Will the Spanish Parliament's Decision to Ban the Basque Political Party

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Will the Spanish Parliament's Decision to Ban the Basque Political Party From Charles Powe ll in Madrid ETA Loses Its vóice Will the Spanish parliament's decision to ban the Basque political party Batasunaleadtoit and its sister militant organisation ETA withering away? Or is it rather an attack on free speech, limiting the choices for voters? NA DEMOCRACY, THE BAJ.'1NING This included the recognition ofBasque as were attempts to prevent it from of a political party is never an an official language; a regional parliament registering as a political party as early as uncontroversial event, particularly 'l'.i.th legislative powers; the power to collect 1980, the Spanish Supreme Court declared in a country with relatively recent and administer taxes; a regional executive it legal in 1986. A decade later, the entire experience of non-democratic with full responsibility for areas such as party leadership was tried and convicted rule. The fact that eighty eight percent of health, education, culture and television; for distributing a video produced by ETA, Spain's MPs nevertheless decided to and its own police force. but their seven-year sentences were request the banning ofBatasuna on August In spite ofits outright rejection ofthe revoked by the Constitutional Court two 26 reveals the seriousness ofthe political Spanish constitution and the political years later. In view ofthe likelihood of c1isis afllicting the Basque country, and system stemming from it, Batasuna has being banned, the party briefly changed its above all the determination of Prime regularlyfielded candidates in local, name to Euskal Herritarrok in 1998, Minister José Maria Aznar's government to prmi.ncial, regional, national and renaming itself Batasuna last year. put an end to decades ofimpunity. European elections. In the most recent Predictably, the measure has been criticised Basque regional elections, in May last year, on both legal and political grounds, but it emerged as the fourth largest party, with INVOLVED IN TERROR events since the banning suggest that the about ten percent of the vote and seven of IfAznar's govemment and the majar government's decision was not as the seventy five seats. opposition party have finally decided to misguided as sorne had feared. The party also contests elections in the ban a political organisation with a The partywas born during Spain's neighbouring region ofNavarre, which substantial popular following, it is transition to democracy following Franco's Basque nationalists regard as an integral because they have come to the conclusion death in 1975, fighting its first local election part of the Basque country. There it won that there is now sufficient evidence to in 1979 with a radical left wing, sorne sixteen percent of the vote in 1999. prove that Batasuna is neither a political pro-independence programme. Herri The party tends to do best in local party in the conventional sense, nor even Batasuna, as it was then known, never elections, last held three years ago, where it a mere political front for ETA, but rather accepted the 1979 Statute ofAutonomy picked up twenty seven percent of the vote an integral part of a complex terror which granted the three in Guipuzcoa, sixteen percent in Vizcaya network which has a highly sophisticated Basque provinces of and fourteen percent in Alava. division oflabour. Alava, Guipúzcoa and Batasuna and its predecessors have long As far as finance is concemed, Judge Vizcaya a significant been identified with Euskadi Ta Baltasar Garzón has provided evidence of Elcano, Madrid. leve! of self-government. Askatasuna (ETA), and although there direct transfers between ETA and 26 THE WORLD TODAY I Novemter 2002 Batasuna Money raised through extortion Critics have also voiced concern that the - often collected by Batasuna militants - banning ofBatasuna will deprive its voters POLARISATION has made its ,vay into party coffers, which of a means of eiq)fessing their views, Doubts have been expressed about the have in turn supplied funds to purchase leading to frustration and even gTeater long term consequences ofbanning equipment used in terror attacks. radicalisation. In p1inciple, huwever, there Batasuna. Ifsi xty percent ofBasques At the organisational level, sorne one is no reason why they should not vote for oppose the measure it is probably not so hundred and thirty two elected Batasuna other nationalist parties, as sorne sixty much because they feel it is i11.herently officials have been convicted orare thousand ofthem already appear to have undemocratic, but because they fear it may currently standing trial for direct done in last year's regional elections. Sorne lead to increased political polaiisation as involvement in terrorist activities, such as may also turn to Ezquer Batua, a left wing well as an escalation ofviolence. the provision ofsafe havens. Similarly, party that won five percent ofthe vote in IfBatasuna's former voters