HOME CULTURES UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD. HER INGE DANIELS IS UNIVERSITY IS CURRENTLY COMPLETING CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, PUBLISHED BY BERGIN2009. RELIGIOUS PRACTICES. SHE CONCERN GIFTEXCHANGE, MATERIAL CULTURE AT THE KEY RESEARCH INTERESTS INSTITUTE OFSOCIALAND LECTURER INVISUAL AND PP 115–140 VOLUME 5,ISSUE 2 SPACE, ANDEVERYDAY A BOOKENTITLED ETHNOGRAPHY JAPANESE HOUSE:AN ANTHROPOLOGY OF ANTHROPOLOGY TO BE THE PUBLISHERS. DIRECTLY FROMTHE REPRINTS AVAILABLE such asgates,fences,balconies,and The large numberofphysicalbarriers and “public,”“individual”“society.” supposed oppositionbetween“private” the needforprivacygrounded inthe boundaries iscommonlyassociatedwith American home,thecreation ofdomestic ABSTRACT INSIDE OUT JAPANESE HOMES INGE DANIELS spaces are alwaysfluidandconstantly and, secondly, thatboundariesbetween relationships, need tobeacknowledged, and distantnetworksofspatial andsocial “inside” and“outside,”referring toclose that thespecificityofJapanese notionsof will challengethisview. Itargues, firstly, (Osaka, Kobe, Kyoto, Nara),thisarticle period inthirtyhomestheKansai region investigation conductedoveraone-year private nature. Through anethnographic that theJapanesehomeisofanextremely might, therefore, leadonetoconclude Japanese dwellingsfrom theoutsideworld barred windowsthatscreen contemporary In studiesabouttheEuro- ONLY PERMITTED BY LICENSE PHOTOCOPYING PRINTED INTHEUK © BERG2008

115 HOME CULTURES DOI 10.2752/174063108X333155 116 HOME CULTURES INGE DANIELS 19). It follows that Japanese subjects are very aware that they they that aware very are subjects Japanese that follows It 19). 1991: (Ben-Ari another” to frame one from move to capacity the “acquire they lives number their throughout a groups informal and through formal of move they as and group” the of construct or of believe. Japanese individuals are socialized into the agency “constant idea us make sole to want (2006) Lewis the Rees and and Ozaki as individual, the psychology with linked concepts fixed not are However, these Japan. in self of sense a keycreating in a role plays division inside–outside the that denied be cannot It Lewis state: or outside and again, reference is made to the social and spatial categories inside categorization. My data suggests that the Japanese employ a similar inside–outside 135). (Helliwell1996: outsiders versus community of conceptions a private space, while the Dayak’s inside–outside division concerns individual self from others as well as outside, harmful influences in and the related concept of privacy pertain to the need to protect the “Western” because inappropriate, is comparison a such that concludes the rightly However,she and 133). street 1996: (Helliwell together” “public” links it open which houses private the “closed” between West the in made commonly distinction the to similar very be to “appear areas inner INTRODUCTION: INSIDEANDOUTSIDE categorization KEYWORDS: complexity ofeverydaysociallife. and spatialdivisionstendtoglossoverthe lived in,asopposedtostudiesthatfocusonvisual research thatexamines howspacesare actually to demonstratethestrengths ofanthropological transgressed. More generally, thisstudyalsoaims > strangeness (OzakiandReesLewis 2006:93). impurity,with associated is outside danger,the dirt, and and intimacy (inside the group as well as inside a physical space), purity,safety,cleanliness,and with associated is is, inside the That values. psychosocial to also to but only spaces, not physical relates it as people Japanese to salient icular part- is outside the and inside the between distinction The and time self, Japanese the about literature extended the In local ideas about “outer,” open areas and “enclosed,” and areas “outer,” open about ideas local Borneo, that demonstrates Helliwell in Christine anthropologist the longhouses Dayak of study seminal her In Japanese house,privacy,Japanese personhood,inside–outside uchi and soto . As recent at 2006, Ozaki and Rees and Ozaki 2006, at recent As .

notions of a bounded subject subject bounded a of notions speaker, andthekey “inside”unitisthatofthefamilygroup. others. from apart themselves set and group to particular lives a day with associate every their in use people that terms ubiquitous are time. and space across shift that relationships inside–outside of sets dynamic within operate rarely had visitors. Most social activities took place outside the the outside place took activities informants social my Most that visitors. had was rarely fieldwork my during observation key A GATES ANDTHELOSS OF“COMMUNITY SPIRIT?” urbanJapanesehomes. fieldwork insidecontemporary have not come across any studies I based said,on long-term This ethnographic about exists. home 2003) Japanese the in Fujiwara practices consumption 1994; Allison 1987; (Imamura sociological research as well as 2003) Sand 2002; Uchida 2002; 1995, 1980, (Koizumi studies historical seminal of body large A arena. domestic the in practices consumption on focuses 2001), (Miller studies in that it, following recent trends in material culture research 1996; Clammer 1997, 2000). However, it differs from (Moeran Japan contemporary investigatesthese in that consumption ure previous homesintheKansaiarea(Osaka,thirty Kyoto, Kobe). in 2003) October and 2002 November (between period one-year a over out carried fieldwork multi-sited during collected was here 1996, 2001a, 2001b, 2003). However, the specific data presented Daniels (see years ten past the over Japan with had I encounters doors closed life everyday of complexities and contradictions “Other” the exotic with quintessential, the as Japan portray that house) Japanese minimal the as (such stereotypes orientalist persisting, 2009 in Berg by graph JapaneseHouse: EthnographyAn social categories thatcontinuouslymergeintooneanother.and spatial community, are outside local and the inside how of demonstrate world and outside immediate the and unit social and spatial domestic the between relationship shifting the on focus will I article, this In 166). 1997: Buck (Vom completed” divisions are read through the body, a learning process spatial that that is neverimplies also This contextual. and unstable principally are invoked thus meanings cultural [and] practice; through being into comes Yemeni“space houses,the in how demonstrated has spheres, public versus private of terms in analysis an of validity Kabyle house, Vom network Buck, another anthropologist who social questions the intimate, an as (Daniels 2005a). Drawing on Bourdieu’s influential study about the interactions, bodily of series a Inside the home, family members (re)create themselves, through My work complements a recent body of anthropological literat- anthropological of body recent a complements work My entitled: project research larger a of part is study This Uchi (inside) is always related to the point of view of the the of view of point the to related always is (inside) . The research is grounded in multiple ethnographic ethnographic multiple in grounded is research The . . The project uses ethnography to confront to ethnography uses project The Uchi that will be published as a mono- a as published be will that (inside/our) and (inside/our) soto 1 2 (outside) behind behind The The JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT

