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Local Elections and Autonomy in Papua and Aceh: M itigating or Fueling Secessionism? Marcus Mietzner1 Since the 1960s, scholars of separatism have debated the impact of regional autonomy policies and general democratization measures on the strength of secessionist movements in conflict-prone areas. In this heated academic discussion, supporters and critics of political decentralization advanced highly divergent arguments and case studies. On the one hand, numerous authors have identified regional autonomy and expanded democratic rights as effective instruments to settle differences between regions with secessionist tendencies and their central governments.2 In their view, regional autonomy has the potential to address and ultimately eliminate anti-centralist sentiments in local communities by involving them more deeply in political decision-making and economic resource distribution. They point to cases such as Quebec in Canada, where the support for the separatist Parti Quebecois dropped from almost 50 percent in 1981 to only 28.3 percent in the 2007 elections.3 Other examples of successful autonomy regimes frequently mentioned by pro-autonomy academics and policy-makers include Nagaland in India, the Miskito 1 The author would like to thank Edward Aspinall, Harold Crouch, Sidney Jones, Rodd McGibbon, and an anonymous reviewer for their useful comments on an earlier version of this paper. 2 See for instance George Tsebelis, "Elite Interaction and Constitution Building in Consociational Societies," Journal of Theoretical Politics 2,1 (1990): 5-29; John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary, "Introduction: The Macro-Political Regulation of Ethnic Conflict," in The Politics of Ethnic Conflict Regulation, ed. John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary (London: Routledge, 1993); Ruth Lapidoth, Autonomy: Flexible Solutions to Ethnic Conflicts (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1997); and Ted Robert Gurr, Peoples Versus States: Minorities at Risk in the New Century (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2000). -
AGENDA REV 5 1.Indd
DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH REPUBLIK INDONESIA AGENDA KERJA DPD RI 2017 DATA PRIBADI Nama __________________________________________________________ No. Anggota ___________________________________________________ Alamat _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ Telepon/Fax ____________________________________________________ Nomor _________________________________________________________ KTP ____________________________________________________________ Paspor _________________________________________________________ Asuransi _______________________________________________________ Pajak Pendapatan ______________________________________________ SIM ____________________________________________________________ PBB ____________________________________________________________ Lain-lain _______________________________________________________ DATA BISNIS Kantor _________________________________________________________ Alamat _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ Telepon/Fax ____________________________________________________ Telex ___________________________________________________________ Lain-lain _______________________________________________________ NOMOR TELEPON PENTING Dokter/Dokter Gigi _____________________________________________ Biro Perjalanan _________________________________________________ Taksi ___________________________________________________________ Stasiun K.A -
Monitoring Berita Pandemi Covid-19
