Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Hong Kong Official Title: Hong Kong Special Administration Region General Information
Hong Kong Official Title: Hong Kong Special Administration Region General Information: Capital Population (million) 7.474n/a Total Area 1,104 km² Currency 1 CAN$=5.791 Hong Kong $ (HKD) (2020 - Annual average) National Holiday Establishment Day, 1 July 1997 Language(s) Cantonese, English, increasing use of Mandarin Political Information: Type of State Type of Government Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Bilateral Product trade Canada - Hong Kong 5000 4500 4000 Balance 3500 3000 Can. Head of State Head of Government Exports 2500 President Chief Executive 2000 Can. Imports XI Jinping Carrie Lam Millions 1500 Total 1000 Trade 500 Ministers: Chief Secretary for Admin.: Matthew Cheung 0 Secretary for Finance: Paul CHAN 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Statistics Canada Secretary for Justice: Teresa CHENG Main Political Parties Canadian Imports Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB), Democratic Party from: Hong Kong (DP), Liberal Party (LP), Civic Party, League of Social Democrats (LSD), Hong Kong Association for Democracy and People’s Livelihood (HKADPL), Hong Kong Federation of Precio us M etals/ stones Trade Unions (HKFTU), Business and Professionals Alliance for Hong Kong (BPA), Labour M ach. M ech. Elec. Party, People Power, New People’s Party, The Professional Commons, Neighbourhood and Prod. Worker’s Service Centre, Neo Democrats, New Century Forum (NCF), The Federation of Textiles Prod. Hong Kong and Kowloon Labour Unions, Civic Passion, Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, HK First, New Territories Heung Yee Kuk, Federation of Public Housing Estates, Specialized Inst. Concern Group for Tseung Kwan O People's Livelihood, Democratic Alliance, Kowloon East Food Prod. -
Presentation by Chunta Aragonesista (CHA) on the Situation of the Aragonese Minority Languages (Aragonese and Catalan)
Presentation by Chunta Aragonesista (CHA) on the situation of the Aragonese minority languages (Aragonese and Catalan) European Parliament Intergroup on Traditional Minorities, National Communities and Languages Strasbourg, 24 May 2012 Aragon is one of the historical nations on which the current Spanish State was set up. Since its origins back in the 9 th century in the central Pyrenees, two languages were born and grew up on its soil: Aragonese and Catalan (the latter originated simultaneously in Catalonia as well as in some areas that have always belonged to Aragon). Both languages expanded Southwards from the mountains down to the Ebro basin, Iberian mountains and Mediterranean shores in medieval times, and became literary languages by their use in the court of the Kings of Aragon, who also were sovereigns of Valencia, Catalonia and Majorca. In the 15 th century a dynastic shift gave the Crown of Aragon to a Castilian prince. The new reigning family only expressed itself in Castilian language. That fact plus the mutual influences of Castilian and Aragonese through their common borders, as well as the lack of a strong linguistic awareness in Aragon facilitated a change in the cultural trends of society. From then on the literary and administrative language had to be Castilian and the old Aragonese and Catalan languages got relegated in Aragon mostly to rural areas or the illiterate. That process of ‘glottophagy’ or language extinction sped up through the 17 th and 18 th centuries, especially after the conquest of the country by the King Philip of Bourbon during the Spanish War of Succession and its annexation to Castile. -
Story Building’ De Uma Revolução: Perspetivas Pós-Marxistas E Neonacionalistas Sobre O Movimento Coletes Amarelos
PERSPECTIVAS - JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, VOL. 20 9 Story-Building for Revolution: Post-Marxist and Neo-Nationalist Perspectives on the Yellow Vests Movement O ’Story Building’ de uma Revolução: Perspetivas Pós-Marxistas e Neonacionalistas sobre o Movimento Coletes Amarelos Rodrigo Almeida Sousa CITCEM, University of Porto Abstract—On 17 November 2018, hundreds of thousands of French joined in protest against the ecological tax rise on hydrocarbons announced by Emmanuel Macron. The Yellow Vests phenomenon had been born. Since then, it has been active for several months and there seems to be no end in sight. As the movement began to get organized, it created websites and pages on social media, producing a challenging storytelling based on more than 40 demands and 25 proposals for the crisis. Thus it gave voice to the middle and middle-lower classes, which are deeply dissatisfied with their present socioeconomic conditions. Naturally, this narrative appealed to the extremist parties, from Mélenchon’s radical left to Marine Le Pen’s neo-nationalist right, as they immediately declared their support for the cause. Shortly afterwards, it was time for the intellectuals to manifest their views. On one hand, post-Marxists such as Slavoj Žižek and Antonio Negri wrote their articles on the subject. On the other, Russian nationalists, from leftist Boris Kagarlitsky to traditionalist Aleksandr Dugin, did not hide their enthusiasm about the movement either. For, in fact, all these intellectuals have something in common: they all are story-building for revolution. Keywords—Mass protests, Far-left, Far-right, Post-Marxism, Neo-nationalism. Resumo—A 17 Novembro 2018, centenas de milhares de franceses aderiram ao protesto contra a subida da taxa ecológica sobre os hidrocarbonetos anunciada por Emmanuel Macron. -
Hungary Covering the Period of January to December 2020
ANNUAL REVIEW OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION OF LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, TRANS, AND INTERSEX PEOPLE IN HUNGARY COVERING THE PERIOD OF JANUARY TO DECEMBER 2020 Hungary ACCESS TO GOODS AND SERVICES EDUCATION In December, the Equal Treatment Authority (ETA) found that On 15 December, parliament amended the Fundamental Law a hotel discriminated when refusing to host an event of a local to further entrench the anti-trans framework by establishing NGO that organised Pécs Pride. children’s “right” to identify with their birth sex, to be ‘protected’ from interventions to change it, and to be educated according to Christian values. ASYLUM On 16 July, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in the Gergely Gulyás, Minister of the Prime Minister said educators Rana v. Hungary case that an Iranian trans refugee had the who use ‘Wonderland is for Everyone’ (see Bias-motivated right to legal gender recognition. The government paid the speech and violence) may face criminal charges. Two local compensation, but the man’s documents have still not been governments banned the book in kindergartens, and a third one changed. banned LGBTQ propaganda in all institutions. BIAS-MOTIVATED SPEECH AND VIOLENCE EMPLOYMENT In August, PM Viktor Orbán called on neighbouring governments Háttér Society prepared a detailed practical guide to help to stand up for Christian values, warning against Western employers navigate difficulties arising from the ban of legal efforts to “experiment with a godless cosmos, rainbow families, gender recognition in an employment context. migration and open societies”. A coalition of NGOs issued a guide for employers on the COVID-19 Several local governments raised the rainbow flag during the pandemic’s impact on vulnerable employees, including LGBTQI Pride Festival, some of which were forcibly removed or burned by people. -
