A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders' Perceptions

Higher Education Policy, 2017 Ó 2017 International Association of Universities 0952-8733/17 www.palgrave.com/journals

Original Article A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models Khalid Arara and Yonis Abu El-Hijab aGraduate School of Education, The College for Academic Studies, Or Yehuda, Israel. E-mail: [email protected] bContinuing Education Department, Sakhnin College for Teacher Education, Sakhnin, Israel.

For decades Arab citizens of Israel have repeatedly proposed the establishment of an Arab university in Israel. Although Arab students increasingly study in Israel’s higher education institutions, Arab candidates still face obstacles in access to Israel’s universities, especially to prestigious faculties such as medicine and many turn to pursue their higher education abroad. Instruction in these universities is in Hebrew, and the Arab national narrative and cultural heritage are generally ignored. In other world states, ethnic minority colleges have successfully promoted the social, political and economic status of these minorities. This paper discusses ﬁndings from qualitative research, using in-depth interviews with Arab local government employees, Arab and Jewish academics and politicians to explore the extent of support for an Arab university in Israel and to elucidate arguments for and against this proposal. Conclusions indicate that like minority universities in other countries, an Arab university could meet particular needs of the Arab population in Israel and contribute signiﬁcantly to the state’s academic excellence and economy. Higher Education Policy (2017). doi:10.1057/s41307-017-0040-1

Keywords: higher education; minority; university; Palestinian

Introduction Higher education (HE) constitutes a means to bridge social and geographical gaps and helps to shape a society’s economic and social future (Altbach et al., 2010; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Unterhalter and Carpentier, 2010; Wilkins and Huisman, 2012). In recent years, minority groups have become increasingly aware of the potential of HE to accelerate their social mobility and their economic and political status (Altbach et al., 2010; Al-Haj, 2003; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Brooks and Waters, 2011). In world states, academic institutions have served as a catalyst for the development of national movements helping to clarify and sharpen minority members’ national consciousness (Abu-Saad, 2006; Arar and Haj-Yehia, Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

2016;Reayet al., 2005) leading to calls by minority groups for the establishment of their own HE institutions. Israel has a total population of approximately 8 million citizens, 79.3% are Jewish and 20.7% are members of the indigenous Palestinian Arab minority in Israel (hereinafter, the PAMI), who constitute the state’s largest minority group. The PAMI population includes 82.1% Muslims, 9.4% Christians and 8.4% Druze (CBS, 2015). Most of this population is situated in the lowest socio-economic segments of the society (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). Although PAMI students constitute approximately 13% of the Israeli student population, there are still many obstacles facing the PAMI student who wishes to study in HE in Israel. For this and other reasons, PAMI citizens of the state have often proposed the establishment of a separate university of their own. This study presents a broad reasoned discussion and rationale for this demand based on empirical research of the views of both PAMI and Jewish stakeholders in the Israeli HE system. The research aimed to understand the stakeholders’ perceptions and attitudes toward the establishment of a Palestinian Arab university in Israel. Our discussion relates to both advantages and possible disadvantages of such a project. This paper begins with a survey of literature relating to the successful establishment of independent HE institutions by ethnic minority groups in other countries. We then provide a detailed description of the present status of PAMI participation in HE studies in Israel, paying particular attention to the reasons for the call for the establishment of the first Arab university in Israel, an issue that has aroused intense dispute, reflecting the conflict of interests in the state (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). To provide substantial current evidence regarding the extent of support for an Arab university in Israel and to elucidate arguments for and against this proposal, we conducted in-depth interviews with local PAMI government employees, PAMI and Jewish academics and politicians. Our concluding discussion refers to factors and motives that prompted the call for the establishment of the first Arab university in Israel, indicating possible benefits and difficulties of such a university for both the minority population and the State of Israel.

Overview of Extant Literature on Ethnic Minority Universities In various pluralistic societies, minority groups have succeeded in establishing their own HE institutions, which have contributed to the advancement of their social, economic and political status as well as to the preservation of their cultural identity and heritage (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Brooks and Waters, 2011; Reay et al., 2005). For example, ethnic and tribal colleges and universities have signiﬁcantly increased the access of Native Canadians and Americans to HE (Brooks and Waters, 2011) and of the Maori population in New Zealand (see for example the website of the Tribal University of Awannuirangi — http://www.wananga.ac.nz), and of the

