The Missing Reform: Strengthening Rule of Law in Mexico
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L'impact De L'insécurité Urbaine Sur Les Entreprises Manufacturières D'amérique Latine: Une Étude De Cas, Puebla Au Mexique
INRS Urbanisation, Culture et Société L'IMPACT DE L'INSÉCURITÉ URBAINE SUR LES ENTREPRISES MANUFACTURIÈRES D'AMÉRIQUE LATINE: UNE ÉTUDE DE CAS, PUEBLA AU MEXIQUE Par Pamela Echeverria L. Thèse présentée pour l'obtention du grade de Philosophiae doctor (Ph. D.) en Études urbaines (programme offert conjointement par l'INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société et l'UQAM) Jury d'évaluation Examinateur externe Winnie Frohn Département d'études urbaines et touristiques Université du Québec à Montréal Examinateur externe Lisa M. Bornstein École d'urbanisme Université McGill Examinateur interne Julie-Anne Boudreau Études Urbaines INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société Directeur de recherche Mario Polèse Études Urbaines INRS-Urbanisation, Culture et Société Thèse soutenue le 2 novembre 2009 Tous droits réservés de Pamela Echeverria, 2010 11 « The cUies Jike dreams are made of desires and fears » Halo Calvino, Le città invisibili RÉSUMÉ L'insécurité urbaine est une préoccupation quasi universelle et, pour certaines communautés locales, leur cheval de bataille. La criminalité cause des torts irréparables aux victimes. Elle nuit aussi à la capacité des villes de produire de la richesse et d'attirer de nouveaux capitaux. Certaines régions sont aux prises avec une criminalité endémique, mais aussi avec des crimes de plus en plus violents. C'est le cas de l'Amérique latine. En dépit des effets pervers de l'insécurité urbaine, peu de chercheurs se sont.intéressés à son impact sur le fonctionnement et la productivité des entreprises. Pourtant, elles sont les canaux par lesquels les villes peuvent prospérer. Les quelques études sur le sujet montrent que le coût du crime dans le secteur privé est considérable tout en étant difficile à comptabiliser. -
War on the Mexican Drug Cartels
THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics National Security Student Policy Group THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics 2 National Security Student Policy Group Institute of Politics ABOUT THE INSTITUTE OF POLITICS NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY GROUP The Institute of Politics is a non-profit organization located in the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. It is a living memorial to President John F. Kennedy, and its mission is to unite and engage students, particularly undergraduates, with academics, politicians, activists, and policymakers on a non-partisan basis and to stimulate and nurture their interest in public service and leadership. The Institute strives to promote greater understanding and cooperation between the academic world and the world of politics and public affairs. Led by a Director, Senior Advisory Board, Student Advisory Committee, and staff, the Institute provides wide-ranging opportunities for both Harvard students and the general public. -
Transforming Mexico: Social Movements, Human Rights and Social Media
Transforming Mexico: social movements, human rights and social media By: Rupert Knox A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Sheffield School of Languages and Cultures and Department of Sociological Studies Faculty of Arts and Humanities and Faculty of Social Sciences Submission date: 14 November 2018 Abstract Mexico’s partial democratic transition resulted in widespread violence, human rights violations, inequality, corruption and impunity, frustrating the hopes and aspirations of many sections of society. However, between 2011 and 2016 three major social movements emerged to challenge injustice and demand social change. The Movement for Peace and Justice with Dignity, YoSoy132 and Ayotzinapa 43 were plural non- institutional social mobilizations empowering those victimised and marginalized in the defective democratic settlement. Human rights