117 HOME CULTURES 118 HOME CULTURES INGE DANIELS Figure 1 of stickers announce that the inhabitants have paid their TV license number A intercom. the through themselves introduce and buzzer a press to expected are Visitors board. name the in integrated be dwellingsevening—inrecent the more in on might light this turned automatically is that light name,a family and inhabitants’ the with board mailbox,rectangular a a has gate standard A world. outside the and dwelling often contemporary the between first—and main—boundary the the is gate entrance the today Similarly, 1998: (Ueda 180). enclosure the at start to thought was “inside” and the house, the of component key a considered was garden The 2002). (Suzuki dwelling middle-class model urban the contemporary the became for gates and fences, walls, with world outside 1886). illustrate thisvulnerability(Morse Tokyo1880s in elite the to belonging dwellings urban of sketches Morse’s47). 2003: (Sand property the secure to necessary were gates and walls high that dwellingmeant the of back the towards access of ease The etiquette. this of part were house the the of at rear located gardens ornamental large overlooked that rooms Guest- homes. their in guests receiving for rules of set complex a is modeled after the dwelling of the Tokugawa elite who possessed The Nakaes’ large house, built welcome. at the end that of the never nineteenth century, probably were visitors gate, casual that entrance suggests wooden-roofed robust, a and wall mud high a by thriving once a of is surrounded The fact that their property community of neighbors. depiction idyllic this about questions raises house Nakaes’ the of outlook physical the inspection, closer On blocks thathave uparoundtheirproperty. sprung Inhiswords: apartment large by destroyed been had community neighborhood business,distribution their wood small a of a owner fifty-five-year-old Nakae, Mr to According used. scarcely were guestrooms Japanese- style spacious two their and visitors had rarely family This Kyoto. of center the in house large a in years sixty than more for lived have who Nakaes the is example One view. pessimistic this with modernization and urbanization. Many of my informants echoed linkedspirit community of loss the of result the is home Japanese 1997; Fujiwara (Funo commentators social Japanese funeral. a or marriage a for family extended the gathering or work, after colleagues meeting home; whether having a drink or celebrating a birthday with friends, These nineteenth-century elite houses separated from the the from separated houses elite nineteenth-century These sold. have neighbours previous our of most sadly but offers good very several refused have I time. the all door our on knock developers property Well, home). their enclosing buildings modern tall at (pointing people these anyof know Wenot do

2003) have argued that the private character of the 3

housing market large entrance gates and high enclosures continue contemporary the of end wealthier the At 188–90). 1998: (Ueda property, they also functioned as a symbol of social rank and status or asmallplasticboxfordailymilkdelivery. of the daily newspaper dangling from sack the for gate the delivery a are extras Optional checked. been has system gas the that and “doing garden;” the ubiquity of drying racks, barbeque sets and and sets barbeque racks, drying of ubiquity the garden;” “doing a by replaced largely been has garden” “viewing ornamental the extra space toplay in. an as garden the appreciate truly who ones only the be to futons. Currently, airing their nine-year-old son, for Hiro, racks and his friends drying seem two and family’scat the by occupied cage a by obstructed is garden the of view garden.”The English nice a have rather “would they and professionals” by trimmed trees the her and She husband disliked expensive haveto regularly it because: “it is very garden. of kind this wanted had who father elderly a Nishiki, thirty-seven-year-old housewife, Mrs told me that Nara. that it was in Mr Nishiki’s house detached two-storey the their at of land back of piece sloping a over arranged beautifully garden, ornamental large a example,keepNishikis, for The predecessors. their from function in and form in considerably differ plots these gardens,but rear owned informants other Five gardens. Japanese kept immaculately possessed also Nakaes, and Iwaiis the rooms, guest Japanese-style minimal with sample my in families two only The doors. sliding large with preferably room afar,Japanese-style spacious a from from viewed be to meant were worlds miniature these Importantly, 1997). (Hendry landscape Japanese iconic an or Paradise Buddhist the as such else, somewhere represent to order in professionals by arranged carefully were that flowers) no (but sand and stones, shrubs, of consisting gardens ornamental garden. contemporary in more detail later, but first I would like to have a closer look at the pivoting doors and window shutters. I will discuss this development steel as such dwellingdevices the with protecting itself to plot the of parameters the securing from shifted altogether.has focus The has enclosures with away gates done have dwellings and some fences, and diminished, walls, the of height the decreased, has dwelling the when plots of on size overall Moreover,the built. period waspostwar the in depending considerably differ gates and locality.enclosures their of Still,in styles out stick certainly would designed house because of the extra cost, but more so because it who individually an have to not choose they informants me told homeowners were Those similar. fairly are Japan contemporary in to be a popular signifier of social distinction. Overall house exteriors The entrance gates of the elite pre-modern not only secured the During my fieldwork it became clear that in contemporary Japan contemporary in that clear mybecame During it fieldwork At the rear of the dwelling of the Tokugawa elite there were large JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT Figure 2