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

African American population in the USA. In contrast to the state’s public colleges, tribal colleges preserve the cultural identity of minority groups — for instance, by offering courses in the student’s particular native language and culture in order to prevent its extinction (American Indian Higher Education Consortium, 1998). These colleges also provide tailor-made services for minority students, such as culture- sensitive counseling, elementary education and courses in entrepreneurship for economic development. Such bespoke services are not usually offered by other academic institutions that serve broader populations (Wilkins and Huisman, 2012). African American colleges and universities in the USA emerged as a result of racist policies prohibiting blacks from studying in institutions for whites (Evans et al., 2002). Most African American colleges and universities were established at the beginning of the nineteenth century, when blacks were emancipated from slavery, usually in locations where there was a large African American population. Although they were initially private enterprises, later, public colleges became the norm (Altbach et al., 2010; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). African American institutions established before 1964 are recognized by the US government as ‘‘Historically Black Colleges and Universities’’ (HBCU) (Evans et al., 2002). LeMelle (2002) points out that the HBCU institutions not only surmounted strong opposition, inadequate availability of qualiﬁed black faculty members and inadequate funding, but perhaps surprisingly also brought American society closer to the realization of the pluralistic ideal, since they improved the lot of African American society. According to Gorard (2008), these institutions prepared students to become citizens, transforming them into skilled people with self-assurance regarding their identity or the manner they employ to advance themselves and the interests of the community to which they belong. According to the National Center for Education Statistics in the USA (2015) by 2015, there were 100 historically black colleges and universities ‘‘The number of students enrolled at HBCUs rose by 36% between 1976 and 2013 to 303,000’’. However, by 2013, non- Black students made up 20% of enrollment (Fletcher, 2015, n.p.). LeMelle (2002) argues African American colleges and universities have advanced that population’s socio-political status toward enjoyment of the same rights as white society, enabling African American society to tailor the education process to its needs and promote African American leadership (Altbach et al., 2010). Yet, LeMelle also notes that while some people considered that the HBCU permitted African American students to advance in the most equitable manner, others viewed these separate settings as preventing the integration of ethnic groups in the USA (ibid., 193–194). However, Price et al. (2011) claimed that graduates from HBCU were more positively rewarded in terms of long-term incomes than their colleagues who graduated from main-stream universities. In addition to the African American colleges, 33 American Indian Tribal Colleges were established in the USA and Canada over the last 30 years as part of the American Indian self-determination movement. A report by the American Indian

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

Higher Education Consortium and The Institute for Higher Education Policy (2001) notes the advantages and disadvantages of these niche colleges, indicating that they ‘‘have increasingly become the educational, social, and economic cores of the reservations and towns in which they are located. In almost every aspect of local community life, ranging from the provision of public services to the nurturing of traditional cultural values and beliefs that help develop a social and economic vision for the future. Faculty at Tribal Colleges play an overarching role by serving as culturally supportive role models that inspire future success, an especially important role given the historically low levels of educational attainment for American Indians.’’ (p. 1). Moreover, they note the role of these colleges in liaison and cooperation between American Indian communities and state public services. However, recent reports note a lowering of academic achievements and high dropout rates especially in peripheral tribal colleges mainly blamed on poor infrastructure, poor transportation, lack of funding and high costs (The White House, 2014).

The role of universities in the Palestinian Authority territories A case in point for the possible role of an ethnic minority university in Israel is the development of Palestinian universities in the territories governed by the Palestinian Authority (hereinafter: PAT, at present occupied by Israel, but not part of the Israeli state) and the role that they play for the PAMI. This case is especially relevant for the discussion of the establishment of an Arab university in Israel, because the PAMI are the remnants of the same population, which now lives in these territories, who were cut off by the borders of the new State of Israel in 1948. The establishment of HE institutions in the PAT has helped to shape the younger generation’s political and cultural identity. These institutions were set up in the West Bank and Gaza Strip from the beginning of the 1970s, by communal groups and organizations under Israel’s military occupation (Abu-Lughod, 2000; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). Many PAMI students now study in these universities and they allow them to fulfill many of their aspirations. PAMI students’ considerations when choosing a Palestinian university are relevant to the debate on the justification for an Arab university in Israel. Almost all PAMI prefer to study disciplines such as medicine, pharmacy, paramedical subjects and various branches of engineering, at Israeli universities, as these offer them professions which can be practiced independently from the Israeli jobs market, and Israel has a continuous deficit of doctors and paramedical professionals. Admittance to these disciplines is significantly easier in Palestinian universities. Communicating in Arabic with lecturers and students at Palestinian universities is much easier than communicating in Hebrew at Israeli universities (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). According to Gerner and Schrodt (1999), Palestinian institutions aim to impart knowledge, and promote intellectual and leadership abilities and conduct research, but also to advance the development and national integration of Palestinian society (Abu-

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

Saad, 2006;Mari’,1978). For PAMI students, studying in Palestinian universities enrich their awareness of their national and cultural identity as Palestinians and of the struggle of their people for self-determination (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). To sum up, universities and colleges play a pivotal role in advancing the status of various ethnic groups, particularly under conditions of political and social subordina- tion in the promotion of national liberation (Al-Haj, 2003; Mari’, 1978). Political activism on the campuses helps students develop socio-political awareness and establish national and social movements (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016;Reayet al., 2005).