Monitoring Berita Pandemi Covid-19 Pantauan Media Massa 18-20 Mei 2020 Metode & Sumber Data Intelligence Media Management 01 Laporan ini disusun dengan bantuan sistem Intelligence Media Management (IMM), yang memuat berita dari 6.296 media online, termasuk media luar negeri. IMM menggunakan teknologi kecerdasan buatan yang dapat mengklasifikasikan berita berdasarkan kata dan membantu analisis sentimen. Penyaringan Bahasa dan Kata 02 Seluruh berita yang masuk ke sistem IMM disaring berdasarkan bahasa, yakni bahasa Indonesia, dan kata, yakni variasi kata atau penyebutan Covid-19 oleh wartawan, seperti Virus Corona, Virus Korona, Coronavirus, SARS-CoV-2, Covid-19, dll. 79.351 Berita 03 Dari seluruh berita yang tersaring, terdapat 79.351 berita selama 18-20 Mei 2020. Laporan ini disusun berdasarkan sejumlah berita tersebut, dibantu dengan fitur-fitur dalam sistem IMM. Ragam Berita Nasional Kasus Terbaru, Pelaksanaan Tes Cepat Pengajuan, Penerapan dan Wacana dan Uji Swab Covid-19 Relaksasi Status PSBB Pelaksanaan dan Masalah Penyaluran Penerapan dan Pelanggaran Protokol Bantuan Sosial Kesehatan di Pasar dan Pertokoan Kebijakan Pelaksanaan Salat dan Kontroversi dan Wacana Penerapan Perayaan Idul Fitri di Sejumlah Daerah Skenario “The New Normal” Kepulangan WNI dan Pemeriksaan Pelaksanaan dan Penundaan Penumpang di Bandara dan Pembayaran THR saat Pandemi Pelabuhan Langkah Pemerintah Pusat SIAPKAN TRANSFORMASI ANTISIPASI KEKERINGAN DIGITAL UMKM SAAT PANDEMI Menkop UKM tengah menyiapkan Kementerian PUPR mengoptimalkan langkah transformasi digital -
West Papua Report April 2015: Vanuatu, MSG, Rights, Freeport Smelt
West Papua Report April 2015: Vanuatu, MSG, rights, Freeport smelt... http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2015/1504wpap.htm A special message for you from Noam Chomsky Donate Today! West Papua Report April 2015 This is the 131st in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at [email protected] . If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to [email protected] . Link to this issue: http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2015/1504.htm The Report leads with PERSPECTIVE, an analysis piece; followed by UPDATE, a summary of some recent news and developments; and then CHRONICLE which includes analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a PERSPECTIVE or responding to one should write to [email protected] . We also welcome suggestions of resources and analysis to for listing in the CHRONICLE section. The opinions expressed in Perspectives are the author's and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN. For ongoing news on West Papua subscribe to the reg.westpapua listserv or visit its archive ; the list is also available on Twitter . Please note that the March 2015 issue was not published. -
AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis Terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera Atas Kandidat Non-Muslim Pada Pilkada Papua 2018
AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera atas Kandidat Non-Muslim pada Pilkada Papua 2018 Skripsi Diajukan untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Sosial (S.Sos) oleh: Ginanjar Pangestu Aji 11161120000067 PROGRAM STUDI ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1442 H/2020 M AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera atas Kandidat Non- Muslim pada Pilkada Papua 2018 Diajukan Kepada Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Sosial (S.Sos) oleh: Ginanjar Pangestu Aji NIM: 11161120000067 Dosen Pembimbing, Khoirun Nisa, MA.Pol NIP: 19850311 201801 2 001 PROGRAM STUDI ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1442 H/2020 M i PERNYATAAN BEBAS PLAGIARISME Skripsi yang berjudul: AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera atas Kandidat Non- Muslim pada Pilkada Papua 2018 1. Merupakan karya asli saya yang diajukan untuk memenuhi salah satu persyaratan memperoleh gelar Strata 1 di Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. 2. Semua sumber yang saya gunakan dalam penulisan ini telah saya cantumkan sesuai dengan ketentuan yang berlaku di Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. 3. Jika dikemudian hari terbukti bahwa karya saya ini bukan hasil karya asli saya atau merupakan jiplakan dari karya orang lain, maka saya -
SURVEI NASIONAL DAN KAJIAN OPINI PUBLIK; REFLEKSI PENANGANAN PANDEMI DAN DAMPAK KONSTELASI POLITIK 2024 Pengantar