do indeed party offices have been used to store these elections and later joined the Basque decide to support the PNV and EA, which explosives and firearms. It is now generally regional government. Alternatively, they control the Basque regional government, acknowledged that youngsters recruited by could of course form a new party, on the the parties may come under growing Batasuna's youth organisation to become understanding that it too will be banned if pressure to denounce the Statute of involved in street violence aimed at police, it trades in violence. Autonomy. The PN"V may also feel political opponents or mere bystanders, compe lled to renew its initially secret which has resulted in severe injuries and 1998 agreement with ETA, which agreed even loss oflife, later graduate into ETA THREATS ANO VIOLENCE to a truce in return for the party's promise proper once they have won their spurs. It is more than alittle ironicthat such to break with Spain. It is unlikely, At a political level, Batasuna has concern should be expressed for a party however, that the PNV, which has provided ETA with free election airtime, whose leaders and supporters have been controlled the Basque regional and acted as its mouthpiece in busy threatening and hounding governrnent since 1980, ,,ill throw demonstrations and rallies. The party has non-nationalist elected officials,joumalists caution to the ,vind and 1isk sacrificing never condemned any ofthe more than and acadernics in an attempt to make the fruits of office in an irresponsible leap eight hundred and thirty killings carried them cease their opposition, sorne of tO\vards an unkn0vvn destiny. out by ETA. Incredibly, after leaving prison whom have subsequently been murdered Finally, it is unclear what the impact of members ofETA convicted for murder by ETA. According to the May poll, carried the ban will be on ET ..A.. itself. Ifthe have been free to stand as Batasuna out before the ban was announced, four government's diagnosis of the relationship candidates at local and regional levels. One out of ten Basques believe that it is between it and Batasuna is c01Tect, they of their number, Josu Ternera, represents impossible to hold truly democratic \\111 find it in creasingly diffi cult to recruit the party in the Basque parliament's elections in the region because of the new members, and to gather infonnation human rights committee, much to the violence against non-nationalist and finance. The evidence suggests that outrage of victims' associations. In short, in politicians, most ofwhom need these problems have aiready begun, though recent years Batasuna has acted as ETA's bodyguards to attend their to,vn council, nobody expects ETA to disappear O\'emight. eyes, ears and mouth. provincial assembly or regional parliament. It is also interestingthat Batasuna Interestingly, according to the same supporters have not come out in strength poll, half ofBasques describe themselves as in defence of their party, a reaction already NOT FREE TO SPEAK non-nationalists, while forty three percent e,i dent in 1997 when its entire leadership Although the government and its see themselves as Basque nationalists, and ,vas imprisoned. There are therefore socialist allies have consistently argued th at seven percent express no opinion. reasons to believe that Batasuna's bark is they are banning an organisation and its Although they are in the majority, however, worse than its bite, and that in the absence activities, not its ideology, critics have been many who define themselves as of the relative impunity \\ithin which it ha~ quick to object that it will be difficult for non-nationalists admit they are too scared operated, its supporters' enthusiasm for those in favour ofBasque independence to to publiclyvoice their political views. ETA may also wane. WT speak their mind freely. According to the latest polls conducted in May bythe U niversity of the Basque Country, only lnternational Events November 2002 three out of ten Basques favour outright independence. This includes not only the NOVEMBER 2 vast majority ofBatasuna voters, but also a Tamil Tiger rebels scheduled to hold third round significant forty three percent minority of of peace talks with Sri Lankan government those who vote for the tv-10 largest NOVEMBER 3 nationalist parties in the region, the General election in Turkey Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) and Eusko NOVEMBER 5 Alkartasuna (EA). Mid-term elections in US The notion that all talk ofindep endence will be banned is patently absurd, since NOVEMBER 7 Gibraltar government referendum the current Basque coalition government itself consists of parties whose leaders NOVEMBER 21 h ave frequently and openly stated that NATO Council meets in Prague what distinguishes them from ETA is not NOVEMBER 24 its alleged goal, ofBasque independence, Early general election in Austria but merely the means they use in seeking INFOR MATIONF ROM f[NS. TH Ef UTURE E'IEN TS NEWS SER'IICE: \'/'1/W.fENS.CW to achieve it. THE WORLD TODAY J November 2002 27 .