HE for PAMI citizens Among other motivations, the PAMI use HE to improve their socio-economic standing in Israeli society (Al-Haj, 2003). This population has internalized the close link between an academic degree and social status, and they therefore see the acquisition of HE as a central social goal (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). However, many obstacles face PAMI school graduates who aspire to acquire HE in Israel, mainly: (1) Language difﬁculties. The languages of instruction in Israeli universities and non-Arab colleges are Hebrew and English. These are PAMI students second and third languages, and they are therefore at a disadvantage compared to Hebrew speakers when it comes to entrance examinations, interviews and studies (Al- Haj, 2003; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). (2) A different narrative — despite the democratic and pluralistic ethos of Israeli HE institutes, they primarily promote the narrative of the Jewish Israeli population (Al-Haj, 2003). (3) Disadvantageous education background — the Arab education system has inferior inputs (including government investment and local community investment) and consequently has inferior outputs and achievements compared to the Jewish education system. PAMI students therefore begin their academic studies from an inferior starting point. (4) A different academic culture — the Arab education system has been characterized as more authoritative, supportive and grades-oriented than the Jewish education system, so that PAMI students entering Israeli HE institutions have to adapt to different teaching–learning methods. (5) Cultural differences — Most PAMI students originate from small villages where traditional conservative Arab and Islamic norms largely determine their lifestyle. Many PAMI students especially the female students report a ‘‘culture shock’’ when they ﬁrst arrive at the ‘‘Westernized’’ Israeli campuses, with their multicultural ethos and liberal values (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). The establishment of Arab HE institutions is perceived by many PAMI academics as an important instrument to attain equality of opportunity and socio- political-economic status in Israel (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). However, as elucidated here, proposals to establish an Arab university in Israel have been opposed by Israeli governments, different political parties and the Israeli Council of Higher Education (CHE). The present study investigated whether there is support for such a university among stakeholders in the Israeli HE system.

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

From the middle 1980s, the recommendations of committees established by Israel’s CHE led to the broadening of access to HE. At the beginning of the 1990s, it became obvious that various peripheral and minority groups were still not able to gain proportional access to Israel’s seven universities, due to strong competition and strict high admission requirements, and the distance of these institutions from peripheral regions. The CHE authorized the opening of annexes of various foreign universities, which began to accept students from all population groups throughout the country (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Volansky, 2012), additionally local private colleges were opened in peripheral regions, allowing many PAMI students easier geographical access, but these colleges still do not meet many of the speciﬁc needs of this population. In the mid-1980s, PAMI students constituted 6.7% of all students in all academic institutions and around 5% of students studying in master’s degree programs (Davidovitch and Soen, 2010). By 2015, PAMI students constituted more than 13% of all students studying for a ﬁrst degree in all HE institutions, and almost 10% of all postgraduate students (see Table 1)(Shavivet al., 2015). As noted, this increase in the proportion of PAMI students is largely due to the decision to open new academic colleges in peripheral areas (Volansky, 2012). In addition, three academic teacher training colleges, teaching in Arabic, were established solely for the Arab population in areas with high-density Arab population. These colleges have increased the percentage of Arab educators (especially women), but have also generated a surplus of Arab teachers. Other main factors for the increase in PAMI students include improved matriculation success rates in Arab high schools, and an increased proportion of female PAMI students studying in HE institutes (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). Although the older more prestigious universities still remain largely inacces- sible, open only for those who are able to attain excellent academic results, some universities, such as Haifa University, have opened up and afforded Arab students more opportunities to acquire HE (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). As Yogev (2000) noted: ‘‘Haifa University is the only one of the universities that strives for an

Table 1 Percentages of PAMI Students in Israeli universities, by level of studies, 2009–2015

Academic year Number of PAMI students % First degree % Second degree % Ph.D. from Israel

2009–2010 26,214 10 6.5 3.9 2010–2011 29,298 10.8 7.9 4.3 2011–2012 31,414 11.3 8.7 4.4 2012–2013 34,452 12.2 9 4.8 2013–2014 37,493 12.1 9.8 5.2 2014–2015 82,519* 14.4 10.5 5.9

Source: Stoner and Wizer (2015) details for 2014–2015 from Haaretz newspaper (15.10.2015). * An additional 86,377 PAMI students studied in general academic colleges and 28,922 in colleges of education in this year (Central Bureau of Statistics, Annual Data, 2015, Table 8.56).

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models optimal relative rate of students of Middle Eastern origin [Jews and Arabs] … the highest relative rate of Arab students exists in this university — almost three times more than expected [in the past]’’ (ibid. p. 492). Likewise, the Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, established as part of the Zionist pioneer project, the University of Bar Ilan, originally established to serve the Jewish religious population, and the Technion University of Science and Technology (Iram, 2010), all now admit substantial minority student populations (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). The latest data on the distribution of Arab students between the different universities from 2011 shows the highest number of Arab students was in the University of Haifa where they constituted about 25% of all degree students. The lowest percentage was in Bar Ilan University (not including its annexes some of which have a relatively high percentage of PAMI students) (Shaviv et al., 2015). According to an editorial in the Haaretz (2016), ‘‘the percentage of Arab students studying for a bachelor’s degree at the Technion is now over 20%.’’ In 1993/1994, Arab students comprised just 2% of students studying in non- university HE institutions offering bachelor’s degree studies (Svirsky and Svirsky, 1997). The opening of the academic colleges expanded and diversified the HE system and created learning opportunities for new population sectors (Arar et al., 2016) increasing PAMI student participation in HE. As the Arar and Haj-Yehia (2016) recently pointed out: ‘‘relatively high rates of Arab students can [now] be found in the colleges of education (25%) and in the regional colleges (19%).’’ Recognition for Arab colleges was only granted by the Council for Higher Education to three private colleges of education, which confer B.Ed. degrees in education (Volansky, 2012): Sakhnin College of Education, founded in 2001; the Arab College of Education in Haifa and Alqasimi College in Bak’a el-Gharbiyeh, founded in 1989. However, there is still a deficient supply of HE places for studies in the sciences, law, and engineering in PAMI-populated regions and in colleges that would instruct students in Arabic. Statistics relating to the number and type of HE institutions in Israel for the 2008/2009 academic year appear in Table 2 below: Even though these last available official data are outdated, our personal knowledge can confirm that they remain unchanged, and that as Table 2 shows, the number of Arab colleges established is relatively small in comparison with the number of colleges established in the Jewish sector, especially when considering above-mentioned statistic, that PAMI citizens constitute approximately 20% of Israel’s population. To illustrate the growth of HE studies among the PAMI over the years, Figure 1 below represents the distribution of PAI students studying first degrees in the different types of Israeli HEI from 2000 to 2013. In 2012, there were 29,240 PAMI students studying at all levels of academic studies in Israel’s HEI. An additional 5210 PAMI students studied in the Open University. Of the PAMI students studying in the universities, academic colleges and academic

