Serb Engagement in Kosovo's Politics
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RESOLVING DISPUTES and BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization Between Kosovo and Serbia
Council CIG for Inclusive Governance RESOLVING DISPUTES AND BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization between Kosovo and Serbia Contents 2 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 SUPPORTING THE BRUSSELS DIALOGUE 16 ESTABLISHING THE ASSOCIATION / COMMUNITY OF SERB-MAJORITY MUNICIPALITIES 24 KOSOVO’S NORTH INTEGRATION AND SERB POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 32 PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION 39 COOPERATION ON EU INTEGRATION 41 PARTICIPANTS Albanian and Serbian translations of this publication are available on CIG’s website at cigonline.net. CIG Resolving Disputes anD BuilDing Relations Challenges of normalization between Kosovo and serbia Council for Inclusive Governance New York, 2015 PrefaCe anD AcknowleDgments Relations between Kosovo and Serbia are difficult. Since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008, all contacts between officials of Kosovo and Serbia ceased. Belgrade rejected any direct interaction with Pristina preferring to deal through the EU Rule of Law Mission and the UN Mission in Kosovo. However, encouraged by the EU and the US, senior officials of both governments met in March 2011 for direct talks in Brussels. These talks were followed in Brussels in October 2012 by a meeting between the prime ministers of Kosovo and Serbia. These EU-mediated dialogues resulted in a number of agreements between Serbia and Kosovo including the April 2013 Brussels Agreement. The Agreement’s main goal is to conclude the integration of the Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo’s north into Kosovo’s system of laws and governance, including the establishment of the Association/Community of the Serb-Majority Municipalities in Kosovo. The sides also pledged not to block each other’s accession processes into the EU. -
Marx's Confrontation with Utopia Darren Webb Department of Politics
In Search of the Spirit of Revolution: Marx's Confrontation with Utopia Darren Webb Department of Politics Thesis presented to the University of Sheffield for the degree of PhD, June 1998 Summary This thesis offers a sympathetic interpretation of Marx' s confrontation with Utopia. It begins by suggesting that Marx condemned utopianism as a political process because it undermined the principles of popular self-emancipation and self-determination, principles deemed by Marx to be fundamental to the constitution of any truly working class movement. As a means of invoking the spirit of revolution, it was therefore silly, stale and reactionary. With regards to Marx's own 'utopia', the thesis argues that the categories which define it were nothing more than theoretical by-products of the models employed by Marx in order to supersede the need for utopianism. As such, Marx was an 'Accidental Utopian'. Two conclusions follow from this. The first is that Marx's entire project was driven by the anti-utopian imperative to invoke the spirit of revolution in a manner consistent with the principles of popular self-emancipation and self-determination. The second is that, in spite of his varied attempts to do so, Marx was unable to capture the spirit of revolution without descending into utopianism himself Such conclusions do not, however, justify the claim that utopianism has a necessary role to play in radical politics. For Marx's original critique of utopianism was accurate and his failure to develop a convincing alternative takes nothing away from this. The accuracy of Marx's original critique is discussed in relation to the arguments put forward by contemporary pro-utopians as well as those developed by William Morris, Ernst Bloch and Herbert Marcuse. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Anatomy of Capturing Serbia's Security - Intelligence Sector
The Anatomy of Capturing Serbia's Security - Intelligence Sector Author: Predrag Petrović 2 The Anatomy of Capturing Serbia's Security-Intelligence Sector BELGRADE CENTRE FOR SECURITY POLICY Publisher: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy Đure Jakšića 6/5, Beograd Tel. +381 (0)11 328 72 26 E-mail: www.bezbednost.org Author: Predrag Petrović [email protected] Translation: Ivan Kovanović Design and layout: DTP Studio Belgrade, January 2020 The Policy Brief began as part of the “Who Oversees the Overseers: Western Balkan Security Services” project, which is supported by the European Fund for the Balkans (EFB). The content of this study is the exclusive responsibility of its author and it in no way reects the views of the EFB. 3 Abstract In its Enlargement Strategy for 2018, the European Union assessed that elements of state capture are present throughout the Western Balkans. Our research shows, howe- ver, that