Recommended publications
  • Between Accommodation and Secession: Explaining the Shifting Territorial Goals of Nationalist Parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia
    Between accommodation and secession: Explaining the shifting territorial goals of nationalist parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia Anwen Elias Reader at Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University Email: [email protected] Ludger Mees Full Professor at Department of Contemporary History, University of the Basque Country Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT This article examines the shifting territorial goals of two of the most electoral- ly successful and politically relevant nationalist parties in Spain: the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) and Convergència i Unió (CiU). Whilst both parties have often co-operated to challenge the authority of the Spanish state, their territorial goals have varied over time and from party to party. We map these changes and identify key drivers of territorial preferences; these include party ideology, the impact of the financial crisis, the territorial structure of the state, party competition, public opinion, government versus opposition, the impact of multi-level politics and the particularities of party organisation. These factors interact to shape what nationalist parties say and do on core territorial issues, and contribute to their oscillation between territorial accommodation and secession. However, the way in which these factors play out is highly context-specific, and this accounts for the different territorial preferences of the PNV and CiU. These findings advance our understanding of persistent territorial tensions in Spain, and provide broader theoretical insights into the internal and external dynamics that determine the territorial positioning of stateless nationalist and regionalist parties in plurinational states. KEYWORDS Spain; Basque Country; Catalonia; territorial goals; party strategies; nation- alism; regional autonomy. Article received on 04/10/2016, approved on 17/03/2017.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lehendakari
    E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 3/5/01 16:08 P‡gina 1 Issue 49 YEAR 2001 TheThe LehendakariLehendakari callscalls forfor anan electionelection inin thethe BasqueBasque CountryCountry onon MayMay 13th13th E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 4/5/01 08:53 P‡gina 2 Laburpena SUMMARY Laburpena SUMMARY EDITORIALA■EDITORIAL – Supplementary statement to the Decree dissolving Parliament ...................... 3 GAURKO GAIAK■CURRENT EVENTS – Instructions for voting by mail .................................................................................. 5 – Basque election predictions according to surveys................................................ 6 PERTSONALITATEAK■PERSONALITIES – The Sabino Arana Awards for the year 2000........................................................ 8 EUSKAL ETXEAK – The Human Rights Commissioner visited the Basque Country ....................... 8 ISSUE 49 - YEAR 2001 URTEA – Francesco Cossiga received the "Lagun Onari" honor ...................................... 9 EGILEA AUTHOR Eusko Jaurlaritza-Kanpo – The Government of Catalonia receives part of its history Harremanetarako Idazkaritza Nagusia from the Sabino Arana Foundation ....................................................................... 10 Basque Government-Secretary General for Foreign Action – The Secretary of State of Idaho calls for the U.S. C/ Navarra, 2 to mediate in the Basque Country......................................................................... 11 01007 VITORIA-GASTEIZ Phone: 945 01 79 00 ■ [email protected] ERREPORTAIAK ARTICLES ZUZENDARIA DIRECTOR – The
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Eta
    Cátedra de Economía del Terrorismo UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Empresariales DISMANTLING TERRORIST ’S ECONOMICS : THE CASE OF ETA MIKEL BUESA* and THOMAS BAUMERT** *Professor at the Universidad Complutense of Madrid. **Professor at the Catholic University of Valencia Documento de Trabajo, nº 11 – Enero, 2012 ABSTRACT This article aims to analyze the sources of terrorist financing for the case of the Basque terrorist organization ETA. It takes into account the network of entities that, under the leadership and oversight of ETA, have developed the political, economic, cultural, support and propaganda agenda of their terrorist project. The study focuses in particular on the periods 1993-2002 and 2003-2010, in order to observe the changes in the financing of terrorism after the outlawing of Batasuna , ETA's political wing. The results show the significant role of public subsidies in finance the terrorist network. It also proves that the outlawing of Batasuna caused a major change in that funding, especially due to the difficulty that since 2002, the ETA related organizations had to confront to obtain subsidies from the Basque Government and other public authorities. Keywords: Financing of terrorism. ETA. Basque Country. Spain. DESARMANDO LA ECONOMÍA DEL TERRORISMO: EL CASO DE ETA RESUMEN Este artículo tiene por objeto el análisis de las fuentes de financiación del terrorismo a partir del caso de la organización terrorista vasca ETA. Para ello se tiene en cuenta la red de entidades que, bajo el liderazgo y la supervisión de ETA, desarrollan las actividades políticas, económicas, culturales, de propaganda y asistenciales en las que se materializa el proyecto terrorista.