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

Table 2 Israeli institutions of higher education, by type 2008/2009

Academic institutions State, state religious and ultra-Orthodox Arab sector

Colleges of education (teaching—B.Ed.) 24 3 Non-university academic institutions 27 0 Universities 8 0

Source: Central Bureau of Statistics (2013).

30 universies

25 academic colleges 20

PERCENTAGE 15 Colleges under 10 universies responsibility

5 academic colleges for educaon 0 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 YEAR

Figure 1. Distribution of Arab students studying for first degrees by type of HE institution 2000–2013 (percentages). Source: CBS (2013). colleges of education, 23,065 were studying for a first degree, 4895 for a second degree, with a further 510 at PhD-level, and 230 studying at certificate level (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). By 2013, 36% of the PAMI students in Israeli HEI institutions had studied for a first degree in the main university campuses, 23% in academic colleges of education, 19% in publicly funded academic colleges, 11% in annexes of major universities and approximately 11% in privately funded colleges (ibid.). However, a very high proportion of PAMI students face severe challenges in gaining admittance to HE institutes in Israel, especially for medicine, paramedical disciplines and engineering, and they increasingly turn to universities in the PAT, Jordan and Europe (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). This very high proportion of PAMI students who choose to study abroad indicates that the Israeli HE system does not provide a satisfactory response to the aspirations of these PAMI students. Figure 2 below represents the distribution of Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel studying for first degrees in the different types of Israeli HEI from 2000 to 2013.

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

13360

9260 7487 5991 3772

studying abroad colleges for Academic colleges Open University universies educaon

Figure 2. The distribution of PAI students, by type of HEI including HEI in Israel and abroad 2011. Source: Arar and Haj-Yehia (2016).

We assume that an Arab university offering the preferred disciplines in Israel, where PAMI students would not have to compete with Jewish majority students for the few available places, would reduce PAMI students’ travel abroad for HE.

The call to establish HE institutions in PAMI society As early as 1979, Nakhleh noted, ‘‘academic education constitutes an important factor in the struggle for civil and national matters in Arab society in Israel’’ (Nakhleh, 1979, 28) For PAMI society, HE is a national resource that can be effectively used to ground, preserve and reinforce their Palestinian Arab identity, culture and heritage (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Yashiv and Kasir, 2015), promoting modernization in their society and reducing the gaps between that society and the Jewish population. The call for an Arab HE institution has been raised repeatedly by the various PAMI political and academic entities in Israel. The first official proposal for an Arab university was raised by the scholar Dr. Sami Mari’ over 30 years ago in the Knesset (Mari’, 1978). It was met by fierce resistance from Jewish political parties, who argued that such a university would not promote integration and would simply be a hotbed for subversion against the Israeli state. The proposal featured in the Rakah (Communist) party’s 1975 election campaign in Nazareth, as a proposal for ‘‘The Galilee University in Nazareth’’. In 1978, in Nazareth, an organization called ‘‘Altsawt’’ (The Voice) began to map the needs of the Arab population and plan for the establishment of an Arab university in the city. This group of Arab academics and scholars, conducted a survey among Arab and Jewish intellectuals to examine the need for a university of this kind, Their results published in 1980 in the book Min Ajal Almostkabal (For the Future) indicated very strong support for the establishment of the university (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). A proposal by the mayor of Nazereth in 2000 to establish an Arab university in his town was rejected by the Council for Higher Education, under the argument that there were too many

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models universities in Israel and that a new Arab university would consequently be of inferior status and its graduates less suitable for the demands of the Israeli job market. The idea of an Arab university remains a priority in the agenda of the PAMI, occupying a central place in every public discussion that deals with the difﬁculties and possibilities involved in PAMI access to education, HE and employment, for the new generation of academics in particular (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). The present Israeli government has issued a tender for the establishment of an academic college in an Arab town in Israel. Tenders have been presented by many private and public institutions including existing universities, which propose the establishment of university extensions (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

Methodology and Methods Qualitative methodology was deemed appropriate for this research to provide detailed understanding of respondents’ meanings, attitudes, and intentions (Cohen et al., 2011). The study employed semi-structured interviews with predetermined open-ended questions as an interview guide, allowing respondents to express their personal viewpoints on the studied phenomena (Ibid). Interview questions included open questions, for example: ‘‘What is your position on establishing an Arab university in Israel,’’ or ‘‘can you complete the sentence: establishing an Arab university in Israel may have an effect in the following areas …’’ and questions to clarify the interviewee’s descriptions such as ‘‘Can you expand slightly on this matter’’; and interpretative questions such as ‘‘if I have understood you correctly, in your view, the establishment of an Arab university can empower and increase Palestinian Arab citizens’ integration in the Israeli market, is that correct?’’ Interviews were thus designed to glean data on the respondents’ context, their views concerning the need for an Arab university and its possible characteristics and beneﬁts, and to explain the rationale underpinning their views. The paper is based on in-depth interviews conducted in Arabic or Hebrew by the ﬁrst author with three different groups. Each interview lasted from 90 min to 2 h.

