2015 PrefaCe anD AcknowleDgments Relations between Kosovo and Serbia are difficult. Since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008, all contacts between officials of Kosovo and Serbia ceased. Belgrade rejected any direct interaction with Pristina preferring to deal through the EU Rule of Law Mission and the UN Mission in Kosovo. However, encouraged by the EU and the US, senior officials of both governments met in March 2011 for direct talks in Brussels. These talks were followed in Brussels in October 2012 by a meeting between the prime ministers of Kosovo and Serbia. These EU-mediated dialogues resulted in a number of agreements between Serbia and Kosovo including the April 2013 Brussels Agreement. The Agreement’s main goal is to conclude the integration of the Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo’s north into Kosovo’s system of laws and governance, including the establishment of the Association/Community of the Serb-Majority Municipalities in Kosovo. The sides also pledged not to block each other’s accession processes into the EU. - 
												
												Marx's Confrontation with Utopia Darren Webb Department of Politics
In Search of the Spirit of Revolution: Marx's Confrontation with Utopia Darren Webb Department of Politics Thesis presented to the University of Sheffield for the degree of PhD, June 1998 Summary This thesis offers a sympathetic interpretation of Marx' s confrontation with Utopia. It begins by suggesting that Marx condemned utopianism as a political process because it undermined the principles of popular self-emancipation and self-determination, principles deemed by Marx to be fundamental to the constitution of any truly working class movement. As a means of invoking the spirit of revolution, it was therefore silly, stale and reactionary. With regards to Marx's own 'utopia', the thesis argues that the categories which define it were nothing more than theoretical by-products of the models employed by Marx in order to supersede the need for utopianism. As such, Marx was an 'Accidental Utopian'. Two conclusions follow from this. The first is that Marx's entire project was driven by the anti-utopian imperative to invoke the spirit of revolution in a manner consistent with the principles of popular self-emancipation and self-determination. The second is that, in spite of his varied attempts to do so, Marx was unable to capture the spirit of revolution without descending into utopianism himself Such conclusions do not, however, justify the claim that utopianism has a necessary role to play in radical politics. For Marx's original critique of utopianism was accurate and his failure to develop a convincing alternative takes nothing away from this. The accuracy of Marx's original critique is discussed in relation to the arguments put forward by contemporary pro-utopians as well as those developed by William Morris, Ernst Bloch and Herbert Marcuse. - 
												
												Serb Engagement in Kosovo's Politics
Serb Engagement in Kosovo’s Politics Introduction The Council for Inclusive Governance (CIG) organized on June 24, 2014 in Belgrade a roundtable for representatives of Kosovo Serb parties, Serbian parties, Serbian government officials, and a number of Serb analysts. The objective of the roundtable was to address the role of the newly elected Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo’s central institutions and to explore ways the Serb representatives could help to overcome obstacles at the local level, particularly in the north. The roundtable is part of a project on the normalization of Kosovo-Serbia relations and the integration of Kosovo’s north. The project is funded by the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. Kosovo Serbs in the north took part in Kosovo’s parliamentary elections for the first time since Kosovo declared independence in 2008. Under the current legislative framework, Kosovo Serbs are guaranteed 10 seats in parliament and are entitled to lead two ministries, if Kosovo’s government has more than 12 ministries. The last government was working with 19 ministries. If the number is less than 12, the Kosovo Serbs are entitled to one ministerial position. The civic initiative Srpska Lista won nine of the 10 guaranteed seats in the June elections and includes also some members of the Independent Liberal Party, which was part of the government with three ministries in the last mandate. The remaining seat went to the Progressive Democratic Party. The Srpska Lista has the support of the Serbian government and is expected to act in close coordination with Belgrade. Some see this support as a contribution to better advance Kosovo Serb interests. - 
												
												ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. - 
												
												Observation of the Early Parliamentary Elections in Serbia (16 March 2014)
http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 13516 22 May 2014 Observation of the early parliamentary elections in Serbia (16 March 2014) Election observation report Ad hoc Committee of the Bureau Rapporteur: Mr Pedro AGRAMUNT, Spain, Group of the European People's Party Contents Page 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 1 2. Legal framework ..................................................................................................................................... 2 3. Electoral administration, registration of the voters lists and candidates ................................................. 4 4. Election campaign and media environment ............................................................................................ 4 5. Election day ............................................................................................................................................ 6 6. Conclusions and recommendations........................................................................................................ 6 Appendix 1 – Composition of the ad hoc committee.................................................................................... 8 Appendix 2 – Programme of the election observation mission (14-17 March 2014) ................................... 9 Appendix 3 – Statement by the International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) ................................. 11 1. Introduction 1. The Bureau of the Parliamentary - 
												
