Hong Kong Official Title: Hong Kong Special Administration Region General Information

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Hong Kong

Official Title: Hong Kong Special Administration Region

General Information:

Capital
Population (million) 7.n4/7a4

Total Area

1,104 km²

Currency

1 CAN$=5.791 Hong Kong $ (HKD) (2020 - Annual average)

National Holiday

Establishment Day, 1 July 1997

Language(s)

Cantonese, English, increasing use of Mandarin

Political Information:

Type of State Type of Government

Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China (PRC).

Bilateral Product trade

Canada - Hong Kong

5000 4500 4000

Balance

3500 3000 2500 2000 1500

Can. Exports

Head of State
Head of Government

Chief Executive Carrie Lam

Can. Imports

President XI Jinping

Total Trade

1000 500
0

Ministers: Chief Secretary for Admin.: Matthew Cheung
Secretary for Finance: Paul CHAN

2016 2017 2018 2019 2020

Statistics Canada

Secretary for Justice: Teresa CHENG

Main Political Parties

Canadian Imports

from: Hong Kong

Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB), Democratic Party (DP), Liberal Party (LP), Civic Party, League of Social Democrats (LSD), Hong Kong Association for Democracy and People’s Livelihood (HKADPL), Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions (HKFTU), Business and Professionals Alliance for Hong Kong (BPA), Labour Party, People Power, New People’s Party, The Professional Commons, Neighbourhood and Worker’s Service Centre, Neo Democrats, New Century Forum (NCF), The Federation of Hong Kong and Kowloon Labour Unions, Civic Passion, Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, HK First, New Territories Heung Yee Kuk, Federation of Public Housing Estates, Concern Group for Tseung Kwan O People's Livelihood, Democratic Alliance, Kowloon East Community, Shatin Community Network.

Precious M et als/ st ones M ach. M ech. Elec. Prod. Text iles Prod.

Specialized Inst . Food Prod. Plast ics, Rubber Prod.

Elections: Last: Sept. 2012 (Legislative Council); Nov. 2015 (District Council); Sept. 2016 n/a

2020

(Legislative Council); March 2017 (Chief Executive).

Statistics Canada

Economic Information: (2020)

IMF (estimates)

Hong Kong
Canada

$2,162.38

Canadian Exports

to: Hong Kong

GDP: (billion)

$459.n8/0a
$61,517.n7/1a
-6.n1/4a

GDP per capita: GDP Growth rate: (%) Inflation: (%)

$56,945.03
-5.40

Precious M et als/ st ones M ach. M ech. Elec. Prod.

0.33 n/a
0.72

Unemployment: (%)

5.n8/5a

Animal & Prod.

9.60

Specialized Inst . V eg. Prod.

Product Trade and Investment: (2020)

Statistics Canada

Canadian Exports:

$1,903,118,2n2/a7 n/a

M ineral Prod.

$571,981,532

Canadian Imports:

2020

n/a

$22,193 (million)
Foreign Direct Investment in Canada

Canadian Direct Investment in country

Statistics Canada

n/a

$17,982 (million)

Sources:
Statistics/Industry Canada http://strategis.ic.gc.ca/eic/site/tdo-dcd.nsf/eng/Home
IMF

Representation:

Foreign Representation in Canada

http://www.imf.org/external/ns/cs.aspx?id=28

Director Kathy CHAN

Canadian Representation Abroad

Consul General Jeff Nankivell

May 2021

www.international.gc.ca

HTML version: https://www.international.gc.ca/country-pays/fact_sheet-fiche_documentaire/hong_kong.aspx?lang=eng

Recommended publications

Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016

Journal of US-China Public Administration, August 2016, Vol. 13, No. 8, 499-517 doi: 10.17265/1548-6591/2016.08.001 D DAVID PUBLISHING Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016 Chung Fun Steven Hung The Education University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong, politicization inevitably followed democratization. This paper intends to evaluate how political parties’ politics happened in Hong Kong’s recent history. The research was conducted through historical comparative analysis, with the context of Hong Kong during the sovereignty transition and the interim period of democratization being crucial. For the implementation of “one country, two systems”, political democratization was hindered and distinct political scenarios of Hong Kong’s transformation were made. The democratic forces had no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which caused a decisive fragmentation of the local political parties where the establishment camp was inevitable and the democratic blocs were split into many more small groups individually. It is harmful. It is not conducive to unity and for the common interests of the publics. This paper explores and evaluates the political history of Hong Kong and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation. Keywords: election politics, historical comparative, ruling, democratization The democratizing element of the Hong Kong political system was bounded within the Legislative Council under the principle of the separation of powers of the three governing branches, Executive, Legislative, and Judicial. Popular elections for the Hong Kong legislature were introduced and implemented for 25 years (1991-2016) and there were eight terms of general elections for the Legislative Council.
2014-2015 Report on Police Violence in the Umbrella Movement