The research population Given the nature of the study, purposeful sampling (Creswell, 2009) was used to allow us to select stakeholders, who were able to relate to the notion of a Palestinian Arab university both at the affective and effective levels, eliciting information from role-holders involved in relevant political, social and practical fields. The criterion for participants’ selection was the researchers’ desire to represent main stakeholders both at the local and national levels that could reflect public opinion and feelings on the studied issue. The first group consisted of public figures and the heads of local PAMI authorities, including three mayors of local municipality governments, three heads of local government education departments, and representatives of the

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

Follow-up Committee for Arab Education and the National Council for Local Authorities, and the chairperson of the National Union of Arab Students. The second group comprised PAMI and Jewish academics and professors in various Israeli HE institutions, such as department heads, members of the Council for HE, and directors of a research institute (a total of three professors), and the third group included PAMI and Jewish Knesset (Israeli parliament) members including leaders of a range of PAMI and Jewish political parties (3 Arabs and 3 Jews), including two government ministers from ruling coalition parties. This large variety of interviewees provided rich, reliable information on the studied issue, allowing us to cross- check data between the different types of interviewees to increase reliability and internal validity of the data (Cohen et al., 2011). Each interviewee received an explanation of the objective of the study and was assured anonymity and consensual participation; they were able to terminate the interview if they chose to. All interviews were recorded and transcribed. To maintain informant conﬁdentially, we use pseudonyms to describe the interviewees here. Table 3 describes the characteristics of the three groups of interviewees.

Data analysis Since the collected data consisted of recorded transcripts from the interviews, including varied responses to open questions, content analysis procedures were used to organize

Table 3 Interviewees’ proﬁles

Group/role No. Pseudonyms Comments

Group 1 Mayors 3 Saed, Samer, Three of them are mayors of big Jamil Arab cities in different regions in Israel Heads of local government education 3 Raed, Alaa, Jamal Heads of education departments in departments 2 Akram the above tows Chairperson of the National Union of Amer Arab students national union Arab Students chairperson Representatives of the Follow-up Representative of the follow-up Committee for Arab Education committee Group 2 Jewish and Arab professors from 7 Sara, Hakim, All of them are professors in the Israeli HE Institutes Hana, Ami, Israel academy including senior Sharan, Jalal, staff: a dean, head of faculty, and a Alqrinawi research unit head Group 3 Jewish and Arab Members of the 5 Haim, Rakefet, Knesset including government Rasmy, Ahmad, ministers from different political Hazar parties

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models the data and allow inferences to be drawn concerning the characteristics and meanings of the data. Interview transcripts underwent the four stages of content analysis delineated by Marshall and Rossman (2012): ‘organization of findings’, ‘construction of categories, and themes and associations between themes’, ‘examination of emergent hypotheses’ and a search for ‘different meanings of the themes’. Findings were organized and coded by comparative analysis including comparison within categories between their component themes and between the different categories as expressed in interviewees’ words. In addition triangulation compared data between the different groups. A comparison between all findings was conducted by the first author in discussion with the interviewer (the second author), to clarify perceptions and give meaning to the findings. This cross-checking of interpretations was employed to reinforce the reliability and internal validity of the findings and eventually led to the formation of a set of inter-related categories (Marshall and Rossman, 2012). In order to articulate and highlight the major themes, representative voices and quotes that most accurately represent the themes are reported in the research findings.

Findings: Arguments for and Against the Establishment of an Arab University The findings reflect the diverse arguments for and against the establishment of an Arab university in Israel as voiced by various stakeholders and public figures, academics and politicians. The findings are presented according to three main themes that emerged from the analysis and represent stakeholders’ perceptions and attitudes. a. Representatives of local and national government

The interviewed public functionaries share similar attitudes toward all aspects of the establishment of an Arab academic institution in Israel. Many of them expressed vigorous support for the establishment of such an institution and indicated that it was an existential need of the Arab minority (see Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). They claimed that an institution of this kind would solve the problem of discrimination encountered by Arab students when applying to existing institutions.

Rasmy, an Arab Knesset member stressed that: It would make HE increasingly accessible to Arab society in general, and would in particular afford Arab women the opportunity to continue their studies at the level of HE. Ahmad, another Arab Knesset member also supported the need for such a university:

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

Such an institution would enable Arab students to study in their Arabic language and in a climate of Arab culture. In addition, it would serve as an intellectual center for the Arab population, preserve Arab cultural heritage, and help shape a social and economic leadership that would contribute to the advancement of the social, cultural and political status of the Arab minority in Israel.