The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy
Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 2 Spring/Summer 2006 2006 The aB sic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong Michael C. Davis Chinese University of Hong Kong Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael C. Davis The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 165 (2006). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol3/iss2/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davist I. Introduction Hong Kong's status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong's founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong's constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law ("Basic Law"), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong's Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals. -
Estonian Research Agreement a Social Agreement to Ensure the Further Development of Estonian Research and Innovation
Estonian Research Agreement A social agreement to ensure the further development of Estonian research and innovation Sharing the common belief that research, development and innovation are strategically important for the well-being of the Estonian people and sustainability of society, the parties to this agreement confirm the need to guarantee the performance of the objectives agreed upon in the Estonian Research and Development and Innovation Strategy 2014–2020 “Knowledge-Based Estonia” and undertake to commit to the achievement of these objectives. For this purpose, they agree upon the following: 1. the undersigned political parties, represented by their Chairpersons, are in favour of increasing the public funding of research, development and innovation to 1% of the gross domestic product and maintaining it at least on the same level in the future. To this end, the parties agree that it will be specified in the 2019 state budget strategy that the target level is to be reached within three years with the addition of equal funding amounts; 2. Estonian research institutions, represented by the President of the Board of Universities Estonia, an association uniting Estonian public universities, affirm that research institutions will establish the institutional arrangements required for conducting and providing further incentive for performing high quality research and cooperation between researchers and entrepreneurs; 3. Estonian researchers, represented by the President of the Estonian Academy of Sciences and the President of the Estonian Young Academy of Sciences, affirm that Estonian researchers will do their best to ensure that the resources at their disposal are used for research and development in a way that guarantees a balance between basic and applied research, with the primary focus on developing fields aimed at the advancement of the Estonian economy and society; 4. -
Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125). -
Second-Order Elections: Everyone, Everywhere? Regional and National Considerations in Regional Voting
Liñeira, R. (2016) Second-order elections: everyone, everywhere? Regional and national considerations in regional voting. Publius: The Journal of Federalism, 46(4), pp. 510- 538. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/219966/ Deposited on: 15 July 2020 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Second-order Elections: Everyone, Everywhere? Regional and National Considerations in Regional Voting Robert Liñeira University of Edinburgh [email protected] Abstract: Vote choice in regional elections is commonly explained as dependent on national politics and occasionally as an autonomous decision driven by region-specific factors. However, few arguments and little evidence have been provided regarding the determinants that drive voters’ choices to one end or the other of this dependency-autonomy continuum. In this article we claim that contextual and individual factors help to raise (or lower) the voters’ awareness of their regional government, affecting the scale of considerations (national or regional) they use to cast their votes at regional elections. Using survey data from regional elections in Spain, we find that voters’ decisions are more autonomous from national politics among the more politically sophisticated voters, among those who have stronger feelings of attachment to their region, and in those contexts in which the regional incumbent party is different from the national one. In their landmark article Reif and Schmitt (1980) drew a distinction between first and second- order elections. -
Document Downloaded From: the Final Publication Is Available At
Document downloaded from: http://hdl.handle.net/10459.1/67539 The final publication is available at: https://doi.org/10.1075/lplp.00045.tor © John Benjamins Publishing, 2019 The Legal Rights of Aragonese-Speaking Schoolchildren: The Current State of Aragonese Language Teaching in Aragon (Spain) Aragon is an autonomous community within Spain where, historically, three languages are spoken: Aragonese, Catalan, and Castilian Spanish. Both Aragonese and Catalan are minority and minoritised languages within the territory, while Castilian Spanish, the majority language, enjoys total legal protection and legitimation. The fact that we live in the era of the nation-state is crucial for understanding endangered languages in their specific socio-political context. This is why policies at macro-level and micro-level are essential for language maintenance and equality. In this article, we carry out an in-depth analysis of 57 documents: international and national legal documents, education reports, and education curricula. The aims of the paper are: 1) to analyse the current state of Aragonese language teaching in primary education in Aragon, and 2) to suggest solutions and desirable policies to address the passive bilingualism of Aragonese- speaking schoolchildren. We conclude that the linguistic diversity of a trilingual autonomous community is not reflected in the real life situation. There is also a need to Comentado [FG1]: Syntax unclear, meaning ambiguous implement language policies (bottom-up and top-down initiatives) to promote compulsory education in a minoritised language. We therefore propose a linguistic model that capitalises all languages. This study may contribute to research into Aragonese- Comentado [FG2]: Letters can be capitalized, but not languages.