! ! ! ! ! 2014-2015 Report on Police Violence in the Umbrella Movement A report of the State Violence Database Project in Hong Kong Compiled by The Professional Commons and Hong Kong In-Media ! ! ! Table!of!Contents! ! About!us! ! About!the!research! ! Maps!/!Glossary! ! Executive!Summary! ! 1.! Report!on!physical!injury!and!mental!trauma!...........................................................................................!13! 1.1! Physical!injury!....................................................................................................................................!13! 1.1.1! Injury!caused!by!police’s!direct!smacking,!beating!and!disperse!actions!..................................!14! 1.1.2! Excessive!use!of!force!during!the!arrest!process!.......................................................................!24! 1.1.3! Connivance!at!violence,!causing!injury!to!many!.......................................................................!28! 1.1.4! Delay!of!rescue!and!assault!on!medical!volunteers!..................................................................!33! 1.1.5! Police’s!use!of!violence!or!connivance!at!violence!against!journalists!......................................!35! 1.2! Psychological!trauma!.........................................................................................................................!39! 1.2.1! Psychological!trauma!caused!by!use!of!tear!gas!by!the!police!..................................................!39! 1.2.2! Psychological!trauma!resulting!from!violence!...........................................................................!41!
The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster

Mainstream or Alternative? The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster so Ming Hang A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in Government and Public Administration © The Chinese University of Hong Kong June 2005 The Chinese University of Hong Kong holds the copyright of this thesis. Any person(s) intending to use a part or whole of the materials in the thesis in a proposed publication must seek copyright release from the Dean of the Graduate School. 卜二,A館書圆^^ m 18 1 KK j|| Abstract Theoretically, public broadcaster and commercial broadcaster are set up and run by two different mechanisms. Commercial broadcaster, as a proprietary organization, is believed to emphasize on maximizing the profit while the public broadcaster, without commercial considerations, is usually expected to achieve some objectives or goals instead of making profits. Therefore, the contribution by public broadcaster to the society is usually expected to be different from those by commercial broadcaster. However, the public broadcasters are in crisis around the world because of their unclear role in actual practice. Many politicians claim that they cannot find any difference between the public broadcasters and the commercial broadcasters and thus they asserted to cut the budget of public broadcasters or even privatize all public broadcasters. Having this unstable situation of the public broadcasting, the role or performance of the public broadcasters in actual practice has drawn much attention from both policy-makers and scholars. Empirical studies are divergent on whether there is difference between public and commercial broadcaster in actual practice.
Dissenting Media in Post-1997 Hong Kong Joyce Y.M. Nip the De

Dissenting media in post-1997 Hong Kong Joyce Y.M. Nip The de-colonization of Hong Kong took the form of Britain returning the territory to China in 1997 as a Special Administrative Region (SAR). Twenty years after the political handover, the “one country, two systems” arrangement designed by China to govern the Hong Kong SAR is facing serious challenge: Many in Hong Kong have come to regard Beijing as an unwelcome control master; and calls for self-determination have gained a substantial level of popular support. This chapter examines the role of media in this development, as exemplified by key political protest actions. It proposes the notion of “dissenting media” as a framework to integrate relevant academic and journalistic studies about Hong Kong. From the discipline of media and communications study, it suggests that operators of dissenting media are enabled to put forth information and analysis contrary to that of the establishment, which, in turn, help to form an oppositional public sphere. In the process, the identity and communities of dissent are built, maintained, and developed, contributing to the formation of a counter public that participates in oppositional political actions. Studies on the impact of media, mainly conducted in stable Anglo-American societies, tend to consider mainstream media as institutions that index1 or reinforce the status quo,2 and alternative media as forces that challenge established powers.3 In Hong Kong, the 1997 political changeover was accompanied by a reconfiguration of power relationships in line with China’s one-party dictatorship. The change runs counter to the political aspirations of the people of Hong Kong, and has bred a political movement for civil liberties, public accountability, and democracy.
The Professional Commons Preliminary Response To