discourse and digital and social media have become embedded in political discourse and social practice around the world, but their meaning, uses and implications are complex and contested. This thesis examines their role in contentious collective movements in Mexico’s specific socio-political context. Qualitative case study research methods are used to examine their dynamic uses and meanings in the three mobilization processes in order to explore their enabling and constraining features. The thesis also draws on the author’s previous experience as an international human rights advocate and researcher working on Latin America. The research shows the diverse ways that human rights discourse and digital and social media feature in the practice and meaning of each movement. They are understood to enhance key aspects of civil society mobilization processes, such as strengthening the impact of trigger events and enabling the configuration of skilled support networks, but also to entail certain constraining logics which the movements grapple with to sustain contention. -
Understanding the Problems and Obstacles of Corruption in Mexico
ISSUE BRIEF 09.13.18 Understanding the Problems and Obstacles of Corruption in Mexico Jose I. Rodriguez-Sanchez, Ph.D., Postdoctoral Research Fellow in International Trade, Mexico Center Corruption is an ancient and complex and public issue. Some focus on it in the phenomenon. It has been present in public sector; others examine it in the private various forms since the earliest ancient sector. Of the various approaches to defining Mesopotamian civilizations, when abuses corruption, the most controversial approach from public officials for personal gain were is that of the so-called moralists. From the recorded.1 Discussions on political corruption moralist perspective, an act of corruption also appeared in the writings of Greek should not be defined as wrong or illegal, philosophers, such as Plato and Aristotle.2 as it is contextual and depends upon the For centuries now, philosophers, sociologists, norms of the society in which it occurs. This political scientists, and historians have perspective, though important, has been analyzed the concept of corruption, usually largely avoided by modern social scientists in in the context of bribery. More recently, in favor of an institutional approach to defining the face of globalization and political and corruption, which is based on legal norms that financial integration, the study of corruption resolve conflicts between different sectors has broadened to include many different of a society that are affected by corruption. manifestations. Even so, there is not a single This institutional approach may better help in definition of corruption accepted by scholars measuring and combating corruption. and institutions working on this issue. -
News Release
NEWS RELEASE FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Media contacts: June 4, 2012 Heather Wilner Verizon 908-559-6407 [email protected] Cathy Clarke CNC Associates for Olympusat 508-833-8533 [email protected] Verizon FiOS TV Becomes the Nation’s Leading Provider of Spanish-Language Programming FiOS TV Gives Customers The Most HD Spanish-language Channels Available Nationwide, With 10 New Channels from Olympusat and Multimedios Television NEW YORK – Verizon FiOS TV has become the country’s leading television provider of Spanish-language channels, announcing today the launch of 10 new Spanish-language channels in high definition. Verizon now offers up to 75 Spanish-language channels on FiOS TV, dependent on the local channels available in each market. Nine of the 10 new Spanish-language HD channels are provided by Olympusat Inc., a leading independent distributor of Hispanic content in the United States. Known as ULTRA Verizon News Release, page 2 HDPlex, the Olympusat channels are: Ultra Cine, Ultra Fiesta, Ultra Kidz, Ultra Mex, Ultra Luna, Ultra Macho, Ultra Film, Ultra Docu and Ultra Clásico. The 10th channel, Multimedios Television, offers Spanish-language