												The March 2014 Parliamentary Elections in Serbia and Their Legacy by Maja Maksimovic Research Assistant, South-East Europe Programme, ELIAMEP, Greece Dr
ELIAMEP Briefing Notes 31 /2014 May 2014 The March 2014 Parliamentary Elections in Serbia and their Legacy By Maja Maksimovic Research Assistant, South-East Europe Programme, ELIAMEP, Greece Dr. Ioannis Armakolas, “Stavros Costopoulos” Research Fellow & Head of South-East Europe Programme, ELIAMEP, Greece The March 2014 snap parliamentary elections in Serbia were called on the initiative of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), the largest party in the Serbian Parliament, less than two years after they formed a government with their main coalition partner, Prime Minister Ivica Dačić’s Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). The Progressives based this decision on the grounds that the government needed a fresh mandate for carrying out the difficult reforms following the country’s road towards EU membership - a goal which became more realistic after the EU decided to open accession negotiations with Serbia in January 2014. However, it was also in the interest of the SNS to capitalise on the increased popular support for the party (which, depending on different opinion polls, amounted between 42 and 45 percent), and translate it into parliamentary seats. The greatest support in the party’s history had been secured primarily by virtue of its charismatic leader, Aleksandar Vučić. Formally holding the post of the first Deputy Prime Minister, but in reality acting and perceived as the Prime Minister himself, Vučić has taken most of the credit for Serbia’s achievements in the fight against corruption and organized crime, as well as for the historical progress the country has made in regard to its EU integration process. Given the favourable polls and popularity of the SNS leader, the balance of power among the Serbian ruling parties has significantly changed compared to 2012 when the Socialists were so integral to the government’s formation that they were able to demand the Prime Minister’s office. - 
												
												POLICY INSIGHT No.96 October 2019
abcd POLICY INSIGHT No.96 October 2019 The roots of populism in Europe, the United States and Latin America Guillermo de la Dehesa Romero CEPR, IE Business School, Madrid upport for populism is growing in many Stars Movement of Luigi Di Maio and Beppe Grillo, regions and countries in the world. Compare, which eventually collapsed because of different Sfor instance, the list of populist parties and views on key policy issues and the political individuals with national or local government ambitions of Mr Salvini. representation reported in Box 1 with the much shorter list compiled by Betz and Swank (2003) 16 The two main causes for the rise of populism years ago. are deep recessions and large immigration waves. Macroeconomic populism can lead to Populism is a way of thinking about politics rather hyperinflation, which, by distorting relative prices than a specific ideology, and is characterised by and devaluing the currency, can reinforce populist conflict between “the people”, who have a set of sentiments. Latin America, the region with the demands they believe are worthy of attention, longest populist tradition - from “Peronism” in and “the elite”, who are seen as unwilling to grant Argentina to “Chavism” in Venezuela - is a clear these demands (Judis, 2016). example of this link.2 Macroeconomic populism can also lead to excessive accumulation of In the United States, there are strong right- and public debt which, in turn, increases support for left-wing populist movements, the former led by populism because large debt accumulation is often President Trump and the latter by Senator Sanders. associated with beliefs that the political elite is The same applies to the United Kingdom, with either incompetent or dishonest (or both). - 
												
												Policy Paper 2015 ENG-B5
| FORUM ZA ETNIČKE ODNOSE FORUM FOR ETHNIC RELATIONSELAELATIONS Normalization Challenges PhD DUŠAN JANJIĆ FORUM ZA ETNIČKE ODNOSE FORUM FOR ETHNIC RELATIONS 1 2015 PhD DUŠAN JANJIĆ Normalization Challenges Analysis of the Negotiation Process and Implementation of the Brussels Agreement Belgrade, 2015. NORMALIZATION CHALLENGES ANALYSIS OF THE NEGOTIATION PROCESS AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE BRUSSELS AGREEMENT Belgrade, November 2015 Kraljice Natalije 45/VII 11000 Beograd, Srbija +381 11 36 20 804 [email protected] • www.fer.org.rs This publication is the result of the activities carried out on the project “Consultations on Normalization of Kosovo-Serbian-Relations”, which was realized from 2013 until 2015. The project was supported by KONRAD ADENAUER STIFTUNG, offi ce in Belgrade, www.kas.de/serbien. The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily refl ect the views of the KONRAD ADENAUER STIFTUNG, offi ce in Belgrade. CONTENTS Introduction. 5 I) Normalization – the Path from Confl ict to a “European Future” . 6 a) The Historical and Political Circumstances which Preceded the Brussels dialogue. 6 b) Normalization – the Way toward a Possible Solution . 11 II) Brussels Agreement . 20 a) Technical Agreements . 21 1. Freedom of Movement . 22 2. Integrated Border Management (IBM) . 26 3. Customs Revenue Collection and Customs Stamps . 28 4. Interim Fund for Economic and Infrastructural Development of Northern Kosovo 30 5. Civil Registry Books. 31 6. Cadastral Records . 32 7. University Diplomas . 32 8. Regional Representation and Cooperation . 34 b) First Agreement of Principles Governing the Normalization of Relations . 34 1. Law on Amnesty. 38 2. Municipal Elections and Inauguration of Local Authorities . - 
												