INDONESIA POLITICAL OPINION SURVEI NASIONAL DAN KAJIAN OPINI PUBLIK; REFLEKSI PENANGANAN PANDEMI DAN DAMPAK KONSTELASI POLITIK 2024 Pengantar Lembaga riset sosial dan opini berbasis kajian akademik. Telah melakukan penelitian dalam bidang media, demokrasi, isu gender dan politik sejak tahun 2013. Indonesia Political Opinion (IPO) dalam kemajuannya fokus pada riset sosial terkait politik dan opini publik. IPO berkantor pusat di Jl. Tebet Raya, No. 2D, Jakarta. dan telah memiliki perwakilan tetap di Kota Bandung, Yogyakarta, Kota Batam dan Kota Mataram. Visi dan Misi IPO, menjadi lembaga kajian berbasis riset yang INDONESIA menguatkan relasi civil society, dan meneguhkan Demokrasi POLITICAL OPINION sebagai sistem politik berkeadaban, serta menjunjung tinggi keterbukaan. Direktur Eksekutif Dr. Dedi Kurnia Syah Putra INDONESIA Metodologi POLITICAL OPINION Multistage random sampling (MRS) IPO terlebih dulu menentukan sejumlah Desa untuk menjadi sample, pada setiap desa terpilih akan dipilih secara acak –menggunakan random kish NASIONAL grid paper– sejumlah 5 rukun tetangga (RT), pada setiap RT dipilih 2 keluarga, dan setiap keluarga akan dipilih 1 responden dengan pembagian PROP 1 PROP K laki-laki untuk kuesioner bernomor ganjil, perempuan untuk bernomor genap, sehingga total responden laki-laki dan perempuan. Pada tiap-tiap proses pemilihan selalu menggunakan alat bantu berupa lembar acak. DS 1 … DS N DS 1 … DS M Metode ini memiliki pengukuran uji kesalahan (sampling error) 2.50 RT1 RT2 RT3 RT4 RT5 persen, dengan tingkat akurasi data 97 persen. Setting pengambilan sample menggunakan teknik multistage random sampling (MRS), atau pengambilan sample bertingkat. Survei ini mengambil representasi sample sejumlah 1200 responden yang tersebar proporsional secara nasional. KK KK KK KK KK Dengan teknik tersebut memungkinkan setiap anggota populasi (responden) mempunyai peluang yang sama untuk dipilih atau tidak dipilih menjadi responden. -
April 2013 Trends May 2013 Watchlist
A monthly bulletin by Crisis Group on current and potential conflicts around the world 117 1 May 2013 Board of Trustees Chair April 2013 Trends Thomas Pickering President and CEO Deteriorated Situations Improved Situations Louise Arbour Afghanistan (p.5) Lebanon (p.9) Kosovo (p.7) Vice-Chairs Bangladesh (p.5) Pakistan (p.6) Serbia (p.7) Ayo Obe Central African Venezuela (p.9) Ghassan Salamé Republic (p.2) Executive Committee Iraq (p.10) Morton Abramowitz Cheryl Carolus Maria Livanos Cattaui Unchanged Situations Yoichi Funabashi Algeria (p.11), Armenia (p.7), Azerbaijan (p.8), Bahrain (p.10), Bosnia (p.7), Burundi (p.2), Frank Giustra Cameroon (p.2), Central African Republic (p.2), Chad (p.2), China (internal) (p.5), China/Japan (p.5), Mark Malloch-Brown Moisés Naím Comoros (p.3), Côte d’Ivoire (p.4), Cyprus (p.8), Democratic Republic of the Congo (p.2), George Soros Ecuador (p.9), Egypt (p.11), Eritrea (p.2), Ethiopia (p.2), Georgia (p.8), Guatemala (p.9), Guinea (p.4), Pär Stenbäck Indonesia (p. 6), Iran (p.10), Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories (p.9), Jordan (p.11), Kashmir (p.5), Kazakhstan (p.4), Kenya (p.2), Kuwait (p.11), Kyrgyzstan (p.4), Libya (p.11), Kofi Annan Macedonia (p7), Madagascar (p.3), Malawi (p.3), Malaysia (p.6), Mali (p.4), Mauritania (p.12), Nahum Barnea Samuel Berger Mexico (p.9), Morocco (p.12), Mozambique (p.3), Myanmar (p.6), Nagorno-Karabakh Emma Bonino (Azerbaijan) (p.8), India (non-Kashmir) (p.6), Nepal (p.6), Nigeria (p.4), North Caucasus (Russia) (p.8), Micheline Calmy-Rey North Korea (p.5), Rwanda -
Rev8 Market Perspective-Juli 2018
Market Perspective Wealth Management Newsletter - Juli 2018 Trade War: Risk or Opportunity Isu perang dagang masih mewarnai pergerakan pasar namun diyakini tidak berpengaruh langsung kepada Indonesia. Greetings Nasabah yang terhormat, Terima kasih atas kepercayaan Anda dan menjadi Nasabah setia Bank Commonwealth. Pada Market Perspective e-Newsletter edisi Juli tahun 2018, kami membahas pergerakan pasar keuangan dan faktor- faktor yang mempengharuhinya sepanjang bulan Juni dan Juli 2018. Sepanjang bulan Juni, investor terlihat lebih berhati-hati seiring dengan kembali meningkatnya ketegangan mengenai perang dagang yang melibatkan Amerika Serikat, Tiongkok, Kanada, dan Uni Eropa. Pada bulan Juni juga, untuk pertama kalinya dalam Rustini Dewi sejarah, berlangsung pertemuan antara pemimpin Director of Retail Banking Amerika Serikat dan Korea Utara yang membahas mengenai denuklirisasi di semenanjung Korea. Sementara, di saat yang hampir bersamaan, The Fed menaikkan suku bunga acuan yang kedua di tahun 2018. Sepanjang bulan Juni, investor Dari