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Hard Play: Capoeira and the Politics of Inequality in Rio De Janeiro

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Hard Play: Capoeira and the Politics of Inequality in Rio De Janeiro HARD PLAY: CAPOEIRA AND THE POLITICS OF INEQUALITY IN RIO DE JANEIRO KATYA WESOLOWSKI Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2007 © 2007 Katya Wesolowski All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Hard Play: Capoeira and the Politics of Inequality in Rio de Janeiro Katya Wesolowski Capoeira is a game of physical dexterity and cunning that incorporates fight, dance, acrobatics and music. Developed by African slaves in Brazil and once an exclusively male domain, capoeira was viewed as a social threat and severely persecuted through the 19th century. By the mid 20th century capoeira had come to be celebrated as an element of national identity, and today the practice crosses class, ethnic, gender and national boundaries. Among its myriad definitions, capoeira is conceived of as “play”: two participants “play” in a ring, or roda, surrounded by other participants and accompanied by percussive music and singing. Interaction oscillates between playful cooperation and aggressive confrontation as partner-adversaries attempt to outmaneuver each other, claim space, and demonstrate greater corporal expression, intelligence and creativity. A bounded ritual space, the roda is also contiguous with the external world, as is evident in claims that skills learned in the roda carry into everyday life. This ethnographic study, based on two years of fieldwork in Rio de Janeiro and my ongoing involvement as a practitioner, approaches capoeira as embodied play and a social practice that constitutes a particular type of engagement with the world: cultivating intelligent, expressive bodies through training and play, and forging collective identities and fictive kinship ties through group affiliation, practitioners become “capoeiristas,” and in so doing reshape themselves and their relationships to their environment and people within it. In Rio de Janeiro, an urban space organized by inequality, capoeira emerged out of and was a response to the politics of exclusion. Today, urban youth in Rio continue, through their practice and the play of their bodies -- sometimes controlled, sometimes volatile -- to confront the enduring structural violence of poverty, racism, sexism and social marginalization. A theoretical premise of the study is that the body is a nexus of intersecting cultural, political and phenomenological forces: constrained by social conditioning and interpretations of bodies, through embodied experiences such as play individuals nonetheless discover a capacity to transform themselves in creative and potentially liberating ways. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES iv ACKNOWLEDMENTS v PREFACE viii INTRODUCTION CONCEPTUALIZING CAPOEIRA: THEORETICAL & METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS 1 Play, Games and Bodies in Social Theory 5 The Political Economy of Bodies and Education in Brazil 11 “Capoeira é Liberdade!”: Power and Resistance 16 Youth and Capoeira 22 Women in Capoeira 25 Fieldsite and Methodology 27 Fieldwork in Rio de Janeiro 31 Methods 40 Anatomy of the Study 44 I. RESISTANT BODIES: CAPOEIRA IN 19th CENTURY RIO DE JANEIRO 48 Competing Narratives of Origin 50 Slave Capoeira in the Cidade Negra (1808-1889) 56 Capoeiragem and Capoeiras 64 The Maltas 69 Abolition, The 1st Republic and the Criminalization of Capoeira 77 Conclusion 80 II: BRAZILIAN BODIES: CAPOEIRA IN THE “DIVIDED CITY” 82 Civilizing Rio and Taming Capoeira (1889-1930) 83 Capoeiragem and Brazilian Gymnastics 88 Capoeiristas and Malandros of the Belle Epoque 91 Brasilidade and the Folklorization / Sportification of Capoeira (1930-1964) 94 Mestre Bimba and Capoeira Regional 97 Mestre Pastinha and Capoeira Angola 108 Military Dictatorship and the Expansion of Capoeira (1964-1985) 113 Who was Rio’s First Female Capoeirista? 116 Rodas de Rua: Capoeira in the Streets 120 i “Disjunctive Democracy” and Contemporary Capoeira (1985- 2006) 126 Abadá-Capoeira and Struggles over Public Space 132 Conclusion: Brazil and Capoeira, Sleeping Giants? 138 III. INCORPORATING CAPOEIRA: INTELLIGENT BODIES AND EXPRESSIVE SKILLS 141 The Community of Practice 146 Learning to “Speak” Capoeira 153 The Movement Vocabulary 155 The Ginga and the Gaze 156 Defenses 160 Attacks 161 Counterattacks 163 The Roda: A Ritual Space of Possibility and Mastery 166 Music: Learning the Untaught 172 Learning to play the Berimbau 174 Playing in the Orchestra 177 Songs and Songwriters 178 Playing Capoeira 183 Jogo de Angola 185 Mandinga, Malícia and Malandragem: Protection, Deception and Self- Preservation 189 Protection: Corpo Fechado 192 Deception: A Chamada 193 Self-Preservation: Guarding against Ciúme 194 Jogo de Benguela 197 Jogo de Iuna 203 Jogo de São Bento Grande 208 Conclusion 211 IV. BECOMING AND BEING A CAPOEIRISTA: IDENTITY AND COMMITMENT 215 The “Birth” of a Capoeirista 219 “Born Naturals” 225 Gendered Domains of House and Street 229 “Identifying”with Capoeira 231 Masculine Bodies and Capital on