    [Show full text]
  • 2005 Page 1 of 9 2005 Country Report on Human Rights Practices
    2005 Country Report on Human Rights Practices in Spain Page 1 of 9 Facing the Threat Posed by Iranian Regime | Daily Press Briefing | Other News... Spain Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2005 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 8, 2006 Spain, with a population of approximately 43 million, is a parliamentary democracy with a constitutional monarch. The March 2004 national election was free and fair. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces. The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; although there were a few problems in some areas, the law and judiciary provide effective means of addressing individual instances of abuse. The following problems were reported: detainees, foreigners, and illegal immigrants were reportedly abused and mistreated by some members of the security forces lengthy pretrial detention and delays in some trials some societal violence against immigrants domestic violence against women trafficking in women and teenage girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation societal discrimination against Roma The terrorist group Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA) continued its campaign of bombings. ETA sympathizers also continued a campaign of street violence and vandalism in the Basque region intended to intimidate politicians, academics, and journalists. Islamist groups linked to those who killed 191 and injured more than one thousand persons in March 2004 remained active. The government continued to investigate and make arrests. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life The government or its agents did not commit any politically motivated killings; however, one detainee died while in custody during the year.
    [Show full text]
  • A La Sala Especial Del Tribunal Supremo Prevista En El Artículo 61 De La Ley Orgánica Del Poder Judicial
    MINISTERIO ABOGACÍA GENERAL DEL ESTADO DE JUSTICIA DIRECCIÓN DEL SERVICIO JURÍDICO DEL ESTADO INDICE DEL RECURSO HECHOS PRIMERO. CONVOCATORIA DE ELECCIONES MUNICIPALES, AL PARLAMENTO NAVARRO, A LAS JUNTAS GENERALES Y ELECCIONES CONCEJILES EN NAVARRA. CONSTITUCIÓN DE LA COALICIÓN ELECTORAL BILDU. SEGUNDO.- LOS REITERADOS INTENTOS DEL COMPLEJO ETA/BATSAUNA DE ACCEDER A LA LEGALIDAD BURLANDO LOS EFECTOS DE LA SENTENCIA DE ILEGALIZACIÓN DE 27 DE MARZO DE 2003 TERCERO.- LA EVOLUCIÓN DE EUSKO ALKARTASUNA Y ALTERNATIBA EN LOS ÚLTIMOS AÑOS. RELACIÓN CON LA IZQUIERDA ABERTZALE ILEGALIZADA. 1.- EUSKO ALKARTASUNA 2.- ALTERNATIBA 3.- La celebración conjunta del reciente “Aberri Eguna” (día de la patria vasca) de 2011. 4.- Conclusión CUARTO.- LA ALIANZA CON EUSKO ALKARTASUNA COMO ELEMENTO ESENCIAL DE LA ESTRATEGIA DEL COMPLEJO ETA/BATASUNA EN EL DENOMINADO POR ETA “PROCESO DEMOCRÁTICO”. AUTO DE LA SALA ESPECIAL DEL ART. 61 LOPJ DE 30 DE MARZO DE 2011 QUINTO.- OTRAS PRUEBAS DEL PROCESO DE ACUERDO, TANTO ESTRATÉGICO COMO ELECTORAL, ENTRE EL COMPLEJO ETA/BATASUNA, C/ S. BERNARDO, 45 28001 MADRID ABOGACÍA GENERAL DEL ESTADO EUSKO ALKARTASUNA Y ALTERNATIBA PARA LA PRESENTACIÓN DE CANDIDATURAS A TRAVÉS DE UNA COALICIÓN ELECTORAL A) PRUEBAS DOCUMENTALES B) CONVERSACIONES TELEFÓNICAS, REUNIONES Y COMUNICACIONES. C) DECLARACIONES PÚBLICAS Y MANIFESTACIONES DE LOS RESPONSABLES DE BILDU SEXTO.- OTRAS CARACTERÍSTICAS DE LAS CANDIDATURAS IMPUGNADAS Y SU RELACIÓN CON EL COMPLEJO ETA/BATASUNA A) CARACTERÍSTICAS GENERALES O DE ÍNDOLE ESTRUCTURAL B) ALGUNAS CONEXIONES PERSONALES DE LOS MIEMBROS DE LAS CANDIDATURAS CON LOS PARTIDOS ILEGALIZADOS FUNDAMENTOS DE DERECHO I PROCEDENCIA DEL RECURSO CONTENCIOSO-ELECTORAL, COMPETENCIA Y PROCEDIMIENTO. II LEGITIMACIÓN ACTIVA. 2 MINISTERIO DE JUSTICIA ABOGACÍA GENERAL DEL ESTADO III SOBRE LOS MEDIOS DE PRUEBA UTILIZABLES Y ADMISIBLES EN LOS PROCESOS JUDICIALES DESTINADOS A ACREDITAR LA SUCESIÓN O CONTINUACIÓN DE LOS PARTIDOS ILEGALIZADOS IV APRECIACIÓN CONJUNTA DE LA PRUEBA.