domestik, pasar saham Indonesia terkoreksi cukup dalam setelah selesai libur panjang Lebaran terlihat lebih berhati-hati yang disebabkan oleh sentimen negatif akibat isu seiring kembali meningkatnya perang dagang. Sentimen positif dari Pemilihan umum kepala daerah secara serentak yang berlangsung ketegangan mengenai perang dengan lancar dan aman terbukti tidak mampu dagang yang melibatkan menahan sentimen negatif tersebut. Di akhir bulan Amerika Serikat, Tiongkok, Bank Indonesia kembali menaikan suku bunga 7D reverse repo rate sebanyak 50bps untuk menahan Kanada, dan Uni Eropa. pelemahan Rupiah yang berkelanjutan. Di bulan Juli 2018 investor masih menunggu kelanjutan dari kesepakatan antara Amerika Serikat dengan partner dagangnya terutama Tiongkok, Kanada, dan Uni Eropa terkait defisit perdagangan yang dialami Amerika Serikat. Selain itu investor menanti hasil laporan keuangan emiten kuartal II-2018, yang diharapkan momentum Lebaran masih dapat menopang pertumbuhan laba emiten pada kuartal tersebut. -
Revisiting the Inclusion-Moderation Thesis in the Context Of
Special issue article Party Politics 19(2) 210–229 Revisiting the ª The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav inclusion-moderation DOI: 10.1177/1354068812462933 thesis in the context ppq.sagepub.com of decentralized institutions: The behavior of Indonesia’s Prosperous Justice Party in national and local politics Michael Buehler Northern Illinois University, Dekalb, IL, USA Abstract Institutions figure prominently in explanations for why radical parties forego their agendas and subject themselves to democratic principles when included in politics. Analyzing the Prosperous Justice Party’s political trajectory across Indonesia’s multi- level government structures between 1999 and 2009, I show that the Islamist party has gradually adopted more moderate behavior not only in national politics, where institu- tional incentives are conducive to moderation, but also in local politics, where institu- tional incentives for moderation are weaker. The absence of a strong pattern of invariant association between institutional incentives and the moderation of party behavior points to the importance of party internal mechanisms in moderation processes. Based on primary sources and in-depth interviews with party members, I argue that socio-structural factors shape a party’s internal power dynamics and thereby its long-term capacity to adopt more moderate behavior. Corresponding author: Michael Buehler, Northern Illinois University, 415 Zulauf Hall, Dekalb, IL 60115, USA. Email: [email protected] Buehler 211 Keywords Decentralization, democratization, Islamic Law, Indonesia, party formation, party institu- tionalization, Prosperous Justice Party, PKS, religious parties, shari’a Paper submitted 22 August 2012; accepted for publication 26 August 2012 Introduction Institutions figure prominently in explanations for why radical parties successfully inte- grate into the mainstream when included in politics. -
In Brief 2020/24 the Competing Perceptions of Jakarta and Papua
The Competing Perceptions of Jakarta and Papua1 towards the Special Autonomy Law Petrus K. Farneubun and Johni R.V. Korwa In Brief 2020/24 The historical roots of special autonomy in Papua can be This positive reaction, however, was short-lived. Papuans traced back to two major events. The first was a meeting of realised that special autonomy was not a pathway to political 100 Papuan representatives with President Habibie in Jakarta independence. Consequently, distrust began to emerge, on 26 February 1999, and the second was the 2nd Papuan reaching its climax on 12 August 2005 when the Papua Congress held in Jayapura city from 29 May to 4 June 2000. Customary Council (DAP) made a symbolic return of the Special In both events, Papuans expressed their demand for political Autonomy Law to Jakarta because it had failed to improve the independence. In response, the central government granted living conditions of Papuans. Since then, Papuans have become special autonomy through the enactment of Law No. 21/2001 increasingly resistant and distrustful of special autonomy. (Special Autonomy Law). Although special autonomy is valid for If past governors (Solossa and Suebu) were supportive of an unspecified period of time, Article 34(6) of the Law states special autonomy, the current governor of Papua, Lukas Enembe, that special autonomy funding shall be valid for 20 years;2 it has become increasingly sceptical, claiming that special autonomy will come to an end in 2021. While the central government has did not solve the problems in Papua. Although Enembe did not decided to extend the allocation of special autonomy funds, openly oppose the renewal of special autonomy, his proposal of various Papuan groups recently voiced their opposition. -
