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A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders' Perceptions

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A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders' Perceptions Higher Education Policy, 2017 Ó 2017 International Association of Universities 0952-8733/17 www.palgrave.com/journals Original Article A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models Khalid Arara and Yonis Abu El-Hijab aGraduate School of Education, The College for Academic Studies, Or Yehuda, Israel. E-mail: [email protected] bContinuing Education Department, Sakhnin College for Teacher Education, Sakhnin, Israel. For decades Arab citizens of Israel have repeatedly proposed the establishment of an Arab university in Israel. Although Arab students increasingly study in Israel’s higher education institutions, Arab candidates still face obstacles in access to Israel’s univer- sities, especially to prestigious faculties such as medicine and many turn to pursue their higher education abroad. Instruction in these universities is in Hebrew, and the Arab national narrative and cultural heritage are generally ignored. In other world states, ethnic minority colleges have successfully promoted the social, political and economic status of these minorities. This paper discusses findings from qualitative research, using in-depth interviews with Arab local government employees, Arab and Jewish academics and politicians to explore the extent of support for an Arab university in Israel and to elucidate arguments for and against this proposal. Conclusions indicate that like minority universities in other countries, an Arab university could meet particular needs of the Arab population in Israel and contribute significantly to the state’s academic excellence and economy. Higher Education Policy (2017). doi:10.1057/s41307-017-0040-1 Keywords: higher education; minority; university; Palestinian Introduction Higher education (HE) constitutes a means to bridge social and geographical gaps and helps to shape a society’s economic and social future (Altbach et al., 2010; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Unterhalter and Carpentier, 2010; Wilkins and Huisman, 2012). In recent years, minority groups have become increasingly aware of the potential of HE to accelerate their social mobility and their economic and political status (Altbach et al., 2010; Al-Haj, 2003; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Brooks and Waters, 2011). In world states, academic institutions have served as a catalyst for the development of national movements helping to clarify and sharpen minority members’ national consciousness (Abu-Saad, 2006; Arar and Haj-Yehia, Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models 2016;Reayet al., 2005) leading to calls by minority groups for the establishment of their own HE institutions. Israel has a total population of approximately 8 million citizens, 79.3% are Jewish and 20.7% are members of the indigenous Palestinian Arab minority in Israel (hereinafter, the PAMI), who constitute the state’s largest minority group. The PAMI population includes 82.1% Muslims, 9.4% Christians and 8.4% Druze (CBS, 2015). Most of this population is situated in the lowest socio-economic segments of the society (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). Although PAMI students constitute approximately 13% of the Israeli student population, there are still many obstacles facing the PAMI student who wishes to study in HE in Israel. For this and other reasons, PAMI citizens of the state have often proposed the establishment of a separate university of their own. This study presents a broad reasoned discussion and rationale for this demand based on empirical research of the views of both PAMI and Jewish stakeholders in the Israeli HE system. The research aimed to understand the stakeholders’ perceptions and attitudes toward the establishment of a Palestinian Arab university in Israel. Our discussion relates to both advantages and possible disadvantages of such a project. This paper begins with a survey of literature relating to the successful establishment of independent HE institutions by ethnic minority groups in other countries. We then provide a detailed description of the present status of PAMI participation in HE studies in Israel, paying particular attention to the reasons for the call for the establishment of the first Arab university in Israel, an issue that has aroused intense dispute, reflecting the conflict of interests in the state (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). To provide substantial current evidence regarding the extent of support for an Arab university in Israel and to elucidate arguments for and against this proposal, we conducted in-depth interviews with local PAMI government employees, PAMI and Jewish academics and politicians. Our concluding discus- sion refers to factors and motives that prompted the call for the establishment of the first Arab university in Israel, indicating possible benefits and difficulties of such a university for both the minority population and the State of Israel. Overview of Extant Literature on Ethnic Minority Universities In various pluralistic societies, minority groups have succeeded in establishing their own HE institutions, which have contributed to the advancement of their social, economic and political status as well as to the preservation of their cultural identity and heritage (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016; Brooks and Waters, 2011; Reay et al., 2005). For example, ethnic and tribal colleges and universities have significantly increased the access of Native Canadians and Americans to HE (Brooks and Waters, 2011) and of the Maori population in New Zealand (see for example the website of the Tribal University of Awannuirangi — http://www.wananga.ac.nz), and of the Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models African American population in the USA. In contrast to the state’s public colleges, tribal colleges preserve the cultural identity of minority groups — for instance, by offering courses in the student’s particular native language and culture in order to prevent its extinction (American Indian Higher Education Consortium, 1998). These colleges also provide tailor-made services for minority students, such as culture- sensitive counseling, elementary education and courses in entrepreneurship for economic development. Such bespoke services are not usually offered by other academic institutions that serve broader populations (Wilkins and Huisman, 2012). African American colleges and universities in the USA emerged as a result of racist policies prohibiting blacks from studying in institutions for whites (Evans et al., 2002). Most African American colleges and universities were established at the beginning of the nineteenth century, when blacks were emancipated from slavery, usually in locations where there was a large African American population. Although they were initially private enterprises, later, public colleges became the norm (Altbach et al., 2010; Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016). African American institutions established before 1964 are recognized by the US government as ‘‘Historically Black Colleges and Universities’’ (HBCU) (Evans et al., 2002). LeMelle (2002) points out that the HBCU institutions not only surmounted strong opposition, inadequate availability of qualified black faculty members and inadequate funding, but perhaps surprisingly also brought American society closer to the realization of the pluralistic ideal, since they improved the lot of African American society. According to Gorard (2008), these institutions prepared students to become citizens, transforming them into skilled people with self-assurance regarding their identity or the manner they employ to advance themselves and the interests of the community to which they belong. According to the National Center for Education Statistics in the USA (2015) by 2015, there were 100 historically black colleges and universities ‘‘The number of students enrolled at HBCUs rose by 36% between 1976 and 2013 to 303,000’’. However, by 2013, non- Black students made up 20% of enrollment (Fletcher, 2015, n.p.). LeMelle (2002) argues African American colleges and universities have advanced that population’s socio-political status toward enjoyment of the same rights as white society, enabling African American society to tailor the education process to its needs and promote African American leadership (Altbach et al., 2010). Yet, LeMelle also notes that while some people considered that the HBCU permitted African American students to advance in the most equitable manner, others viewed these separate settings as preventing the integration of ethnic groups in the USA (ibid., 193–194). However, Price et al. (2011) claimed that graduates from HBCU were more positively rewarded in terms of long-term incomes than their colleagues who graduated from main-stream universities. In addition to the African American colleges, 33 American Indian Tribal Colleges were established in the USA and Canada over the last 30 years as part of the American Indian self-determination movement. A report by the American Indian Higher Education Policy 2017 Khalid Arar and Yonis Abu El-Hija A University for the Arab Minority in Israel: Stake Holders’ Perceptions and Proposed Models Higher Education Consortium and The Institute for Higher Education Policy (2001) notes the advantages and disadvantages of these niche colleges, indicating that they ‘‘have increasingly become the educational, social, and economic cores of the reservations and towns in which they are located. In almost every aspect of local community
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