    [Show full text]
  • Gazteen Argazkiak 13 Retratos De Juventud 13
    GAZTEEN ARGAZKIAK 13 2009KO ABENDUA RETRATOS DE JUVENTUD 13 DICIEMBRE 2009 www.lehendakaritza.ejgv.euskadi.net/r48-17354/eu/ www.lehendakaritza.ejgv.euskadi.net/r48-17354/es/ Gazteen Argazkiak 13 (Landa lana: 2009) Retratos de Juventud 13 (Trabajo de campo: 2009) Aurkibidea / Índice A - Egoeraren balorazioa / Valoración de la situación ........................................................1 A.1 - EAEko eta Estatuko egoera ekonomikoa / Situación económica de la CAPV y del Estado......... 1 A.2 - EAEko eta Estatuko egoera politikoa / Situación política de la CAPV y del Estado ...................... 2 A.3 - EAEko eta Estatuko egoera soziala / Situación social de la CAPV y del Estado .......................... 3 A.4 - EAEko arazo nagusiak / Principales problemas de la CAPV ......................................................... 4 A.5 - Norberaren arazo nagusiak / Principales problemas personales................................................... 5 A.6 - Administrazioarekiko poztasuna / Satisfacción con la administración ........................................... 6 B.- Jarrera politikoak / Actitudes políticas ...........................................................................7 B.1 - Politikarekiko interesa / Interés por la política ................................................................................ 7 B.2 - Alderdi politiko batekiko hurbiltasuna / Proximidad hacia algún partido político............................ 8 B.3 - Norberaren kokapena ezker-eskuin ardatzean / Autoubicación en el eje izquierda-derecha......
    [Show full text]
  • El Caso Bildu: Un Supuesto De Extralimitación De
    EL CASO BILDU: UN SUPUESTO DE EXTRALIMITACIÓN DE FUNCIONES DEL TRIBUNAL CONSTITUCIONAL Comentario de la Sentencia de la Sala Especial del Tribunal Supremo de 1 de mayo de 2011 y de la Sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional de 5 de mayo de 2011 JAVIER Tajadura Tejada I. Introducción.—II. LA SENTENCIA DE LA SALA ESPECIAL DEL Tribunal SUPREMO DE 1 DE MAYO DE 2011: 1. Las demandas de la Abogacía del Estado y del Ministerio Fiscal. 2. Las alegaciones de Bildu. 3. La fundamentación del fallo mayoritario de la Sala Especial: 3.1. Nor- mativa aplicable. 3.2. Análisis y valoración de la prueba. 3.3. Conclusiones. 3.4. El «contraindi- cio». 3.5. El principio de proporcionalidad. 4. Análisis del Voto particular.—III. LA SENTENCIA DEL Tribunal Constitucional DE 5 DE MAYO DE 2011: 1. La fundamentación del recurso de amparo. 2. Las alegaciones de la Abogacía del Estado y del Ministerio Fiscal. 3. Los Fundamen- tos Jurídicos de la sentencia. 4. El Voto particular del profesor Manuel Aragón.—IV. CONSIDE- raciones finales. I. Introducción El día 5 de mayo de 2011, por una exigua mayoría de seis votos frente a cinco, el Pleno del Tribunal Constitucional, tras una deliberación de urgencia de menos de cuatro horas, dictó una de las sentencias más importantes de toda su historia. En ella estimó el recurso de amparo de la coalición electoral Bildu contra la sentencia de la Sala Especial del Tribunal Supremo que cuatro días atrás había anulado todas las candidaturas presentadas a los comicios del 22 de mayo. Desde el punto de vista jurídico, la principal objeción que cabe formular a esta sentencia es la de haberse extralimitado en sus funciones y haber invadido, de forma clara y notoria, el ámbito competencial propio del Tribunal Supremo.