family and entertainment programming broadcast from Monterrey, Mexico. FiOS TV recently completed the launch of all 10 channels. In addition, Verizon announced last week a new multi-year carriage agreement with Univision Communications, Inc., which includes the launch of three new networks – Univision Deportes, Univision tlnovelas and FOROtv – as well as rights for multiplatform and on demand viewing. “Our customers have told us that high-quality Spanish-language programming helps to keep their culture alive, and we’re helping to make that happen by giving them the content that they want,” said Michelle Webb, director of content strategy and acquisition for Verizon. -
The Politics of Crime in Mexico: Democratic Governance in a Security Trap
EXCERPTED FROM The Politics of Crime in Mexico: Democratic Governance in a Security Trap John Bailey Copyright © 2014 ISBN: 978-1-935049-89-0 hc FIRSTFORUMPRESS A DIVISION OF LYNNE RIENNER PUBLISHERS, INC. 1800 30th Street, Ste. 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the FirstForumPress website www.firstforumpress.com Contents List of Tables and Figures ix Preface xi 1 Security Traps and Mexico’s Democracy 1 2 Foundational Crime: Tax Evasion and Informality 31 3 Common Crime and Democracy: Weakening vs. Deepening 51 4 Organized Crime: Theory and Applications to Kidnapping 85 5 Drug Trafficking Organizations and Democratic Governance 115 6 State Responses to Organized Crime 143 7 Escape Routes: Policy Adaptation and Diffusion 181 List of Acronyms 203 Bibliography 207 Index 225 vii 1 Security Traps and Mexico’s Democracy “We either sort this out or we’re screwed. Really screwed.” —Javier 1 Sicilia, April 2011. “May the Mexican politicians forgive me, but the very first thing is to construct a state policy. The fight against drugs can’t be politicized.” —Former Colombian President Ernesto Samper, June 2011.2 The son of Javier Sicilia, a noted Mexican poet and journalist, was among seven young people found murdered in Cuernavaca, Morelos, in late March 2011. The scandal triggered mega-marches in 37 cities throughout Mexico to protest violence and insecurity. Like others before him, Sicilia vented his rage at the political class. “We’ve had legislators that do nothing more than collect their pay. And that’s the real complaint of the people. -
Infraestructura En México
Análisis Actinver Generando Ideas con Valor Estudios Sectoriales y Regionales Enero, 2015 Infraestructura en México CONFIDENCIAL Y DE USO INTERNO 1 La Infraestructura en México Principales Puntos Plan Nacional de Infraestructura 2014-2018 Pág. 3 Gasto Público en Infraestructura Pág. 13 Sector Carretero Pág. 14 Ferrocarriles Pág. 20 Puertos Pág. 23 Aeropuertos Pág. 25 Telecomunicaciones Pág. 27 Telefonía Fija Telefonía Móvil Internet Televisoras Radio Servicios Postal Mexicano Sistema Hidráulico Pág. 34 Electricidad Pág. 36 Petróleo Pág. 37 Educación Pág. 38 CONFIDENCIAL Y DE USO INTERNO 2 Plan Nacional de Infraestructura (PNI) 2014-2018 • El PNI contempla una inversión total de P$ 7.75 billones de pesos, de los cuales P$4.9 billones corresponderán al sector público (63.0%) y P$2.8 billones al sector privado (37.0%). • Dichos recursos representarían en promedio 7.0% del PIB a tasa anualizada, mayor al 2.8% de la administración 2007-2012 y mayor al 3.9% de la administración 2001-2006. Inversión física Concepto 2001-2006 % PIB 2007-2012 % PIB 2013-2018 % PIB Total 755,778 3.9% 2,221,065 2.8% 7,750,251 7.0% Energético 241,261 2.9% 965,378 1.2% 3,897,902 3.5% Hidrocarburos 147,506 0.3% 829,493 1.0% 3,299,518 3.0% Eléctrico 93,755 0.2% 135,885 0.2% 598,384 0.5% Comunicaciones y transportes 78,350 0.2% 212,338 0.3% 1,320,109 1.2% Otros 436,168 0.9% 1,043,349 1.3% 2,532,240 2.3% Urbanización y vivienda na na 1,860,741 1.7% Millones pesos nominales CONFIDENCIAL Y DE USO INTERNO 3 Plan Nacional de Infraestructura 2014-2018 Inversión y proyectos -
Justice-Reform