119 HOME CULTURES 120 HOME CULTURES INGE DANIELS Figure 4 Figure 3 ( gardening some do to like would I there. flowers and vegetables grow to like would I though. garden a like would I house. small a house ideal her prefer would I money of about lots had I if “even mood: the summarizes Kadonaga Mrs by given description follow- ing The garden.” “doing a for my desire of a Most expressed this. informants to attest sheds storage and furniture, garden area offfromthe street. whole the close to fence retractable low a and elements the from month’s commonly consists of a large, one sloping plastic roof to protect the car for £150 and rent. £50 between costing expensive;” very is lots parking renting and prohibited is roads public on cars that “houses without a garage just wouldn’t sell” because “parking claimed and me with practice this discussed Kyoto, in firm small a owns who Togo,architect Mr fifty-one-year-old available. a space parking the and rooms the of layout prospective the of drawings are houses advertise to device main the exterior Japan in the 2004),(Young frequently less or interior, the of photographs color the Unlike house. a UK, for example, buy where houses are, to generally, decide promoted by they showing when mind people’s on foremost is space parking that reveal 2003 in region Kansai the in homes for advertisements of analysis an as well as informants with Conversations 183). 2002: Shinbunsha (Asahi car one least at owned Japanese of 84.4% 2002,car. In the to given is priority still be enough to create a garden. However, in Japan contemporary 80m or 70 course, Of plot. the of most up fills house the Japan in words, other In 190). 2002: Shinbunsha 400m average on are that plots on built smaller,are they slightly are Paris and London in houses although comparison, By 130m was Osaka in size house average example,the 2002,for In small. comparatively is on built to necessary create a garden. The average space size of the plot Japanese houses are exterior extra the possess people few Very “EVERYONE NEEDSAGARAGE” the wall theirproperty. surrounding of parts against pots several placed and flowers with containers hung Sakai Mrs while porch, front their on roses with pots some Takahashidisplayed door, Mrs front sister their to her leading from stairs the on received regularly she plants placed Ebara Mrs home. their to entrance the at plants potted of number a arranged pot on their fifth-floor balcony. her However, of a most in back of grew they my melon the one other me informants showed at proudly Nakaos The house. veranda her on placed she plants potted to Wadatended 2003, Mrs Summer During outdoors. placed pots in popular pastime, but it generally boils down to growing a few plants gardeningu 5 The private parking space informants called informants space parking private The ).” My data confirms that that confirms data My ).” 2 while the plot size was 210m was size plot the while gardeningu 2 of extra space would space extra of is an extremely extremely an is gareiji (garage) 2 (Asahi 2 . 4

JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT Figure 5(a)

121 HOME CULTURES 122 HOME CULTURES INGE DANIELS for example, place two of their cars behind a large metal gate in gate metal large a behind cars their of two place example, for parked, social distinctions can be created. The Kuwaharas in Itami, its full-sizeversion. community shrine left in one corner of a plot previously occupied by miniature a was example second A there. stood once that house the lot edge wereof a parking of the the sole traditional reminders at wall mud a of part and gate entrance roofed wooden,Firstly, a ofKyoto. across twostrikingexamplesofthispracticeinthenorth private and public, are progressively turned into parking lots. I came owned two or even three cars. As a result, a variety of general urban spaces, more a trend in Japan is and some of my other family informants with adult children one by cars multiple of ownership The all. after lot nearby a on car her park to fee monthly high a paying up ended have Ebaras the work, to drive to car a needs home, at lives Yu,who daughter twenty-six-year-old their However, because that: housewife,claimed forty-nine-year-old a Ebara, Mrs home. their of were activelyinvolved thelayout inthedecision-makingconcerning ( house ready-built a want not did they Because plot. small a buy to order in bank the from rest the and Ebara’sfamily Mr from money of bit a borrowed They Osaka. and Kyotobetween they before accommodation rented Tenjin,Nagaoka in house town detached two-storeysmall a a built in years two for lived they space. of theirlivingspacefora“proper”parking the of part house, the of front vehicle was in sticking out onto the land road. They relinquished of one meter strip narrow a on car the park to had they Because house. their of front in car their for was poor, and, secondly, house the that they in wanted plumbing to create the a parking firstly,space that was, house new a building for reasons main the that Yanome Mr told condition. good very in it find to surprised was and destroyed was it before times several down to build a new dwelling on the same spot. I visited the house torn was house this 2003 Spring In father. his by owned land of plot the on house small a built servant, public retired Yano,a Mr ago years Kyoto.of Forty north the year-old,in daughter unmarried Yanos are a couple in their mid-sixties who live with their thirty-five- two examples illustrate, in a decrease of valuable living space. The garden,following also,the the but of as disappearance the in only Through the number of cars one possesses and where theywhere are and possesses one cars of number the Through a or room extra ourcarinfrontofthehouse. space topark en between choose to had we end the in know,then,you But nice. been have would downstairs room more one especially rooms, more wanted really we actually 1978, in marriage their After Ebaras. the is example Another The need for parking space in front of the home has resulted not tate-uri ),they I meant, but the eldest daughter Keiko remarked that because because that remarked Keiko daughter eldest the but meant, I what understand to not seemed Kuwahara Mrs you?” for a priority not was garage a having “so saying: by them prompted later I When mentioned. never was parking for space ago, years house seven new their building whilst concerns main their discussed I car.When third a for property their to next lot vacant a on space parking additional home,theyrent their while of front in space the homes I studied do not function as interfaces. Window glass is is glass Window interfaces. as function not do studied I the homes in windows the contrast, By 169). 2005: (Garvey indistinct” appear boundaries private and public where interface non-material calls the window “a visual field crossing domestic boundaries . . . a cozy.one’sis that Garvey,passers-byhome therefore,to reveal to inhabitants,also bythe enjoyedbut is that atmosphere interior an create to is aim Their candles. and lamps as well as ornaments and plants with windows their decorating in care great take they secluded, are informants Norwegian her of dwellings the although extremely being as that argued has (2005) PaulineGarvey anthropologist The private. characterized frequently are both because here warranted is societies these between and comparison fences A as gates. such barriers physical off by closed world is outside the home from Norwegian the dwelling, Japanese the Like THE HALLWAY IN-BETWEEN from Germany, revealed theaspirationsof theinhabitants. “box-cars,”imported small Mercedes latest the or vehicles SUV to from ranging front, in parked cars the Still,alike. looked exteriors for example, alltheready-builthouseswere thesamesizeand has focus the Kyoto,of south the in street a In front. in parked car the to shifted dwelling, contemporary the of element a standard becomes it as However,marker. social important an is space the size of exterior space available. The availability of private parking similar,around is house neighbors among created are distinctions unsafeanddangerousduringearthquakes. structurally floor are common in the Kansai region, but these houses are often Three-storey,ground the on garage a with houses detached narrow house. the to floor additional an add to common is space,it living garage a that land of takes up the strips whole ground floor. narrow In order to such increase the inhabitable on built are dwellings Cheap market. housing the of bottom the at houses purchasing to create private parking space has severe consequences for those need the that out pointed to spoke I architects Togoother Mr and However,garage. havinga not of possibility the consider not might in which only one car fits.” Affluent families such as the Kuwaharas Yoshiko added: daughter “There are houses younger without a The garage and garage. most havea a is garage there not or whether difference huge a makes it space, parking rent to expensive is it The examples above demonstrate how, even if the exterior of the JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT Figure 5(b)