However, some of the public representatives objected to the establishment of an Arab university meant for Arab students only and in which the language of instruction would be Arabic. Saed, a mayor of one of the larger Arab cities in Israel clariﬁed:

Such a step would entrench the segregation and isolation of the Arab population. We need to integrate into Israeli society and advance along social, economic and political planes.

Interestingly, Samer, also a mayor of one of the biggest Arab cities, argued that more than one university was needed for the Arabs in Israel:

In the realm of Israeli HE, you find about 7 universities and 60 colleges all serving the Jewish population’s need. For a national minority that represents 20% of the Israeli population and for equality we need 13 different academic institutions. This would accelerate the economic development of our towns and create a socio-economic engine for growth, productivity and the preservation of our culture. Akram, a representative of the Arab Students’ National Union clarified: In the last three decades we have witnessed how a huge number of our students have moved abroad to pursue their HE, in Jordan and the Palestinian Authority alone we account for more than 8000 students. They didn’t find their pathway to Israeli HE institutions for various reasons, including inabi- lity to be accepted for their academic preference, for medicine or medical majors, some of them due to cultural and lingual difficulties or a sense of alienation in the Israeli academy.

Nevertheless, Amer, a representative of the Follow-up Committee explained his position toward Arab university establishment:

We are an indigenous national minority, we have our own national narrative and cultural tradition that we must revive and develop through a HE institution of our own in which we can create knowledge, come together and build a reality. Of course most people are afraid of the concept because it is essentially a revolutionary act, or resistance and a place where a liberating national discourse could develop.

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

Although some of the elected representative voiced a fear that a niche university might cause greater segregation, there seemed to be a general consensus among the elected representatives supporting the establishment of an Arab university in Israel, to serve geographical, national, cultural and social and economic needs of this population. This support is reinforced by the fact that many PAMI students do not ﬁnd their place in existing Israeli HE institutions and now pursue their HE abroad (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). Different arguments presented by this group related to possible features, nature and objectives of such an Arab university. b. Jewish and Arab Academics

The interviewed Arab academics also supported the establishment of an Arab academic institution in Israel, stressing the project’s importance for the PAMI on various planes. Alqrinawi, an Arab academic, noted:

This project is very important for the preservation of Arab heritage, culture and identity, others have stressed the contribution of the project for the construction of professional human capital, improving the ability of young Arab academics to integrate successfully into the Israeli workforce.

Jalal a professor and faculty head in one of the Israeli universities raised concerns about the reputation of such a university: ‘‘We should set standards of academic excellence that should characterize an institution of this nature so that it would be on a par with existing Israeli academic institutions.’’ While Sara, a female Arab professor elaborated on her expectations regarding the Arab university’s aims: ‘‘The university is also perceived as a social institution whose main goal is to impart national cultural capital to a national minority group’’. Additionally, several academics argued that such a university would be able to provide employment opportunities for highly qualified Arab academics (Hakim and Jalal). Interestingly, some of the Jewish academics also supported the project, stating that: ‘‘It is a legitimate right of the Arab minority’’ (Hana, dean and professor in HE). However, others opposed this idea for fear that it would cause separatism and isolationism (the creation of a ghetto). In the words of Ami (a Jewish professor): ‘‘This step would make it difficult for Arab students to integrate into Israeli society and the Israeli jobs market.’’ They further claimed that it would not solve the problem of unemployed Arab academics, who are unable to find work in the Israeli jobs market.

Similarly, Sharan (a Jewish academic) explained his opposition to such an idea: When we came here there was no Palestinian university. Did anyone prevent them from doing that? A university is part of the desire for independence,

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

usually resistance, as happened in the Palestinian universities in the West Bank. They were a hotbed of political activism and organization. On the other hand I support full integration … perhaps establishing an annex of an Israeli university close to an Arab community that would be supervised by the university.

The views of Sharan, perversely reinforce the words of Amer, the representative of the Arab Follow-up Committee noted in the previous section. Despite their different arguments, it seems that most of the interviewed academics believe that the establishment of an Arab university would produce signiﬁcant beneﬁts. Other academics opposed the idea, rationalizing that it would threaten the current status quo of integration (Wilkins and Huisman, 2012) and would contribute to the exclusion and segregation of the minority. Such a separation already exists between the Jewish and Arab school systems and in the vocational market, while the universities provide a space where the two communities meet (Yashiv and Kasir, 2015; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). c. Jewish and Arab Politicians

A considerable number of the Jewish and Arab politicians that we interviewed agreed in principle to the establishment of an Arab university, but they disagreed on its characteristics. Differences are evident among the attitudes of the Arab politicians. Similar to the representatives of the local authorities, some of the Arab Knesset members stressed the importance of the establishment of an Arab academic institution, using Arabic as the main language for instruction. Others supported the establishment of an Arab academic institution whose language of instruction would be Arabic, but not as an exclusively Arab national institution (Rasmy, an Arab parliament member). Rifaat clariﬁed: ‘‘An institution of this kind would have to be open to Jewish and other students as well’’. Thus too, some of the Jewish politicians supported the establishment of a bilingual Arab academic institution, either a college or a university, in which both Arab and Jewish students could study (Haim, a Jewish Knesset member). However, other Jewish politicians expressed their opposition to the establishment of an Arab university in Israel, arguing that: ‘‘The idea not only contradicts the notion of coexistence, but also constitutes an obstacle to the integration of Arab citizens within the country’’ (Rakefet, a Jewish Knesset member and minister). Moshe (a Jewish Knesset member) added that: ‘‘An institution of that kind would be liable to create segregation and a breakdown of interaction between Arab and Jewish citizens and increase alienation between the two peoples’’. It is evident that most of the interviewed Jewish academics and politicians had conceptions and attitudes that differed from those of their Arab colleagues. However, some supported the establishment of a bilingual Arab academic