LC Paper No. CB(2)2698/06-07(04) THE PROFESSIONAL COMMONS PRELIMINARY RESPONSE TO THE GOVERNMENT’S GREEN PAPER ON CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT 10 SEPTEMBER 2007 A. INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY 1. The Government has released its Green Paper on Constitutional Development (the “Green Paper”) in July 2007. It is seeking submissions from the public on the issues raised in the paper, which deals with the future electoral arrangements for the post of the Chief Executive (“CE”) and for the Legislative Council (“LegCo”). 2. This paper sets out our position in relation to the proposals set out in the Green Paper. Although the Green Paper has set out a number of specific questions to which the Government invites response, we will not deal with the issues in accordance with those questions. This is because the questions appear to reduce the whole consultation process to a “box ticking” exercise, whereby respondents are expected no more than to be a “statistic” on specific mechanisms, rather than providing opportunities for dealing with similarly important issues of principle. 3. Against this background, this paper will be divided into the following sections: 3.1. “Universal suffrage – what is it?”; 3.2. “Universal suffrage – Hong Kong is ready”; 3.3. “Models for CE elections by universal suffrage”; 3.4. “Models for LegCo elections by universal suffrage”; and 3.5. “Hong Kong: it’s time”. 4. In dealing with these issues, we have deliberately not taken a highly technical, legalistic approach. We believe that whilst, as professionals, we must not avoid altogether the technical questions in our analysis, Hong Kong’s political system does not belong only to businessmen, professionals and other alleged “elites”.
Hong Kong: Key Issues in 2021

December 23, 2020 Hong Kong: Key Issues in 2021 The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR, country or with external elements to endanger national or Hong Kong) is a city located off the southern coast of security.” The NPCSC and the HKSAR government have Guangdong Province, People’s Republic of China (PRC or stated that the NSL was necessary to restore order China). More than 90% of Hong Kong’s population is following the large-scale protests of 2019. For more about ethnically Chinese. The first language of the vast majority the 2019 protests, see CRS In Focus IF11295, Hong Kong’s is Cantonese, a variety of Chinese different from what is Protests of 2019. spoken in most of the PRC. Hong Kong at a Glance Under the provisions of a 1984 international treaty known Population (2020): 7.5 million as the “Joint Declaration,” sovereignty over Hong Kong Area: 1,082 square kilometers (418 square miles) transferred from the United Kingdom to the PRC on July 1, Per Capita GDP (2019): HK$381,714 (US$48,938) 1997. In the Joint Declaration, China pledged the former British colony “will enjoy a high degree of autonomy, Life Expectancy (at birth, 2018): Men: 82.2 years; except in foreign and defence affairs,” and “will be vested Women: 88.1 years with executive, legislative and independent judicial power, Leadership: Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor including that of final adjudication.” China also promised Source: Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department that the “[r]ights and freedoms, including those of the person, of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, The Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF) has arrested dozens of travel, of movement, of correspondence, of strike, of of people for alleged NSL violations.
The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy

Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 2 Spring/Summer 2006 2006 The aB sic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong Michael C. Davis Chinese University of Hong Kong Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael C. Davis The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 165 (2006). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol3/iss2/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davist I. Introduction Hong Kong's status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong's founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong's constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law ("Basic Law"), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong's Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals.
Public Order Policing in Hong Kong the Mongkok Riot Kam C

PUBLIC ORDER POLICING IN HONG KONG THE MONGKOK RIOT KAM C. WONG Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia Series Editors Bill Hebenton Criminology & Criminal Justice University of Manchester Manchester, UK Susyan Jou School of Criminology National Taipei University Taipei, Taiwan Lennon Y. C. Chang School of Social Sciences Monash University Melbourne, VIC, Australia This bold and innovative series provides a much needed intellectual space for global scholars to showcase criminological scholarship in and on Asia. Reflecting upon the broad variety of methodological traditions in Asia, the series aims to create a greater multi-directional, cross-national under- standing between Eastern and Western scholars and enhance the field of comparative criminology. The series welcomes contributions across all aspects of criminology and criminal justice as well as interdisciplinary studies in sociology, law, crime science and psychology, which cover the wider Asia region including China, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Korea, Macao, Malaysia, Pakistan, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand and Vietnam. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14719 Kam C. Wong Public Order Policing in Hong Kong The Mongkok Riot Kam C. Wong Xavier University (Emeritus) Cincinnati, OH, USA Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia ISBN 978-3-319-98671-5 ISBN 978-3-319-98672-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98672-2 Library of Congress Control
Monthly Report HK

January 2011 in Hong Kong 31.1.2011 / No 85 A condensed press review prepared by the Consulate General of Switzerland in HK Economy + Finance HK still ranked world's freest economy: HK remains the world’s freest economy for the 17th straight year and ranked 1st out of 41 countries – according to a report released by the Heritage Foundation and the Wall Street Journal. The city’s score remains unchanged from last year at 89.7 out of 100 in the 2011 Index of Economic Freedom, with small declines in the score for government spending and labour freedom offsetting improvements in fiscal freedom, monetary freedom, and freedom from corruption. The report said HK is one of the world’s most competitive financial and business centres, demonstrating a high degree of resilience during the global financial crisis. City casts off shadow of global financial crisis: HK's economy is rebounding from the aftermath of the global financial crisis, with the public coffers enjoying the first eight-month surplus in three years. The latest announcement showed a far better financial picture than the government had forecast. In his budget speech in February, Financial Secretary John Tsang projected a net deficit of HK$25.2 billion for the current financial year. However, consensus estimates among most accounting firms now put the full financial year budget at a surplus of at least HK$60 billion. The reserves stood at HK$537 billion as of November 30, compared to HK$455.5 billion a year earlier. HK jobless rate falls to 4pc: HK's unemployment rate declined from 4.1 per cent in September to November last year to 4.0 per cent in October to December last year.
Civic Party (Cp)

