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Conflict, Language Rights, and Education: Building Peace by Solving Language Problems in Southeast Asia

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Conflict, Language Rights, and Education: Building Peace by Solving Language Problems in Southeast Asia LPREN Brief Language Policy Research Network Brief April 2016 Conflict, Language Rights, and Education: Building Peace by Solving Language Problems in Southeast Asia By Joseph Lo Bianco, The University Of Melbourne Introduction: Context and Setting Conflict and Language The term peacebuilding is generally understood to in- It was a language conflict that provoked the Bangla- volve a range of measures to reduce the risk of a lapse desh independence struggle. On February 21, 1952, or relapse into conflict by addressing causes and conse- many East Pakistani students were killed by armed quences of conflict. This brief report discusses peace- forces for demanding equal recognition of Bangla/ building in relation to language rights for ethnic and Bengali with Urdu, the main language of West Paki- indigenous minority populations in Southeast Asia, stan. The government’s proclamation of Urdu as the and more broadly points to the possibility of an ac- sole national language of Pakistan was the spark for tivist democratic language planning practice that aims a long bloody war of independence (Mohsin, 2003; to produce peace-promoting language policies in con- Uddin, 2006). Similarly, the announcement of com- flict-affected areas. pulsory Afrikaans in teaching school arithmetic and This brief is based on my work since 2012, and much social studies in South Africa on June 16, 1976, was earlier in Sri Lanka, on one class of language prob- “the immediate cause of the . Soweto uprising” lems that are urgent and extreme: ethnic civil strife in (Juckes, 1995, pp. 147–149), which hastened the end three multilingual states of Southeast Asia—Malaysia, of apartheid (Alexander, 1989; Soudien & McKinney, Myanmar (Burma), and Thailand. Much of this work 2016), just as language policy had been a central aim has been done as part of a 4-year (2012–2015) Learn- of “breaking up the black people into a large number ing for Peace program—a partnership between UNI- of conflicting and competing so called ethnic groups” CEF, the Netherlands, and the national governments (Alexander, 1989, p. 21). of 14 participating countries—and specifically their Many contemporary conflicts are internal to nation Language, Education, and Social Cohesion initiative states, in effect subnational, and language issues are al- on conflict mitigation and language rights (Lo Bianco most always implicated, with conflict specialists calling & UNICEF, 2016b). for better understanding of language problems (Parks, Internationally, while there has been a dramatic surge Colletta, & Oppenheim, 2013). In a watershed study in interest in language problems, the role of language of relations between language, identity, and social con- problems in conflict is often obscured in accounts of flict, Brown and Ganguly (2003) found most examples political upheaval. This coincides with a global increase of policy making around language in conflict-affected in demand for research-based solutions to language societies to be a sequence of technical failures and po- problems in societies undergoing globalization, as they litical disasters. The researchers collected data across become more multilingual, mobile, and porous (Castles 15 Asia–Pacific countries to understand ethnic vio- survival & Miller, 2009). In several important historical cases of lence that they attributed to (minority groups’ success major political conflict, dispute about language policy sense of existential threat), (research showing has been central. mother tongue education reduces education inequali- Center for Applied Linguistics l 4646 40th St NW l Washington DC 20016-1859 l 202-362-0700 l www.cal.org ties), and symbolism (language recognition legitimizing Political scientists, conflict analysts, historians, and so- equal citizenship). ciologists who document conflict often operate with a A key conclusion was that national elites often adopt reductive or shrunken notion of language and either self-serving language policies and grossly disadvantage minimize its role in conflict or fail to see it altogether. poor, rural, and ethnic communities. Yet despite the Increasingly, research finds both correlation and cau- scale and duration of this research, the authors con- sation relationships between language grievances and cede that it only scratches the surface of language and threats to social cohesion, but what is the nature of society dynamics, that government policies fail to rec- these relationships? The research challenge is to spec- ognize that language issues are invested with ideologi- ify precise dynamics, direction, and multiple and se- cal, symbolic, and ethnicity associations (Askew, 2008), quential