123 HOME CULTURES 124 HOME CULTURES Figure 6 INGE DANIELS Figure 7 barred with square wood-gratings” (Morse 1886:50). withsquarewood-gratings”(Morse barred heavily or bamboo, with barred lightly windows small two or one like aspect” of houses in Tokyo, their facade being “perforated with repeatedly mentioned the “close and prison- ago Morse 100 years windows facing the street Moreover,are generally small curtains. and with barred. More covered than and reinforced, or frosted often enables the inhabitants to physically leave society sociologist shoes removingbehind as such and practices Japanese embodied enters that argues The Fujiwara home. the into up proceeding before and outside worlds. In the entrance hall, shoes have to be removed The step acts as a social and physical demarcation between inside elevated is (between 10 and 25 cm high) and located inside the step entrance hall. Japanese the case, Caribbean the unlike ever, is everyday also considered an space important in the of Japanese home. How- significance the practices in stressing creating notions of the by private and public. The doorstep windows of parency trans- the with associated the issues moves visibility it from away because discussion study my for relevant is description This thatfunctionsasaliminalspace.Inherwords: the doorstep in many other Caribbean societies it is not the domestic window but are pulledover thewindowsduringnight. Summer sun. Moreover, strong new houses have that large steel shutters the against house the protect to windows their of front in ( blinds bamboo large hung Others through. pass breeze a sliding large windows at the rear of their homes their as well as their front door to let up opened Nakaos, the and Yamamotos, the Kagemoris, the as such apartments, older in live who informants some 2003 Summer during this, said summer.Having in fans or air-conditioning use winter, and in warm house the keep in to shut order tightly kept are are that windows frames aluminum airtight, Contemporary in placed summers. hot and during circulate humid air long the let the to up rice opened be with to used covered that paper predecessors wooden their with not comparable are doors windows/sliding These futons. and clothes for drying used primarily is and building the of floor second the around wraps balconythat large a and fence a by obstructed is street the floor.second However,the from on gaze as wellthe as rear the in Contemporary dwellingsContemporary might have large sliding windows/doors quite private whilst not totally public (Pertierra 2006:11). quite privatewhilstnottotallypublic(Pertierra less children can escape home without wrath, and that is not rest- and youth disaffected where space, gendered opposite an in long too lingering without meet can where women and friends, men and family rejects nor accepts neither that outside, nor inside neither is that space a is doorstep The The anthropologist Anna Pertierra (2006) argues that in Cuba as sudare) JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT

125 HOME CULTURES 126 HOME CULTURES INGE DANIELS Figure 8 thin walls (BrownandCali2001: 18). family,by entire separated an housing each rooms, narrow series nagaya called accommodation rented cheap, in lived areas urban in tion popula- the of entertained three-quarters be than Moreover,more could 2003). (Sand visitors casual where halls entrance and and craftsmen had in-between spaces such as verandas, kitchens, ( manner.Farmhouses formal less far a in visitors treated moners) com- and craftsmen, and merchants (farmers, population the of rooms,majority special the in guests entertained elite pre-modern the whereas that argued has Sand overlap. public and private where the space domestic fluid more a is vestibule or hall entrance also throughaseriesofembodied, practices. everyday not only created through physical barriers and visual interfaces, but home. Both examples demonstrate that the notion of the private is their into up stepped had they as soon as clothing informal more into changed most as observation this confirms data My 32–3). 2003: (Fujiwara aback keep to have not do they which in space a nôka Whereas the step functions as a clear boundary, the Japanese boundary,the clear a as functions step the Whereas ) and townhouses ( townhouses and ) . These were wooden tenement buildings consisting of a of consisting buildings tenement wooden were These . machiya ) belonging to affluent merchants affluent to belonging ) 6 sesses empty Japanese-style guestrooms, live in a close-knit, close-knit, a in community rural live where it is common for neighbors to drop by unan- guestrooms, Japanese-style empty sesses pos- that family other the Iwaiis, The hall. entrance the into step and door front the open slide to visitors casual for acceptable is hall. entrance an retained have dwellings of types all but accessible, easy are that kitchens and was not spacious enough to contain a bench. However, other items sit on while having a conversation. In the homes studied the hallway suggested that one should place a bench in this space for visitors to new homes as well as home improvement literature it is frequently for advertisements Moreover,in hall. entrance the still inside were invited visitors other and deliverymen, neighbors, in, stayed I doors front steel with homes the In fluidity. its of some retained the entrance hall, during my fieldwork I observed that the space has been doneaway withaltogether. manyhavein cases or robust haveless fences become and gates entrance doors, sliding than secure more be to thought are doors unsafe.”generally they“are because and Moreover, steel because space, much too up take would they because against doors old the advised using had architect the that out turned their It in house. installed new been had door front pivoting steel large a that was,I home. therefore,new their surprised in them reuse to order in lattice, wooden a in placed and pattern flower a with engraved doors sliding glass their removing carefully of point Yanosa made justified—about crime. not or concern—whether growing the in sought be could spaces liminal in decrease general the and doors the of popularity the for explanation However, another elite. pre-modern the of houses secluded the of emulation of process continued a in street the and home betweenthe raised physicalbarrier latest of type the but are doors steel the that argued be could It doors. generic these by replaced rapidly been have doors urban sliding In areas doors. front as steel well outward-pivoting, as had years apartments ten all last the within the built All sample my visits. in casual houses enabled doors secure—sliding to difficult were they opened orclosed. whenever rang that doors sliding the to attached bell a had homes Some inhabitants. for out call and hallway the into daytime. enter the and door the open just would during deliverymen or visitors Casual unlocked doors sliding and gate front their leaving to used were countryside, the in with stayedhave I people other Iwaiis,like the fact, of matter hallway.a the As in gifts their for thanked and greeted are they but guestrooms in entertained not are visitors local casual These gifts. deliver to nounced,often Contemporary urban, detached dwellings do not have verandas have not do dwellings urban,detached Contemporary Although the secure steel doors have reduced easy access to access easy reduced have doors steel secure the Although The description above illustrates how the easily accessible—but 8 Before the demolition of their old house in Kyoto in 2003 the 7 I observed that in rural areas it it areas rural in that observed I JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT

127 HOME CULTURES 128 HOME CULTURES Figure 9 INGE DANIELS in Norway (Garvey 2005), none of my informants made an effort effort an made informants my of none 2005), (Garvey Norway in Garvey’sto Contrary visitors. and observations house the of itants a inhab- betweenthe exchanges is informal enables that space liminal hall entrance the that shown have I section previous the In ABOUT ALITTLEREDBUCKET other deliveriessuchasscissors, pens, andsignature stamps. and mail with linked items as well as slippers domestic contains outer The part floor.inner the things,while outside store to elevated used generally is part the on rests half other the while hall, entrance the of floor tiled the over hovers closet this of part One hallway.the of character inside–outside dual the embodies further homes the of some in found I closet shoe of style particular One halls. entrance in ever-present furniture of piece a is closet shoe The home. contemporary the in areas display main the of one as ( closet shoe hand,the other of the top On the also golf bags, tennis rackets, and footballs are kept in this space. the outside world such as shoes, umbrellas, and walking sticks but evidence for its liminal character. On the one hand, further things provide related hall to entrance the inside placed culture material of getabako ) functions ) red plastic bucket filled with water with the word the with water with filled bucket plastic red to next throughout Kyoto,entrance gates and front doors placed for example, is a culture material of item ubiquitous One way. ent differ- a in expressed is this below see will we as think,but might passers-by or neighbors what with concerned also are Japanese cozy.is home their that world outside the show to homes their of facade the of part other any that for or windows, the decorate to fondly speaks of he “the dark,” spirit of very mutual was cooperation” inside itself the “house neighborhood. the that remembers he ( townhouse old an in up grew ( sociability much not is there where place “a it calls He Osaka. and Nara between town commuter small a Gakuenmae, in house three-generation current Takahashi’sMr their ago bought years father away. far forty About never is surveillance and scrutiny reciprocal of peril the rightly observed, lecturer, geography fifty-eight-year-old a Takahashi, Mr as and mutual cooperation of the neighborhood association. However, substantial a acknowledges donation herecentlymade. name Yano’s Mr with lantern One building. main the of roof the under attached are them on written people’swith names lanterns paper large of series A shrine. local the house, their Yanos’ outside involvement in their community is also made visible at their placed bucket red little the from Apart such as the shrine, the school, and the fire brigade (Bestor 1989). institutions local around organized network support mutual a as operates association The safety, schooling. security,as and such issues local of range a tackling in offices government national and ward,the prefectural,with together work who volunteers of sisting is a member of the local neighborhood association ( Yano Mr fire-fight. the organizing for responsible house particular the of gate entrance the from hung and neighborhood the around ( watch” “fire words the with banner red a is system this in element Another scheme. fire-fighting borhood of Kyoto. They explained to me that the buckets are of part a neigh- placed a red bucket next to the front door of their house in the North andtheneighborhoodatlarge. being oftheirneighbors well- the with concerned are inhabitants the that all presence above shows their buckets, the of efficiency the from Apart arrived. brigade fire professional the before long control wasunder fire the and along, passed were water with buckets red formed, was line wasawoken,neighborhood whole the a time no In 2003. February in night Winter cold one fire Kyotocaught in neighbor elderly an of house the when first-hand bucket” the of “power the experienced this how wondered often However,anyfire. combat to have supposed wasbucket little innocent I I inscribed. fighting” fire “for or The red buckets highlight the positive qualities of social cohesion The Yanos were the only family in participating my study that had tsukiai ) between neighbours.” Mr Takahashi Mr neighbours.” between ) machiya ) in Nara City and,although City Nara in ) hi no yôjin no hi 消火用 ) that is passed is that ) chônaikai ( shôkayô ) con- ) JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT Figure 10