    [Show full text]
  • Self-Determination for the Basque People
    THE HUMAN RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION AND THE LONG WALK OF THE BASQUE COUNTRY TO A DEMOCRATIC SCENARIO ―Law is a living deed, not a brilliant honors list of past writers whose work of course compels respect but who cannot, except for a few great minds, be thought to have had such a vision of the future that they could always see beyond their own times‖. Judge Ammoun ―Separate Opinion‖ Advisory Opinion of the ICJ Jon Namibia, 1971 Introduction Let me start with some considerations. The case of the right to self determination is the case of human rights and history shows us that human rights are the cause of the oppressed, the cause of the colonized, the subalterns, and the cause of those on the other side of the borderline. Human rights have always been opposed by those in power, by the states of the capitalist world system. And so the recognized human rights are not but the consequences of long term struggles for non-recognized rights. And same pass with the right to self determination. Those who today consider this right only to be applied to colonies or occupied territories, are the same who opposed to the struggles for national liberation. Those who consider right now the right to self determination recognized in art 1 of the UN International Covenants on Civil and Political rights and Social, Cultural and Ecomic Rights are the same who opposed in the UN to the stablishment of art.1 and those who right now try to limit the right of indigenous peoples to self determination.
    [Show full text]
  • Erabaki Eskubidea Helburu Elkarlanerako Prest, Modua Eta Denborak Adostu Behar
    TERMOMETROA MARIAN BEITIALARRANGOITIA - MARKEL OLANO Erabaki eskubidea helburu elkarlanerako prest, modua eta denborak adostu behar Marian Beitialarrangoitia (Legazpi, 1968) EH Bilduko Eusko Legebiltzarreko parlamentaria eta Hernaniko alkate ohia da. Markel Olano (Beasain, 1965) EAJko biltzarkidea da Gipuzkoan eta lurraldeko diputatu nagusi ohia. Autogobernuaz jarduteko bildu ditugu. Adostasun nagusia: Euskal Herria subjektu politiko gisa eta bere erabaki eskubidea ordenamendu juridikoetan finkatu behar dira. Desadostasuna denboretan da. | XABIER LETONA | Argazkiak: Dani Blanco Autogobernuari begira hainbat urrats batean, burujabetza nahi hori estal- rretxe lehendakariak nahi izan zuen eman dira azken hamarkadetan Eus- tzeko egin zen. Urrats praktikoak erabaki eskubidea finkatu, hartutako kal Herrian. Non gaude orain? Zein da pentsatzeko aukera dugu orain. erabakiak gure borondatearen une honetan autogobernuaz egiten M. Olano: Momentu batean argi ondorio izan zitezen eta ez tresneria duzuen diagnostikoa? ikusi zen Gernikako Estatutua eta konstituzionalaren araberakoak. Markel Olano: Une honetan bada- Foru Hobekuntzaren bidetik egin- go autogobernuan urrats berri bat dako bideek ez zutela etorkizunik. Espainian eredu federalaz hitz egiten emateko aukera, bai Euskal Herrian Ibarretxe lehendakaria izan zen hori hasi da berriz. Espero duzue zerbait eta, lidergo puntu batekin, baita ikusarazi zuena. Berak orduan egin- hausnarketa horietatik? EAEn ere. Paraleloan, bakea jorra- dako diagnostikoak orain ere balio M. Beitialarrangoitia: Estatuaren tzeko aukera berriak ireki dira eta, du. Irakurketa hartan, zein zen aldetik ezin da ezer espero eta ez beraz, orain arte bai jarrera politiko- Espainiako ikuspegia euskal autogo- dut uste Estatuak benetako izaera an eta bai ikuspegi estrategikoan oso bernuari buruz? Estatua ez zen demokratikoa erakutsiko duenik. bereiziak ziren tradizio politikoak aldebiko ikuspegia jorratzen ari eta Aldebikotasunaz hitz egin duzu bateratzeko aukera dugu.