												List of Political Parties
Manifesto Project Dataset Political Parties in the Manifesto Project Dataset [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2015a from May 22, 2015 Manifesto Project Dataset Political Parties in the Manifesto Project Dataset Version 2015a 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The following list documents the parties that were coded at a specific election. The list includes the party’s or alliance’s name in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation as well as the corresponding party identification number. In case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list by themselves. If the composition of an alliance changed between different elections, this change is covered as well. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party was a split from another party or a merger of a number of other parties and indicates the name (and if existing the id) of this split or merger parties. In the past there have been a few cases where an alliance manifesto was coded instead of a party manifesto but without assigning the alliance a new party id. Instead, the alliance manifesto appeared under the party id of the main party within that alliance. In such cases the list displays the information for which election an alliance manifesto was coded as well as the name and members of this alliance. 1.1 Albania ID Covering Abbrev Parties No. - 
												
												Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties
Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2020b from December 23, 2020 Manifesto Project Dataset - List of Political Parties Version 2020b 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The following list documents the parties that were coded at a specific election. The list includes the name of the party or alliance in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation as well as the corresponding party identification number. In the case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties it comprises. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list. If the composition of an alliance has changed between elections this change is reported as well. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party has split from another party or a number of parties has merged and indicates the name (and if existing the id) of this split or merger parties. In the past there have been a few cases where an alliance manifesto was coded instead of a party manifesto but without assigning the alliance a new party id. Instead, the alliance manifesto appeared under the party id of the main party within that alliance. In such cases the list displays the information for which election an alliance manifesto was coded as well as the name and members of this alliance. 2 Albania ID Covering Abbrev Parties No. Elections - 
											
The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes Was Formed in 1918; Its Name Was Changed to Yugoslavia in 1929
The World Factbook Europe :: Serbia Introduction :: Serbia Background: The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was formed in 1918; its name was changed to Yugoslavia in 1929. Communist Partisans resisted the Axis occupation and division of Yugoslavia from 1941 to 1945 and fought nationalist opponents and collaborators as well. The military and political movement headed by Josip Broz "TITO" (Partisans) took full control of Yugoslavia when their domestic rivals and the occupiers were defeated in 1945. Although communists, TITO and his successors (Tito died in 1980) managed to steer their own path between the Warsaw Pact nations and the West for the next four and a half decades. In 1989, Slobodan MILOSEVIC became president of the Republic of Serbia and his ultranationalist calls for Serbian domination led to the violent breakup of Yugoslavia along ethnic lines. In 1991, Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia declared independence, followed by Bosnia in 1992. The remaining republics of Serbia and Montenegro declared a new Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) in April 1992 and under MILOSEVIC's leadership, Serbia led various military campaigns to unite ethnic Serbs in neighboring republics into a "Greater Serbia." These actions were ultimately unsuccessful and, after international intervention, led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords in 1995. MILOSEVIC retained control over Serbia and eventually became president of the FRY in 1997. In 1998, an ethnic Albanian insurgency in the formerly autonomous Serbian province of Kosovo provoked a Serbian counterinsurgency campaign that resulted in massacres and massive expulsions of ethnic Albanians living in Kosovo. The MILOSEVIC government's rejection of a proposed international settlement led to NATO's bombing of Serbia in the spring of 1999. - 
												
												Losing and Gaining Kosovo: How the Serbian Government Re-Articulated Its Claim to Kosovo Within the Brussels Dialogue (2012–2018)
Faculty of Arts University of Helsinki Losing and Gaining Kosovo: How the Serbian Government Re-articulated its Claim to Kosovo within the Brussels Dialogue (2012–2018) Marina Vulović DOCTORAL DISSERTATION To be presented for public examination with the permission of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Helsinki, in Room 115, Language Centre, Fabianinkatu 26, on the 23rd of June, 2021 at 11 o’clock. Helsinki 2021 Publication of the Faculty of Arts The Doctoral Programme in Political, Societal and Regional Changes Doctoral thesis supervisors: Dr. Jouni Järvinen Prof. Dr. Florian Bieber Dr. Emilia Palonen Thesis pre-examiners: Prof. Dr. Eric Gordy Assoc. Prof. Dr. Andreja Vezovnik Opponent: Prof. Dr. Eric Gordy ISBN 978-951-51-7290-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-951-51-7291-4 (PDF) Unigrafia Helsinki 2021 The Faculty of Arts uses the Urkund system (plagiarism recognition) to examine all doctoral dissertations. ii Abstract This thesis examines Serbia’s changing approach to dealing with the Kosovo question since 2012. The claim of Serbia that Kosovo is an indivisible part of its territory has been anchored in the institutional framework of the country ever since the Kosovo war (1998-1999). Serbia’s attachment to Kosovo is not only an institutional matter, but is also woven into the cultural fabric of the Serbian political collective. It resonates with the Kosovo myth, the main element of which is the physical and symbolic claim to Kosovo. Since Kosovo declared its independence in 2008, countering Serbia’s claim to Kosovo, the Serbian Government has struggled to accommodate this state of affairs with its EU integration process guided by the incentive of the Brussels dialogue for normalizing relations between the two entities.