129 HOME CULTURES 130 HOME CULTURES INGE DANIELS stalled downstairs close to the post-boxes or next to the front door are necessary to enter the premises. A buzzer/intercom is either in- are guarded by a porter, while in the evening keys or security codes well as from the surrounding areas. During the daytime apartments arate inhabitants of apartment blocks from their fellow residents as contact with A their number neighbors. of physical boundaries sep- local schemeforchildrentowalk toschoolsafely. a for support their show to homes their outside flags hung people children’stheir Moreover,schools. Nara in neighborhoods some in in engagement active with overlappped Kubota,ties local Mrs and women with school-going children such as Mrs Matsui, Mrs Nishiki, 93). 2005: (Bishop children their of credentials educational the for responsible be to considered are mothers workforce, in the active are they not organized or whether mostly of are Regardless schools. activities around community areas urban in that observation Bestor’s (1989) confirms data My community. create to and crime juvenile prevent to minutes eighty for the neighborhood around walk volunteers, local other and PTA, the in involved mothers staff, educational of consisting patrol a week a evening One crime. juvenile fight to Nakano Tokyoneighborhood a in school junior scheme. high local the by organized crime-watch scheme similar a mentions neighborhood (2005) a in participate displayed at the gate or front door to announce that the inhabitants sign a is example common One Kobe. and Itami,Osaka, as such reveal centers urban large in that community neighborhood a of existence the markers of number a across came I Still, well.” very them don’tknow “I or meet” “weseldom as such phrases uttered half than all,at they that admitted neighbors their know not did others while more fact, of matter a As in involved associations. not were neighborhood centers urban large by close or in live who study my in participating those of majority However,the ulation. such pop- the of locality percentage large a up makeYanos’ the to the continue as in roots strong with “natives” where Nara and Kyotoas such towns in living people of lives everyday the in force powerful a be to continue might associations neighborhood The LOCAL COMMUNITIESOFLIMITEDLIABILITY aware ofitspotentialhazards: However, as the following abstract reveals, Mr Takahashi is also too Those living in large apartment blocks seem to have the least the have to seem blocks apartment large in living Those all theway we livenowisprobablybetter . . . of a is big part family. Yes, these benefits exist but then after icular, when something bad happens. One really feels like one part- that,in about good something is there that think also I ( privacy much not Well, there were many nuisances as well. There is, for example, puraibashii ) in these old towns. But then, But towns. old these in ) 9 For Itami for about eighteen years, does not know any of her current current her of any know not does years, eighteen about for Itami a Terayama, Mrs in flat 2002). same the in lived has who nurse (Suzuki part-time forty-five-year-old home the leave and up grow children as or/and progresses career one as accommodation of might, secondly, be driven by a desire to change to a different types bank, Movinginternational branch. another to house transferred is large a with banker fifty-year-old a Kubota, Mr because years five every about move example, for Osaka, of center the in employer The lifestyle. transient more Kubota’sbyprovidedMr apartment an Kubotas,rent currently this who for reason one are transfers work Regular students. and people single also but professionals, and workers white-collar salaried of families are They,generally, homeowners. than mobile more are apartments of residents that wereon eachfloorandsprinklers installedinindividualflats. Pointedly, theredbuckets have beenreplacedby fireextinguishers hall. entrance the in located boxes of row a from collected is Post video. with system intercom an and CCTV with equipped City,are Takarazukaof center the in lives Nishimura Mrs which in one the of each Moreover,apartment. newly built blocks apartment such as The dearth of neighborly contact could be explained by the fact the by explained be could contact neighborly of dearth The JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT Figure 10

131 HOME CULTURES 132 HOME CULTURES INGE DANIELS or exoticfinds. creations original her share to foot, home their by on drop away regularly would minutes five about is apartment whose Fujii, Mrs friendship. strong a formed have Kagemoris children,the two with the group such as Mrs Fujii, of a members some married With fifty-five-year-old produce. cook/teacher regional other taste to Japan of local in wines restaurants. Moreover, new they regularly organize explore trips to other regions and stuff food local unusual sample to gathers frequently group the and Osaka in culture food varied rich the with identifies strongly community This owners. restaurant and sellers,cooks, wine local of number a are them drink,among and food in interest shared a with people of community lively a of they have no close relationships with their neighbors, they are part how new, local communities of limited liability are created. Although in a small apartment in the center of Osaka offer a good example of of thesealliancesmay have astrong spatial, localelement. created their identities through belonging to multiple groups. Some in my people study participating looked for fulfillment personal and most Similarly, 272–3). 1991: (Ben-Ari time same the at groups different with alliances multiple have may people and population local the of number limited a only of consist might communities neighborhood volitional” contemporary and words, other In dependent 11). 1991: specialised, (Ben-Ari more is which liability limited of “community a calls he what of creation the in important that remains weakened,locality have holds neighbors between ties He although conclusion. attractive more a to came (1991) Ari Ben- Eyal anthropologist Kyoto,the of east the to Otsu in estate, housing a and village commuter a communities, Japanese urban of types two of study comparative a Through 217). 2000: 25–34; Suzuki 2003: (Fujiwara solidarity educational and occupational by replaced been have dependency reciprocal long-term on based who argue that these changes suggest that neighborhood networks Japan. in However,contemporary I disagree with some researchers ity ties and the increasing significance of school and work relations The examples above provide evidence for the weakening of commun- school together. wentwho to age same the of children theyhad because all munity building the during the mid-1980s, into there had been moved a real sense of they com- when how, recalls she However, neighbors. The Kagemoris, both retired academics in their mid-60s, who live visit eachotherfreely. Butmosthave moved onsince . . . people where commoners), for accommodation (pre-modern a in life the like bit a wasson’s myIt in class. block around the same age. There were 45 children from the same Everyone moved in at the same time, and our children were all nagaya