    [Show full text]
  • The Basque Experience with the Irish Model
    WORKING PAPERS IN CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION AND SOCIAL JUSTICE ISSN 2053-0129 (Online) From Belfast to Bilbao: The Basque Experience with the Irish Model Eileen Paquette Jack, PhD Candidate School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy, Queen’s University, Belfast [email protected] Institute for the Study of Conflict Transformation and Social Justice CTSJ WP 06-15 April 2015 Page | 1 Abstract This paper examines the izquierda Abertzale (Basque Nationalist Left) experience of the Irish model. Drawing upon conflict transformation scholars, the paper works to determine if the Irish model serves as a tool of conflict transformation. Using Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), the paper argues that it is a tool, and focuses on the specific finding that it is one of many learning tools in the international sphere. It suggests that this theme can be generalized and could be found in other case studies. The paper is located within the discipline of peace and conflict studies, but uses a method from psychology. Keywords: Conflict transformation, Basque Country, Irish model, Peace Studies Introduction1 The conflict in the Basque Country remains one of the most intractable conflicts, and until recently was the only conflict within European borders. Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) has waged an open, violent conflict against the Spanish state, with periodic ceasefires and attempts for peace. Despite key differences in contexts, the izquierda Abertzale (‘nationalist left’) has viewed the Irish model – defined in this paper as a process of transformation which encompasses both the Good Friday Agreement (from here on referred to as GFA) and wider peace process in Northern Ireland – with potential.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparing the Basque Diaspora
    COMPARING THE BASQUE DIASPORA: Ethnonationalism, transnationalism and identity maintenance in Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Peru, the United States of America, and Uruguay by Gloria Pilar Totoricagiiena Thesis submitted in partial requirement for Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2000 1 UMI Number: U145019 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U145019 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Theses, F 7877 7S/^S| Acknowledgments I would like to gratefully acknowledge the supervision of Professor Brendan O’Leary, whose expertise in ethnonationalism attracted me to the LSE and whose careful comments guided me through the writing of this thesis; advising by Dr. Erik Ringmar at the LSE, and my indebtedness to mentor, Professor Gregory A. Raymond, specialist in international relations and conflict resolution at Boise State University, and his nearly twenty years of inspiration and faith in my academic abilities. Fellowships from the American Association of University Women, Euskal Fundazioa, and Eusko Jaurlaritza contributed to the financial requirements of this international travel.
    [Show full text]
  • The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation
    Salve Regina University Digital Commons @ Salve Regina Pell Scholars and Senior Theses Salve's Dissertations and Theses Summer 7-14-2011 The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.salve.edu/pell_theses Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Macko, Kalyna, "The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation" (2011). Pell Scholars and Senior Theses. 68. https://digitalcommons.salve.edu/pell_theses/68 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Salve's Dissertations and Theses at Digital Commons @ Salve Regina. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pell Scholars and Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Salve Regina. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Macko 1 The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation By: Kalyna Macko Pell Senior Thesis Primary Advisor: Dr. Jane Bethune Secondary Advisor: Dr. Clark Merrill Macko 2 Macko 3 Thesis Statement: The combined nationalist sentiments and opposition of these particular Basques to the Fascist regime of General Franco explained the violence of the terrorist group ETA both throughout his rule and into the twenty-first century. I. Introduction II. Basque Differences A. Basque Language B. Basque Race C. Conservative Political Philosophy III. The Formation of the PNV A. Sabino Arana y Goiri B. Re-Introduction of the Basque Culture C. The PNV as a Representation of the Basques IV. The Oppression of the Basques A. Targeting the Basques B. Primo de Rivera C. General Francisco Franco D. Bombing of Guernica E.
    [Show full text]