when it comes to Serbia this is a very restrained assessment as whole state institutions and sectors – the security services and institutions tasked with their con- trol and oversight – have been captured by the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). Key positions in the security and intelligence sector are staffed by close associates of party officials or directly by party officials and its founding members. The Director of the BIA, Bratislav Gašić, and the head of the Security Services Coordination Bureau, Nebojša Stefanović, are founding members and high-ranking officials in the SNS. Key posts in the judiciary that are significant for the activities of the security services have been taken up by close associates of party officials or of the leader of the SNS and the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić. -
Observation of the Early Parliamentary Elections in Serbia (16 March 2014)
http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 13516 22 May 2014 Observation of the early parliamentary elections in Serbia (16 March 2014) Election observation report Ad hoc Committee of the Bureau Rapporteur: Mr Pedro AGRAMUNT, Spain, Group of the European People's Party Contents Page 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 1 2. Legal framework ..................................................................................................................................... 2 3. Electoral administration, registration of the voters lists and candidates ................................................. 4 4. Election campaign and media environment ............................................................................................ 4 5. Election day ............................................................................................................................................ 6 6. Conclusions and recommendations........................................................................................................ 6 Appendix 1 – Composition of the ad hoc committee.................................................................................... 8 Appendix 2 – Programme of the election observation mission (14-17 March 2014) ................................... 9 Appendix 3 – Statement by the International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) ................................. 11 1. Introduction 1. The Bureau of the Parliamentary -
The March 2014 Parliamentary Elections in Serbia and Their Legacy by Maja Maksimovic Research Assistant, South-East Europe Programme, ELIAMEP, Greece Dr
ELIAMEP Briefing Notes 31 /2014 May 2014 The March 2014 Parliamentary Elections in Serbia and their Legacy By Maja Maksimovic Research Assistant, South-East Europe Programme, ELIAMEP, Greece Dr. Ioannis Armakolas, “Stavros Costopoulos” Research Fellow & Head of South-East Europe Programme, ELIAMEP, Greece The March 2014 snap parliamentary elections in Serbia were called on the initiative of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), the largest party in the Serbian Parliament, less than two years after they formed a government with their main coalition partner, Prime Minister Ivica Dačić’s Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). The Progressives based this decision on the grounds that the government needed a fresh mandate for carrying out the difficult reforms following the country’s road towards EU membership - a goal which became more realistic after the EU decided to open accession negotiations with Serbia in January 2014. However, it was also in the interest of the SNS to capitalise on the increased popular support for the party (which, depending on different opinion polls, amounted between 42 and 45 percent), and translate it into parliamentary seats. The greatest support in the party’s history had been secured primarily by virtue of its charismatic leader, Aleksandar Vučić. Formally holding the post of the first Deputy Prime Minister, but in reality acting and perceived as the Prime Minister himself, Vučić has taken most of the credit for Serbia’s achievements in the fight against corruption and organized crime, as well as for the historical progress the country has made in regard to its EU integration process. Given the favourable polls and popularity of the SNS leader, the balance of power among the Serbian ruling parties has significantly changed compared to 2012 when the Socialists were so integral to the government’s formation that they were able to demand the Prime Minister’s office. -
POLICY INSIGHT No.96 October 2019