roles of the language/conflict relationship, yet and that general policy prescriptions do not apply. In this remains elusive in political and historical analyses all but 2 of the 15 cases in Brown and Ganguly (2003), of the problem. An instructive case of this involves governments dealt with ethnic language issues either interpretations of Sri Lanka’s bitter ethnolinguistic poorly or disastrously. Writing on conflict in India and conflict (DeVotta, 2003; Lo Bianco, 2011), in which Israel, Harel-Shalev (2009) has commented: terrorism and civil war were the “whirlwind” reaped by language policy (De Silva, 1998). The 1956 Official In a deeply divided, bilingual or multilingual Sinhala Act repudiated the compromise of bilingual- society, the tension that accompanies the eth- ism in Sinhala and Tamil that had been advocated by a nic or national division is reflected in linguistic pre-independence commission, removed English from and educational policy. After all, a language is government, and imposed Sinhala for education and a national symbol and one of the most impor- public administration. We can get a measure of the tant social institutions in a state. Language sig- challenge by looking at what I will call the Bostock– nifies deep cultural associations, employment Laitin interpretations. opportunities and other important aspects of the state. (p. 954) Despite studying the same setting and time frame (Cey- lon/Sri Lanka, late 1950s to 2000s), Bostock (1997) The above comment focuses on how “linguistic and and Laitin (2000, 2007) reach opposite conclusions. In educational policy” is an accompaniment of division, Bostock’s analysis, Tamil “language grief ” was a driv- while it correctly identifies language as both symbolic ing force in fighting during the decades following the and practical and points to the ideological and mate- adoption of the 1956 law, but in Laitin’s analysis, lan- rial links between language and conflict. My research guage was relatively unimportant. is finding that the relationship is not just reflective, through language mirroring extant problems, but that The National Settings language questions and language itself are productive In Thailand, the research has focused on the long- of conflict. I describe this as both “slow and fast act- standing ethnic and political insurrection in the “Deep ing,” so that hate speech, for example, can provoke di- South,” where 80% of the population is Muslim and rect and open violent reaction, since it is itself a kind of Malay speaking (McCargo, 2008), whereas Muslims violence, and inequitable language policy in elementary comprise only 2.5% of Thailand’s population. A dis- education can entrench unequal access to literacy and tinctive component of the violent conflict involves the powerful language, entrench intergenerational inequal- deliberate targeting of schools and teachers, directly ity, and therefore, in a slow-acting way, produce chronic impacting and marring educational opportunities for tension and stoke conflict. My research has also found children (Premsrirat, 2015; Suwannarat, 2011). that conflicts are highly differentiated when it comes to the role and presence of language questions. The for- The Malaysian component of the LESC Initiative has fo- mulation I have used in relation to language/ethnicity/ cused on the language grievances, both from vernacular education conflicts in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand populations (Chinese and Tamil) and indigenous groups. is that some aspect of language is present in many con- Education as a state activity is closely linked to creation flicts, some kinds of conflict involve many aspects of of national unity through the management of ethnic language, and some conflicts are only about language. differences (Haque, 2003; Singh & Mukherjee, 1993). Access to language and certain notions of language 2 www.cal.org/lpren rights are implicated in the continuing existence of un- To elaborate the case of Thailand briefly, the ethnic in- integrated elementary school systems serving different surrection in the Deep South has cost more than 7,000 communities, the majority through Malay- dominated lives since 2004 (Jitpiromsri, 2014; Jitpiromsri & Mc- national schools and two large vernacular communi- Cargo, 2008; Vaddhanaphuti, 2005) with a strong but ties of Tamil and Chinese students (Munusamy, 2012). not fully understood role of language grievances in the Other issues tackled under the LESC Initiative include bloodshed (Joll, 2010; Lo Bianco & Slaughter, 2016; entrenched disadvantage and impoverished educational McCargo, 2008). Education has been in the firing line outcomes for indigenous peoples in Peninsular Malaysia in a direct and literal way, with some 200 teachers as- (the Orang Asli), and lack of access to education and sassinated, schools destroyed, and staff and students low school persistence of stateless children,
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