the Streets 234 Committing to Capoeira 241 The Baptism 246 Nicknames 251 Uniforms 258 The “Tough Love” of a Mestre 262 ii The Warrior’s Code: Loyalty and Betrayal 267 Women Warriors 271 Sexual Politics 276 Gender Politics 282 “Professionalizing” in Capoeira 284 Conclusion 291 V. VOLATILE BODIES: HARD PLAY, FIGHTS AND VIOLENCE 293 Talking about Violence 297 Violence and Brasilidade 301 Hard Play, Fights and the Violence of Everyday Life 307 The Dangerous Pleasure of “Venting” 315 Jogo Duro versus Briga 319 Defending Honor and Place and Testing Skills 325 Female Capoeiristas and Hard Play 331 The Pedagogy of Zumbimba 338 The Games 348 Conclusion 352 CONCLUSION THE GLOBAL RODA: TRANSFORMATIONS IN PLAY 354 GLOSSARY 364 BIBLIOGRAPHY 369 APPENDIX A: Maps of Rio de Janeiro 381 APPENDIX B: Capoeira Instruments 385 APPENDIX C: Capoeira Graduation Systems 386 APPENDIX D: Photographs 388 iii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Slogan of the 3rd National Capoeira Congress 2 Figure 2: N’Golo 50 Figure 3: Negros Vendadores de Aves 53 Figure 4: Jogar Capoëra ou Danse de la Guerre 56 Figure 5: Negro Trovadores 58 Figure 6: Negros Lutando 59 Figure 7: Negros Que Vão Levar Acoutes 65 Figure 8: As Maltas 69 Figure 9: Gymnastica Nacional (Capoeiragem) 86 Figure 10: Os Malandros 89 Figure 11: Tiazinha: The “Sexy Machine” 130 Figure 12: Little Ram 225 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Capoeira, practitioners love to point out, cannot be played alone; nor can a dissertation be written alone. First I must thank all the mestres and capoeiristas who have helped me along the arduous path of physically and intellectually approximating capoeira. In the United States, Mestre Beiçola who introduced me to the magic of capoeira and taught me my first steps that so deeply shaped me as a capoeirista; Mestre Acordeon who took me farther down the path of knowledge with his game, his music and his writings, and always welcomes me with open arms into his Berkeley academy; Mestranda Enda and Mestranda Marcia, both outstanding teachers, role models and mentors. In Brazil Mestre Touro my capoeira avô who gave me my nickname and welcomed me into his family and who never ceases to kick my butt, literally and figuratively; Mestre Sardinha and Glayd who also graciously welcomed me into their lives an homes and with whom I experienced some of the hardest trainings in my life; Mestre Kinha and Mestre Batata for our many insightful games and conversations; Mestre Mano who never tired of setting me straight on my understanding of Capoeira Angola; and Mestre Russo who always warmly welcomed me to the Roda de Caxias, one of the few truly great street rodas still in existence after thirty-three years. I am deeply indebted to all the mestrandos, instructors, professors and students of Abadá-Capoeira in Rio de Janeiro who welcomed me into the fold, sharing not only their love and knowledge of capoeira but their lives with me. In fear of leaving anyone out, I cannot name them all here, and must be content with emphasizing that they are the true v substance of this dissertation. Finally, I stand in deepest gratitude and awe of Mestre Camisa who embraced my research and training with overwhelming enthusiasm. Rarely have I met someone so passionate about what he does and eager to share with and learn from others. Hundreds of hours in training, conversation and travel with him opened my eyes to the incredible intricacies and richness of capoeira. My work, and play, would not be what they are today without his input. My many years in capoeira have taken me across the paths of hundreds of capoeiristas in Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, São Paulo, Brasilia, Goaias, Vitória, Luanda, Benguela, Hawaii, New York, Berkeley, Oakland and San Francisco -- too numerous to name. Again, for fear of leaving anyone out I will thank in general all the mestres and instructors whose academies I visited, rodas and events I participated in, and who engaged me in lively conversation. And I thank the hundreds of students who not only sweated with me in trainings and rodas, but also took me into their lives in so many deeply touching ways. For those in Brazil engaged in expanding the academic discussion of capoeira who helped me to obtain materials and to think critically about my work, I thank capoeira archivist and scholar Frede Abreu, anthropologist Leticia Vidor de Sousa Reis, Mestre Nestor Capoeira whose many books have inspired capoeiristas around the world, Carlos Eugênio Libano Soares and Matthias Röhrig Assunção who have written seminal histories of capoeira, and Clícea Martins and Faisca engaged in their own personal, scholarly and artistic capoeira projects. A particular thank you to Maria-Laura Cavalcanti at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro for being a gracious host. vi In the United States, I would like to thank friend, fellow anthropologist, salseiro and capoeirista, Greg Downey for his careful reading and input over the years, and friend and anthropologist Eric Rice who supported me in the early stages, including hosting me in Brazil during his own fieldwork.
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