立法會 CB(2)1335/17-18(04)號文件 LC Paper No. CB(2)1335/17-18(04) CIVIC PARTY (CP) Submission to the United Nations UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) CHINA 31st session of the UPR Working Group of the Human Rights Council November 2018 Introduction 1. We are making a stakeholder’s submission in our capacity as a political party of the pro-democracy camp in Hong Kong for the 2018 Universal Periodic Review on the People's Republic of China (PRC), and in particular, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Currently, our party has five members elected to the Hong Kong Legislative Council, the unicameral legislature of HKSAR. 2. In the Universal Periodic Reviews of PRC in 2009 and 2013, not much attention was paid to the human rights, political, and social developments in the HKSAR, whilst some positive comments were reported on the HKSAR situation. i We wish to highlight that there have been substantial changes to the actual implementation of human rights in Hong Kong since the last reviews, which should be pinpointed for assessment in this Universal Periodic Review. In particular, as a pro-democracy political party with members in public office at the Legislative Council (LegCo), we wish to draw the Council’s attention to issues related to the political structure, election methods and operations, and the exercise of freedom and rights within and outside the Legislative Council in HKSAR. Most notably, recent incidents demonstrate that the PRC and HKSAR authorities have not addressed recommendations made by the Human Rights Committee in previous concluding observations in assessing the implementation of International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
LC Paper No. CB(1)1017/17-18(03)

LC Paper No. CB(1)1017/17-18(03) 25th May 2018 Legislative Council Complex 1 Legislative Council Road Central, Hong Kong Dear Members of Legislative Council, Public Hearing on May 28th 2018: Review of relevant provisions under Cap. 586 We write to express our continued support for the Hong Kong Government's commitment to protecting and conserving wildlife, under the Protection of Endangered Species Ordinance (Cap. 586). We are grateful for the government’s recent amendments to Cap. 586, implementing the three-step plan to ban the Hong Kong ivory trade and the increase in maximum penalties under Cap 586. However, there remain challenges for the regulation of wildlife trade in Hong Kong and in tackling wildlife crime, which we suggest addressing through legalisation. The challenges, as we see them, include: The vast scale of the legal trade in shark fins: - In 2017, Hong Kong imported approximately 5,000 metric tonnes (MT) of shark fins1. - Under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), species traded for the seafood and TCM industries, including shark fins, sea cucumber and seahorses, dominated wildlife imports by volume between 2007 to 2016 (87%). - This is all the more concerning, as a recent paper2 revealed that nearly one-third of the species currently identified within the trade in Hong Kong are considered ‘Threatened’ by the IUCN. An illegal trade in shark fins also thrives in Hong Kong: - Out of the 12 endangered shark species internationally protected under CITES regulations, five are known to have been seized as they were trafficked to Hong Kong over the last five years.
The Public Sector in Hong Kong

THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN HONG KONG IN HONG PUBLIC SECTOR THE THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN HONG KONG his book describes and analyses the role of the public sector in the T often-charged political atmosphere of post-1997 Hong Kong. It discusses THE PUBLIC SECTOR critical constitutional, organisational and policy problems and examines their effects on relationships between government and the people. A concluding chapter suggests some possible means of resolving or minimising the difficulties which have been experienced. IN HONG KONG Ian Scott is Emeritus Professor of Government and Politics at Murdoch University in Perth, Australia and Adjunct Professor in the Department of Public and Social Administration at the City University of Hong Kong. He taught at the University of Hong Kong between 1976 and 1995 and was Chair Professor of Politics and Public Administration between 1990 and 1995. Between 1995 and 2002, he was Chair Professor of Government and Politics at Murdoch University. Over the past twenty-five years, he has written extensively on politics and public administration in Hong Kong. G O V E P O L I C Y Professor Ian Scott’s latest book The Public Sector in Hong Kong provides a systematic analysis of Hong Kong’s state of governance in the post-1997 period Ian Scott R and should be read by government officials, politicians, researchers, students and N general readers who seek a better understanding of the complexities of the city’s M government and politics. E — Professor Anthony B. L. Cheung, President, The Hong Kong Institute of Education; N T Member, Hong Kong SAR Executive Council.