Mexico Institute SHARED RESPONSIBILITY: U.S.-MEXICO POLICY OPTIONS FOR CONFRONTING ORGANIZED CRIME Edited by Eric L. Olson, David A. Shirk, and Andrew Selee Mexico Institute Available from: Mexico Institute Trans-Border Institute Woodrow Wilson International University of San Diego Center for Scholars 5998 Alcalá Park, IPJ 255 One Woodrow Wilson Plaza San Diego, CA 92110-2492 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.sandiego.edu/tbi www.wilsoncenter.org/mexico ISBN : 1-933549-61-0 October 2010 The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commemorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan institution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establishes and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. The Center is the publisher of The Wilson Quarterly and home of Woodrow Wilson Center Press, dialogue radio and television, and the monthly news-letter “Centerpoint.” For more information about the Center’s activities and publications, please visit us on the web at www.wilsoncenter.org. -
The Civil Society-Driven Anti-Corruption Push in Mexico During the Enrique
MEXICO CASE STUDY Rise and Fall: Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Roberto Simon AS/COA Anti Corruption Working Group Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Rise and Fall: Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Mexico City — “Saving Mexico” declared the cover of Time magazine, alongside a portrait of President Enrique Peña Nieto gazing confidently toward the future.1 Elected in 2012, Peña Nieto had been in power for only 15 months, yet already his bold reform agenda — dubbed the “Pacto por Mexico” (Pact for Mexico) — had made him a darling of global investors. Time noted that the president — “assisted by a group of young technocrats (including) Finance Minister Luis Videgaray and Pemex chief Emilio Lozoya” — was making history by breaking Mexico’s eight-decade state monopoly over the energy industry. “And the oil reform might not even be Peña Nieto’s most important victory,” the magazine said. There was “evidence” that Peña Nieto was about to “challenge Mexico’s entrenched powers.” While most investors focused on the deep regulatory changes under way, leading Mexican civil society organizations were looking at another critical promise in the Pacto por Mexico: fighting endemic corruption. “For centuries, corruption has been one of the central elements of the Mexican state (and) a constant in shaping the political system,” said Jorge Buendía, a prominent pollster and political analyst. A powerful governor from the 1960s to the 1980s allegedly once said that in Mexico “a poor politician is a poor politician.”2 And by the time Peña Nieto came to power, most in the country believed that things hadn’t really changed. -
Digital News Report 2018 Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / Digital News Report 2018 2 2 / 3
1 Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2018 Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / Digital News Report 2018 2 2 / 3 Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2018 Nic Newman with Richard Fletcher, Antonis Kalogeropoulos, David A. L. Levy and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen Supported by Surveyed by © Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / Digital News Report 2018 4 Contents Foreword by David A. L. Levy 5 3.12 Hungary 84 Methodology 6 3.13 Ireland 86 Authorship and Research Acknowledgements 7 3.14 Italy 88 3.15 Netherlands 90 SECTION 1 3.16 Norway 92 Executive Summary and Key Findings by Nic Newman 8 3.17 Poland 94 3.18 Portugal 96 SECTION 2 3.19 Romania 98 Further Analysis and International Comparison 32 3.20 Slovakia 100 2.1 The Impact of Greater News Literacy 34 3.21 Spain 102 2.2 Misinformation and Disinformation Unpacked 38 3.22 Sweden 104 2.3 Which Brands do we Trust and Why? 42 3.23 Switzerland 106 2.4 Who Uses Alternative and Partisan News Brands? 45 3.24 Turkey 108 2.5 Donations & Crowdfunding: an Emerging Opportunity? 49 Americas 2.6 The Rise of Messaging Apps for News 52 3.25 United States 112 2.7 Podcasts and New Audio Strategies 55 3.26 Argentina 114 3.27 Brazil 116 SECTION 3 3.28 Canada 118 Analysis by Country 58 3.29 Chile 120 Europe 3.30 Mexico 122 3.01 United Kingdom 62 Asia Pacific 3.02 Austria 64 3.31 Australia 126 3.03 Belgium 66 3.32 Hong Kong 128 3.04 Bulgaria 68 3.33 Japan 130 3.05 Croatia 70 3.34 Malaysia 132 3.06 Czech Republic 72 3.35 Singapore 134 3.07 Denmark 74 3.36 South Korea 136 3.08 Finland 76 3.37 Taiwan 138 3.09 France 78 3.10 Germany 80 SECTION 4 3.11 Greece 82 Postscript and Further Reading 140 4 / 5 Foreword Dr David A. -