ADVISORY October 2019
ADVISORY October 2019 Second Term Cabinet Members Announced: New and Old Faces Today (Wednesday, 23 October 2019), President Joko Widodo officially announced the members of his new “Indonesia Maju/Onwards Indonesia” Cabinet that will work with him in the second term of his presidency. Along with the announcement of the new members, in the new Cabinet some of the titles have changed, such as ‘The Coordinating Minister of Maritime Affairs and Resources’ which has been changed to ‘The Coordinating Minister of Maritime Affairs and Investment’ and ‘The Minister of Tourism’ which has been changed to ‘The Minister of Tourism and the Creative Economy’. Several ministers who served during President Joko Widodo’s first term such as Sri Mulyani Indrawati and Yasonna Laoly also made a comeback along with many new faces. The new faces include prominent youth and professional figures who are pioneers and leading individuals in their respective fields. The announcement of such names as Nadiem Makarim, Erick Thohir and Wishnutama Kusubandio as new Cabinet members has been received positively by the general public. Below is a complete list of the newly appointed Cabinet members. 1. Coordinating Minister in the Field : Mohammad Mahfud of Law, Politics and Security (Mahfud MD) 2. Coordinating Minister in the Field : Airlangga Hartarto of the Economy 3. Coordinating Minister of Maritime : Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan Makarim & Taira S. Affairs and Investment Summitmas I, 16th & 17th Fls. 4. Coordinating Minister in the Field : Muhajir Effendy Jl. Jend. Sudirman Kav. 61-62 Jakarta 12190 of Human Development and Culture Indonesia 5. Minister of Defense : Prabowo Subianto P: (62-21) 5080 8300, 252 1272 F: (62-21) 252 2750, 252 2751 6. -
Governance and the Cycle of Violence in Papua: the Nduga Crisis
Volume 17 | Issue 2 | Number 4 | Article ID 5238 | Jan 15, 2019 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Governance and the Cycle of Violence in Papua: The Nduga Crisis: Richard Chauvel Abstract leaders met with President Habibie and demanded that Papua’s independence be Indonesia’s last regional conflict remains recognized. President Abdurrahman Wahid, intractable. We are reminded of this bymore than any of the otherReformasi -era demonstrations and mass detentions in 2018 Presidents, sought to accommmodate Papuan around the 1 December anniversary of Papua’s aspirations, when, on a visit to Papua to ‘Independence’ Day and the killing a day later welcome the new Millennium, he agreed that of at least 16 construction workers in the the province could be called Papua and that the central highlands district of Nduga with the Papuan Morning Star flag could be flown. military operations that followed. These events Abdurrahman Wahid funded the Papua will be discussed further in the paper after a Congress, a pro-independence mass gathering brief outline of the conflict in Papua. held in mid-2000 by the Papua Presidium Council (PDP), led by Theys Eluay. The “Papuan spring” of relatively free mobilization and expression of opinion came to an end with Keywords the detention of Theys Eluay and other PDP Papua, Indonesia, Nduga Crisis, Violence, leaders in late November 2000 and the Autonomy Law assassination of Theys Eluay by Kopassus (Special) troops a year later. Under Presidents Megawati Sukarnoputri and Introduction: Papua and the Indonesian Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono peaceful pro- state independence activity was criminalized, with activists like Filip Karma given long prison Papuan resistance to Indonesian rule has sentences for raising the Morning Star Flag.