abcd POLICY INSIGHT No.96 October 2019 The roots of populism in Europe, the United States and Latin America Guillermo de la Dehesa Romero CEPR, IE Business School, Madrid upport for populism is growing in many Stars Movement of Luigi Di Maio and Beppe Grillo, regions and countries in the world. Compare, which eventually collapsed because of different Sfor instance, the list of populist parties and views on key policy issues and the political individuals with national or local government ambitions of Mr Salvini. representation reported in Box 1 with the much shorter list compiled by Betz and Swank (2003) 16 The two main causes for the rise of populism years ago. are deep recessions and large immigration waves. Macroeconomic populism can lead to Populism is a way of thinking about politics rather hyperinflation, which, by distorting relative prices than a specific ideology, and is characterised by and devaluing the currency, can reinforce populist conflict between “the people”, who have a set of sentiments. Latin America, the region with the demands they believe are worthy of attention, longest populist tradition - from “Peronism” in and “the elite”, who are seen as unwilling to grant Argentina to “Chavism” in Venezuela - is a clear these demands (Judis, 2016). example of this link.2 Macroeconomic populism can also lead to excessive accumulation of In the United States, there are strong right- and public debt which, in turn, increases support for left-wing populist movements, the former led by populism because large debt accumulation is often President Trump and the latter by Senator Sanders. associated with beliefs that the political elite is The same applies to the United Kingdom, with either incompetent or dishonest (or both). -
11 February 2015
17 JANUARY 2017 KOSOVO’S UNEASY COMMUNITY GOVERNANCE IN 2016 AND HOW TO RENEW THE COMMUNITY AGENDA DURING 2017 AUTHORS: ADRIAN ZEQIRI, TRIM KABASHI, ALEKSANDAR ARSIĆ Following the 2014 parliamentary elections, the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) and Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) formed a government coalition, along with a number of junior minority political parties. Since taking over the government of Kosovo SSUES MONITOR in late 2014, the coalition led by Prime Minister Isa Mustafa has experienced difficult and rowdy times as it tried to deliver on the most difficult political agenda in Kosovo’s history as an independent state: making constitutional changes for the establishment of Specialist Chambers for War Crimes, meeting conditions for visa free travel to the EU, in particular border demarcation with Montenegro, and implementing agreements reached within the framework of the Brussels Dialogue with Serbia, not to mention tackling a myriad of social and economic issues facing Kosovo. From the outset, the coalition government was met with significant resistance from opposition parties, chiefly from Lëvizja Vetëvendosje (Movement for Self-Determination) and the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK), led by ex-Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj, who challenged its legitimacy and called for new elections ever since its establishment in late 2014. The coalition also faced internal disagreements and fierce opposition over major issues concerning communities: the transformation of Kosovo Security Forces into a Kosovo Army, the Trepça/Trepča -
Human Rights House Belgrade Joint NGO Report on Key Elements of The
Human Rights House Belgrade Joint NGO Report on key elements of the human rights situation in Serbia United Nations Human Rights Committee 119th session - March 2017 With the support of the Human Rights House Foundation (HRHF) Contents Introduction and context ............................................................................................................................. 3 Media rights, freedom of expression, and right to peaceful assembly (Arts. 19 and 21) ............................ 3 Right to participate in public life (Arts. 25, 26 and 27) ................................................................................ 7 Rights of persons with disabilities (Arts. 2, 16, 23, 25 and 26) .................................................................... 7 Questions to the Government: .................................................................................................................... 9 Contact person at Human Rights House Belgrade (HRHB) - http://kucaljudskihprava.rs Petar Žmak Project Coordinator for public policies, Civic Initiatives E-mail: [email protected] Tel: + 381 11 32 84 188 Contact person at Human Rights House Foundation (HRHF) - http://humanrightshouse.org Alexander Sjödin, European Advocacy Officer E-mail: [email protected] Tel: + 32 497 81 59 18 Human Rights House Belgrade is a network of civil society organizations that have established cooperation in an effort to continuously monitor, support and protect human rights and advance the rule of law in Serbia. HRH Belgrade -
Serbia: Background and U.S