Redes Sociales ¿Foros De Opinión O De
UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DEL ESTADO DE MÉXICO CENTRO UNIVERSITARIO UAEM AMECAMECA LICENCIATURA EN CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y ADMINISTRACIÓN PÚBLICA REDES SOCIALES ¿FOROS DE OPINIÓN O DE PRESIÓN? E N S A Y O QUE PARA OBTENER EL TÍTULO DE LICENCIADO EN CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y ADMINISTRACIÓN PÚBLICA PRESENTA : WILLY MACARIO CALDERÓN MUÑOZ Director: Dr. Miguel Ángel Sánchez Ramos Amecameca, Méx., Febrero 2018 Agradecimientos A Dios. Gracias Padre mío por darme la oportunidad de existir y de vivir esta hermosa experiencia, pero sobre todo de haberme dado una familia ejemplar. A mi esposa e hijos. Nephtali Tino y Willy jr A quienes son mi soporte y mi razón de ser en esta lucha en la vida. Gracias por todo su amor y aliento, los amo. Para mis hijos queda de manifiesto la materialización de mi esfuerzo y perseverancia esperando ser ejemplo a seguir. A mis Padres y Hermanos. Faustino Calderón y Crescencia Muñoz Paco, Gabo, Miltón y Sarita Papá, Mamá gracias por todo su apoyo, amor y consejos. No hay forma de cómo pagar todos sus desvelos y esfuerzo para formar mi educación. Queridos hermanos con esfuerzo y dedicación si se puede. A mi Director y Asesores de Ensayo. Gracias por dedicar su experiencia, tiempo y esfuerzo para poder concretar y ver materializado este trabajo. INDICE INTRODUCCIÓN………………………………………………………………………….3 1. EPISTEMOLOGÍA DEL CONOCIMIENTO Y CONSTRUCTIVISMO…………….6 2. SOCIALIZACIÓN Y CULTURA POLÍTICA…………………………………………12 3. LA CULTURA POLÍTICA Y LOS MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN.……………22 3.1 EVOLUCIÓN HISTÓRICA DE LA OPINIÓN PÚBLICA…………………27 4. LAS REDES -
Catalogo-De-Medios-De-La-ZMG.Pdf
CATÁLOGO DE MEDIOS DE LA ZMG RED RADIO UDG GRUPO TELEVISA GRUPO PROMOMEDIOS UNIÓN EDITORIALISTA Guadalajara es una de las capitales más importantes del país, lo que ha solventado que varios medios de comunicación tengan presencia en esta MVS ciudad. Al recorrer estas páginas podrás COMUNICACIONES encontrar una selección de los medios que consideramos más representativos RADIORAMA de nuestra ciudad ya sea por su tradición o por el impacto que tienen en la cultura AZTECA tapatía. Diarios independientes, grandes conglomerados, producciones locales y nacionales, frecuencias permisionadas y concesionadas dan un panorama general OEM GRUPO EMPRESARIAL de los medios presentes en Guadalajara. ÁNGELES UNIDIFUSIÓN GRUPOREFORMA MULTIMEDIOS SJRTV LOS MEDIOS QUE COMEMOS 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30 Nace como una extensión de la Universidad de Guadalajara, se funda el 31 de mayo de 1974 atentiendo a las siglas XHUG-FM Fundación y la Red Radio UdeG, que comprende 8 estaciones de radio RED RADIO se funda en el año 2000. Todos sus contenidos son de índole cultural además de proveer una herramienta de UDG Datos curiosos información con sus noticieros. Dueño: Universidad de Guadalajara Ocho estaciones de radio: Frecuencia: Permisionada Principal negocio: Radiodifusión Ameca XHUGA 105.5 FM Ciudad Guzmán XHUGG 94.3 FM Producción: Local Alcance: Local Autlán XHAUT 102.3 FM ¿Qué posee? Colotlán XHUGC 104.7 FM Guadalajara XGUG 104.3 FM Red Radio UDG @radio_xhug http://www.radio.udg.mx/ Lagos de Moreno XGUGL 104.7 FM Ocotlán XHUGO 107.9 FM Red Radio Universidad de Guadalajara, Av. Juárez #976, Piso 12 Puerto Vallarta XHUGP 104.3 FM 4 5 En 1973, con la fusión de Telesistema Mexicano y Televisión Independiente de México, se forma TELEVISA (Televisión Vía Satélite).