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models institution to serve both Arab and Jewish students, based on the principle of integration rather than segregation. Others opposed the establishment of a separate Arab university because it would increase segregation and the isolation of Arab society, and widen the gap between the Jewish and Arab societies, making it difﬁcult for the graduates of the institution to integrate into Israeli society and into the Israeli job market.

Discussion and Conclusions The call of PAMI citizens for the establishment of the first Arab university in Israel is based on various arguments and has stimulated an intense debate, reflecting the conflict of interests that exists in the state (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Abu-Saad, 2006). In Israel various obstacles make access to Israeli HE institutions difficult for PAMI citizens (Al-Haj, 2003; Arar et al., 2016) and the underrepresentation of PAMI students in these institutions (approx. 13% of all students although the PAMI constitute 20.2% of the Israeli population) (Shaviv et al., 2015) has led to an increase in the number of PAMI students studying HE abroad Arar and Haj-Yehia (2016) estimated that in 2012, 9260 PAMI students were studying abroad; constituting 31% of all PAMI students studying HE in that year, a percentage studying abroad far higher than for any other minority groups in other countries (Brooks and Waters, 2011). The findings from interviews of PAMI public functionaries, and Jewish and PAMI academics and politicians indicate that perceptions of a future Arab university range along two central axes: (a) The university as an institution that constructs national cultural capital, as opposed to a university that helps to develop human economic capital (Souto-Otero, 2007); (b)The university as an institution that is run exclusively by and for an Arab minority, as opposed to a university that is administered in the language of the minority but is not essentially different from any other Israeli university in which both Jews and Arabs study (see: Ambler and Neathery, 2009; Altbach et al., 2010). Along the first axis, there is a distinction between attitudes that support the importance of national cultural capital and those that support the importance of human economic capital (Yashiv and Kasir, 2013). Along the second axis, which relates to ‘‘the character of the society’’, the distinction is between perception of a university as a creation of a national community and aspirations to produce an egalitarian, pluralistic civic society (Altbach et al., 2010). These two axes are depicted in Figure 3 as follows: The intersection of the two axes enables the identification of four principal conceptions regarding the characteristics of an Arab university in Israel: (1) National cultural capital — Communal life (NC): The notion of the university as an institution for national construction, similar to the model of the national universities

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

Type of capital

C – national cultural

Characteristics of the society C – civic N – national

H – human economic

Figure 3. A model (HCCN) of the principal conceptions in Arab society regarding the characteristics of an Arab university in Israel. in nineteenth-century Europe, especially in Germany (Altbach et al., 2010). (2) Human economic capital — National society (HN): A model of autonomy, the university ensures the continuation of national cultural uniqueness but permits and equips its students for integration in the state’s employment markets (Gorard, 2008; Reay et al., 2005). (3) National capital — Civic society (CS): Pluralism — a university open to both Jews and Arabs, teaching unique Arab-related topics but not only to Arabs; the creation of a pluralistic society (Brooks and Waters, 2011). (4) Human capital in the framework of Civic society (HS): A model of an open, secular society; the annulment of national identities; the university as an instrument of social change (Case and Huisman, 2016; Unterhalter and Carpentier, 2010). The ﬁndings from interviews of Jewish academics and politicians indicate that perceptions of a future Arab university range along two different axes: (1) segregation versus integration (Grodsky and Jackson, 2009) and (2) monolingual- ism versus bilingualism (Gurtin et al., 2002; Ross, 2003) (Figure 4). Previous research indicates that in many countries, independent minority group colleges served as a substratum for the development of minorities’ national consciousness and political movements (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Reay et al., 2005; Unterhalter and Carpentier, 2010). Additionally, these colleges serve as a means of advancing minority groups’ social, political and economic status (Abu- Lughod, 2000; Altbach et al., 2010; Ambler and Neathery, 2009). For Native Canadians and Americans, tribal colleges facilitated access to HE. These colleges also provide special services such as bespoke counseling, elementary education and initiatives for economic development, not provided by other academic bodies (Evans et al., 2002). They help to preserve native languages and cultures (Brooks and Waters, 2011; Ross, 2003). They provide knowledge and essential skills so that

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

Nature of the society

S – segregation ("ghetto")

Language of instruction

M – monolingual [Arabic] B – bilingual (Hebrew-Arabic)