Serbia: Background and U.S. Relations Updated November 16, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44955 Serbia: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Following the conflicts in the 1990s in the countries of the former Yugoslavia, the prospect of membership in the Euro-Atlantic community and the active presence of the United States and European Union (EU) in the Western Balkans provided a level of stability that allowed most of the countries of the region to adopt economic and political reforms. During this time, Slovenia and Croatia joined the EU. These countries, along with Albania and Montenegro, also joined NATO. Other countries of the Balkans are pursuing EU and NATO membership. However, many observers in Europe and the United States have expressed concern that political stability in the Western Balkans, sometimes referred to as Europe’s “inner courtyard,” remains tenuous. Several of these countries have experienced political crises, sometimes involving third- party interference, as well as stagnating economies, high unemployment, and high rates of emigration. These crises have raised concerns that any decrease in EU or U.S. presence could create a regional vacuum in which transnational crime, radicalization, or terrorism could flourish. Furthermore, some observers are concerned with the growing economic and political role of Russia, China, and other states whose agendas in the Western Balkans might conflict with U.S. and EU interests in the region. Some observers see Serbia as relatively stable, despite its historically difficult relations with its neighbors, its ongoing dispute with Kosovo, recent concerns over its commitment to democratic rule, and its desire to balance its orientation toward the West with its historical ties to Russia. -
MAPPING of RUSSIAN INFLUENCE in SERBIA DURING 2013 and 2014 Collection of Analyses by the Center of Euro-Atlantic Studies
MAPPING OF RUSSIAN INFLUENCE IN SERBIA DURING 2013 AND 2014 Collection of Analyses by The Center of Euro-Atlantic Studies Russification Published in New Eastern Europe Magazine, October 2014 Putin's Orchestra Published in The New Century Magazine, No. 7, May 2014 #Putinization Published in The New Century Magazine, No. 6, February 2014 Sad Stream Published in The New Century Magazine, No. 5, August-September 2013 The Russifi cation of Serbia JELENA MILIĆ As the largest predominantly Orthodox and Slavic country in Central Europe not yet a member of the European Union, Serbia is an easy target for Russia’s soft power. Th e Kremlin is now counting on the “Putinisation” of this Western Balkan state to show Russian citizens that its policy towards the West has strong support in some parts of Europe. At the end of July 2014, Aleksandar Vučić, the Serbian prime minister, informed the society and members of Serbian parliament that the country was in a really diffi cult situation. He emphasised that it is the parliament who needs to decide whether to follow the European Union and impose new sanctions on Russia or not. Vučić mentioned on that occasion that Serbia could not survive another round of gas price increases and although membership in the EU is Serbia’s foreign policy objective, it needs to pursue its own national interests above all. What interests was he referring to? We do not know for sure. What is certain, though, is that democratisation is never mentioned as one of them. Why should the price of gas rise in Serbia as a result of its support for EU’s sanctions? Serbia already pays Gazprom more than many other European countries like Germany, France, the Netherlands, Finland, Italy and Denmark. -
Report on the Use of Hate Speech in Serbian Media
REPORT ON THE USE OF HATE SPEECH IN SERBIAN MEDIA TITRE Sous-titre IVANA KRSTIĆ, PhD Ivana Krstić REPORT ON THE USE OF HATE SPEECH IN SERBIAN MEDIA Belgrade, 30 December 2020 Report on the use of hate speech in Serbian media This report was produced with the financial support of the European Union and the Council of Europe. The views expressed herein can in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion of either party. © 2020 Council of Europe. All rights reserved. Licensed to the European Union under conditions. No part of this publication may be translated, reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic (CD-Rom, Internet, etc.) or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the Directorate of Communications (F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex or [email protected]). Photo: Tzido - Freepik.com, Rawpixel.com - Freepik.com Cover and prepress: Kuca stampe plus. Contents INTRODUCTION 5 1. THE FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND ITS LIMITATION IN A FORM OF HATE SPEECH 7 1.1. Scope of freedom of expression 7 1. 2. Definition of hate speech 8 1. 3. Standards concerning the prohibition of hate speech and duty of media to refrain from hate speech 10 2. RELEVANT EUROPEAN STANDARDS 11 2. 1. ECHR and the relevant case-law 11 2. 1.1. Racial hate and incitement to ethnic hatred 11 2. 1.1.1. Hate speech against Jews 11 2. 1.1.2 Hate speech against migrants 12 2. 1.1.3. Hate speech against Roma 13 2.