sell their own crafts as well as homemade food and sweets. The sweets. and food homemade as well as crafts own their sell mainly women, frequently students, organized local flea markets fellow at which they would of group small a and they days, student more than fifteen years ago while studying at university. During their late thirties with small children, who live in their Nara. in These women housewives met both Nishiki, Mrs and Matsui Mrs by created inside every day domestic spaces has revealed the complexity complexity the revealed has spaces domestic day every fieldwork inside long-term on based research my However, distinction. inside–outside clear-cut, a suggests world outside the and house ofsocialstatus. are markers gate and the number and types of cars parked in front of the house the of height plot,the the of size the elements,but visual generic of number a of consist exteriors home middle-class contemporary The created. was housing of type new a emulation of process the in that but imitated merely not were forms dwelling previous that thereby,data,illustrates My balconies. second-floor and shutters, window doors, steel around with secured is enclosures dwelling actual erecting the plot, of the Instead rear. the to garden a of small plots of land. They havevery garages in front at the expense ever, unlike their predecessors, dwellingscontemporary are built on to be secured with walls, fences, hedges, the and entrance gates. How- to back traced houses of be the pre-modern elite with large rear gardens that can needed seclusion this Historically, barriers. physical of series a by world outside the from sheltered is home middle-class,the havehow I shown article, Japanese this urban In CONCLUSION: THEINSIDEOUT home their in (Fujiwara 2003:34). people entertain Japanese the of that 21% statistics that show recent with correspond their thus inside findings My friends homes. their with informally socialized Kuwaharas, the and Matsuis, Takahashis,the informants, Sakais,other and three Nishikis, the only Kagemoris, the from Apart relationships. their choose and pick to freedom the preferred informants some etiquette,and obligation on based neighbors,largely with ciprocity (Daniels 2008). functional items, mainly gifts that have accumulated in their homes enjoy is visiting flea markets. to However, continue these women days they these sell unused, activity Another together. play children their while along, brings everyone foods of generally, they,up made meal a share occasions these On homes. others each in met regularly women the 2003 In children. of arrival the and marriage with strengthened only were ties These region. Nara the in down settled many as graduation after activities these continued group A second example of a local community voluntary is the network The presence of large numbers of spatial divisions betweendivisions spatial of the numbers large of presence The re- of instead how illustrate to serve above examples Both JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT

133 HOME CULTURES 134 HOME CULTURES INGE DANIELS of Art at London Metropolitan University, for allowing me to use use to some ofherstunningphotographs toaccompany thisarticle. me allowing for University, Metropolitan London at Art of a Andrews, Department Cass John Sir the at lecturer senior and Susan photographer thank to wish I Finally, comments. generous their for presented,was article this of draft earlier an where V&A, and Group, the at conference Modernism” and “Privacy the of Dinner participants the support. Global the of continuous members their to also for thanks Many Miller Daniel and Minoru Senda and Sakai, Professor my to grateful mentors particularly am I families. Matsui Nishiki, Kuwahara, Yano, Kagemori, Takehashi, the especially me,but for homes their up opened who those all thank to like would I (2006). Academy British the and (2003) Science of to of the the generous Japanese support Society for the Promotion thanks possible made was article this in presented research The ACKNOWLEDGMENTS with associated them, areasfluidinJapanelsewhere intheworld. categorizations cultural and home, the outside Hence,of its strategic importance. boundaries between inside and conscious more just Yanare 1996),1996; (Helliwell region Asian America,larger people,the Japanese in but living like many others words, interconnectedness also plays a key role in Europe or North but I contend that this is differ,more as a difference personhood in emphasis. In other about ideas “other.”Japanese the quintessential as Japan of depictions foreign and native research challenge my to contrary, aims the On notion. this enforces that erature lit- vast the to add and traits cultural Japanese of “uniqueness” the emphasize to intention my been who not has those However, it study. by I used as categorization, inside–outside Japanese and outsidedomesticspaces. inside between fluidity decreased a in resulted also has home the from distant spatially are they that fact relationships,the “inside” close of these collectives as understood Although be to continue neighbors. networks new between ties than significant become have more relations school and work Japanese, urban many For voluntary. and informal,specialized, more be to tend they but community. In contemporary urban Japan, local communities the of endure, world outside with,the alwaysconnected is from,it distinct red little be The to considered is other.inside the although that each demonstrate buckets space into liminal merge a outside and is inside example, where for hall, continuously entrance and The fluid are re-created. categories these that argument the for evidence provides boundaries inside–outside across cut that Daniels practices domestic Japanese of number a also of analysis My 2001b). (see boundaries these surrounding ambiguity and Finally, in this article I have focused on the specificity of the the of specificity the on focused have I article this in Finally, 1. The main part of the fieldwork was carried out in the homes of homes the in out carried was fieldwork the of part main The 1. NOTES 6. Nishiyama discusses the nineteenth century “ century nineteenth the discusses Nishiyama 6. proof have not does one if car a register cannot one law By 5. The average Tokyo4. house size in 2002 was 150 m gates entrance that stated lawsTokugawa Because sumptuary 3. a for Grant Small Academy British a awarded was I 2006 In 2. also includes university students, recently married couples and couples students,married recently university includes also sample the but families, by inhabited were studied dwellings with shorter, multiple visits to twenty-five homes. The majority of each. The weeks data four from these and five three fieldwork between sites waslived supplemented I whom with families five still inuse. have been replaced by concrete apartment blocks, but some are since the 1950s (Nishiyama 1989: 350–3). Today, most the werethat blocks dwellersurban blue-collar to rented apartment as houses these sees predecessors of He cheap wooden row houses as 124–5). well as two-storey 1989: toilets communal and (Nishiyama laundry, the do to spot a children, for playa wereas area buildings used long, simultaneously narrow these of back the and front the in alleys dirty that reveals and the topic. about discussions insightful offers (1990) Boling Patricia but here, detail any in topic this discuss to unable am I authority. public for respect overwhelming the and citizenship Japanese about also but law Japanese in defined are realms public and private how about only not issues interesting of range a raises This rented. or owned whether space, parking a possessing of size was 150m m 100 of size house average an had dwellings size 200 m houses. pre-modern these emulate to try would classes aspiring the come to years For world. outside the powerful to inhabitants its of status became the for signs they class, upper the of privilege the were the author. by taken were references without images the All photographs. elsewhere, but is this accompanied article by some of Andrews’ graphy. The main outcome of ethno- this collaboration 2003 will be published the in participated that people ten of homes the sional photographer Susan Andrews to create a visual record of monographs. This anthropological enabled me to conventional return to Japan in with the text profes- and image between ship relation- the about questions raises that project collaborative undifferentiated Japanesemiddleclass. an to belong to themselves considered all 169), 1993: (Taira elderly single people. Like some 90% of the country’s population 2 .The sixteen participants in my .The study sixteen with participants detached 2 . 2 tunnel nagaya tunnel while the plot the while 2 and the plot nagaya ” JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT

135 HOME CULTURES 136 HOME CULTURES INGE DANIELS the centerofOsaka. ©SusanAndrews. 11. Figure 10. Figure ©SusanAndrews. sliding doors. 9. Figure Andrews. 8. Figure kitchen inNara.©SusanAndrews. 7. Figure of thishome.©SusanAndrews. outside and inside the between boundary visual a create windows Figure 6. 5(b). Figure roof andalowretractablefence. 5(a). Figure 4. Figure © SusanAndrews. garden. Japanese towardsthe room living the from view the struct 3. Figure and light.Anadditionalelementisthecontainerformilkbottles. Figure 2. dwelling in1880sTokyo 1886:54–5). (Morse 1. Figure LIST OFFIGURES clear a sample, my in women married twenty-three the Among 9. apartments in introduced first were doors pivoting steel The 8. elevation the of height hallwaythe the and of size the Although 7. any domesticshoresorplay aroleinchildrearing. working hours and after work activities, they are unlikely to share for Japanese men to be largely absent in the home, due to long school. However, because it continues to be socially acceptable planning to return to work once their children went to junior high employment when they became pregnant, many returned or were in participated mystudy,left who all Although theymarried. after work to continued forties, early and thirties their in married women eight The market. labor the in backgrounds, women, all of from participation increased an in resulted has 1990s the of end married the since their recession economic prolonged throughout The lives. work to continued three only while time housewives when they (between married 1960 and 1985),full- became eight old, years forty-five over women fifteen Of the 1985. after or before married that those or old, years five forty- under and over women between made be can distinction during the1950sandhave beenstandardever since. this featureincommon. have homes Japanese all considerable, differ can step the of A street garden spilling out onto the pavement and frosted A typical entrance gate with name-board, letterbox, buzzer, A well-kept streetgardeninKyoto. ©SusanAndrews. Exterior (front and back) view of an urban, middle-class urban, an of view back) and (front Exterior Steel front doors have replaced more easily accessible easily more replaced have doors front Steel lre ct ae ad nme o dyn rcs ob- racks drying of number a and cage” “cat large A oemd cran dcrt fotd idw i a in windows frosted decorate curtains Home-made Fire dutyrotatesinthisKyotoFire neighborhood. Slippers and shoes; inside and outside. © Susan Susan © outside. and inside shoes; and Slippers An entrance with a concierge in an apartment block in block apartment an in concierge a with entrance An The Japanese-style garage consists of a free-standing Three-storey houseswithground-floorgarages.

Ben-Ari, Eyal. 1991. 1991. Eyal. Ben-Ari, 2003. Shinbunsha. Asahi 1994. Ann. Allison, REFERENCES Funo, S. 1997. S. Funo, Fujiwara, Tomomi. 2003. Daniels, Inge. 2008. “The ‘Social Death’ of Japanese Gifts.” Daniels, Inge. 2005a Luck, Luck: Beckoning Raking, “Scooping, 2003. Inge. Daniels, Daniel In House.” Japanese ‘Untidy’ “The 2001b. Inge. Daniels, Spirituality,Comm Miyajima: of Fame “The 2001a. Inge. Daniels, no Nihonjin tôshitemiru wo “Shamoji 1996. Inge. Daniels, Capitalism, Consumer Dreams: “Received 2000. Clammer, John. Clammer,1997. John. 2001. Cali. Joseph and Azby Brown, Boling, P. 1990. “Private Interest and the Public Good in Japan.” 2005. Beverly. Bishop, 1989. Theodore. Bestor, Shibunsha. Chicago Press. Club Hostess Tokyo a in Masculinity Living and aDream Tokyo: Kosaido. of MaterialCulture June 4–5. London, Conference, Privacy V&A at presented Paper Home.” 619–38. Japan.” in Things and People between Interdependence the and Agency Miller (ed.) College London. University Anthropology, of Department dissertation, Japan.” in Souvenirs of Trade Tourist the and odification Nara Women’s University, Japan. Japanese”]. MA dissertation, of Department Cultural Geography, bunka.” seishin TransMelbourne: Pacific Press. in Befu Emotions Harumi (eds) Gill, Tom the Eades, S. of J. In Japan.” Management Contemporary the and Process, Social Consumption Tokyo: Kodansha International. Design Home New Shaping are Tradition and Technology How Pacific Review Workforce Press. Stanford University Paul International. Globalization and Social Change in Contemporary Japan Contemporary in Change Social and Globalization . London:RoutledgeCurzon. Home Possessions ora o te oa nhoooia Institute Anthropological Royal the of Journal . Oxford:Blackwell. Sumai no yumei to yumei no sumai no yumei to yumei no Sumai 3:138–50.

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[ Talking about about Talking pp. 128–48. 128–48. pp. 7:157–76. . Cambridge, [ . Richmond: Richmond: . A History of History A Rethinking ] Environ- . Tokyo: . . Vom“ABuck,1997. TurnedG. Space House Inhabiting out: Inside Estate The Color: of Value Material “The 2004. B. J. D. Young, 1996. Yunxiang. Yan, in aYemeni City.” Agent’s Tale.” Press. Chinese Village a in Networks Home Cultures Journal ofMaterialCulture The Flow of Gifts: Reciprocity and Social Social and Reciprocity Gifts: of Flow The 1:5–22. . Stanford, CA: Stanford University University Stanford Stanford,CA: . 2: 139–72. JAPANESE HOMESINSIDEOUT

139 HOME CULTURES