I – integration

Figure 4. A model (SIBM) of the principal conceptions in Jewish society regarding the characteristics of an Arab university in Israel. minority students can rebuild their communal infrastructures (Workman, 2011) and develop human capital and social leadership (Ambler and Neathery, 2009; LeMelle, 2002; Souto-Otero, 2007). In the case of Palestinian society, HE institutions in the Palestinian Authority territories have also constituted an important channel for the shaping of the political and cultural identity of the younger generation (Abu-Saad, 2006; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Ambler and Neathery, 2009). It is argued that the case of the PAMI resembles to some extent the case of the ethnic groups mentioned above that have succeeded in establishing their own institutions and integrating into the multicultural/pluralistic societies in which they live (Grodsky and Jackson, 2009; Gurtin et al., 2002). Minority colleges improve the lives of the minority groups and ground their status in various academic fields (Altbach et al., 2010; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). In light of our findings, and in line with the fulfillment of the aspirations of other world minorities, it seems that an Arab university is perceived as fulfilling two main objectives for the PAMI: The first is to impart and develop a national cultural heritage to adults as a part of their national, social and cultural identity building and the second is to develop human capital in terms of employment qualifications (Abu- Saad, 2006; Gorard, 2008; Yashiv and Kasir, 2015). Yet, there are obviously difficulties involved in such a venture. Although LeMelle (2002) argues that historically black colleges and universities have advanced the minority’s socio-political status and built an African American leadership, other scholars view these separate settings as preventing the integration of ethnic groups in the USA (Altbach et al., 2010) and American Indian colleges have continually battled with unequal government funding. Our findings also show that the call to establish an Arab institution of HE within PAMI society has sparked conflicting views between PAMI public functionaries,

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models and academics and politicians from both the PAMI and the Jewish sectors. To a certain extent, it exposed opposing attitudes and conceptions. However, despite the fact that there were differences between and within the groups, most members expressed their support for the establishment of an Arab academic institution in Israel for the PAMI. Those who supported the project felt that it would improve the integration of PAMI society into Israeli society so as to narrow the gap created in various ﬁelds over the years. Among those who opposed the idea, some stressed that a separate Arab university was actually liable to further segregate and even isolate the PAMI from Israeli society and would lead to the limitation of employment opportunities available to its graduates in the Israeli job market (Yashiv and Kasir, 2015). Others wanted to preserve the status quo — that is, they supported the continued dependence of PAMI society on the state’s public universities and existing public and private colleges (Ayalon, 2008; Volansky, 2012). It seems that they opposed the call of the PAMI to establish an Arab university, fearing that this process would engender a demand for political and cultural autonomy (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016), that an Arab university would have inferior status in comparison with established universities, and its graduates would be stigmatized in the jobs market, delaying PAMI integration in Israeli society. It is worth mentioning that the case of the PAMI as a distinct cultural group is similar to certain cases in which other distinct cultural groups in Israel have demanded the establishment of their own HE institutions. However, in contrast to the case of the PAMI, the State of Israel permitted these other groups to establish such institutions — for example, the state-funded post-secondary-school yeshivas for the ultra-Orthodox Jewish communities (Volansky, 2012). Although the latter do not belong to the HE system, the very fact of their existence reﬂects the State’s acknowledgment of the right of the ultra-Orthodox public to cultural autonomy (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). Another instance of the establishment of a private HE institution for a distinct cultural group is Bar-Ilan University, which was established by the Mizrachi religious Zionist movement and was recognized by the CHE as a university in 1970 (Iram, 2010). It would seem obvious therefore that the PAMI — as a native minority and distinct cultural group — has the right to establish its own HE institution similar to those established for other world minorities (Altbach et al., 2010; Brooks and Waters, 2011). An Arab university could contribute to the advancement of the social, economic and political status of the PAMI and increase social and academic cross-fertilization between PAMI and Jewish societies within Israel (Arar and Haj- Yehia, 2016). Moreover, an Arab university could provide employment as faculty members for skilled PAMI academics, especially those who hold advanced degrees (M.A. and Ph.D.) (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Yashiv and Kasir, 2015)as historically black colleges and universities in the USA did for their graduates (LeMelle, 2002).

Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

However, despite the struggle and requests of the PAMI to establish an Arab university in Israel, there is a probability that such an institution would only enjoy a status inferior to that of the state’s universities due to the low socio-economic status of PAMI society, and this may cause disadvantage to its graduates on attempting to enter Israel’s jobs market or to continue to higher degrees in parallel academic institutes. Suitable thought should therefore be invested in planning the necessary resources especially the provision of sufficient government backing for such a project. Finally, the fact that the PAMI have been working unsuccessfully toward establishing their own HE institution for three decades indicates their lack of power within these processes, but also testifies to genuine unsatisfied needs. The establishment of HE colleges in the Israeli periphery, many of them private and expensive and offering limited disciplines, has not really increased the power of weaker groups, as could be expected. In this context, the attempt to torpedo the PAMI community’s proposal for a state-supported Arab university can be seen as a means of preserving the hegemonic relations of the dominant majority group in the political establishment vis-a`-vis minority national-ethnic groups. Yet the PAMI are citizens of a country with a developed economy, and PAMI graduates have already proved that they have much to offer to Israel’s employment market, especially in the medical and paramedical professions. Despite government declarations and actual improvements in the provision of higher education for its PAMI population, it seems that Israel still does not provide sufficient resources for the development of the human capital potential of the PAMI as an important element for the country’s growth and development, while for example the historically black colleges and universities of the USA have enhanced the development of HE among minorities as a part of their country’s vision for economic growth. The addition of an Arab university may provide another channel to enhance the contribution of the PAMI to the state and to a future peace process Inshallah.

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Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models

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