West Papua Report April 2013 This is the 108th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co- published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action NetworK (ETAN). BacK issues are posted online at http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at [email protected]. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to [email protected]. Link to this issue: http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2013/1304wpap.htm The Report leads with "Perspective," an opinion piece; followed by "Update," a summary of some developments during the covered period; and then "Chronicle" which lists of analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a "Perspective" or responding to one should write to [email protected]. The opinions eXpressed in Perspectives are the author's and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN. For additional news on West Papua see the reg.westpapua listserv archive or on Twitter. CONTENTS: This edition of the West Papua Report offers the Perspective of a longtime observer of West Papua who recently traveled to the Central Highlands, who reports the growing militarization of the region and the negative impact of that military build up on human rights and in stoKing rising communal tensions there. In Update we note that the Indonesian military will shortly begin a massive road project which will liKely service military rather than Papuan interests. New contract negotiations between the central government and the Freeport-McMoRan mining operation are proceeding absent West Papuan participation and without regard for their interests. The new Governor of Papua province appears not to understand problems of development and security facing the region. Papuans have again called for an end to the presence of the notorious "Special Forces" (Kopassus) in their homeland. Indonesian and international calls for an end to the impunity accorded Indonesian military leaders and personnel for human rights abuses are growing. That impunity gives license to continuing abuse and criminal activity by the military. WPNCL pressed it case to have West Papua join the Melanesia Support Group at a meeting with Fiji Prime Minister Banimarama. Chronicle highlights two first-hand accounts of the Wamena area and a review of Eben KirKsey's Freedom in Entangled Worlds: West Papua and the Architecture of Global Power. PERSPECTIVE CHALLENGES IN WEST PAPUA The following Perspective comes from a source who has spent years in West Papua and who recently visited the Central Highland. For his protection this report is published anonymously. Daily life in West Papua has been militarized as evidenced by the eXtensive posting of military personnel to the area (Papua and West Papua provinces). This is especially notable in the TimiKa and neighboring Highlands' Districts such as Puncak Jaya, Puncak and Paniai where the intensity of conflict between the Indonesian military (TNI) and the Papuan independence movement (OPM) has been building up over the last couple of years. The militarization has also triggered "horizontal" conflicts among ethnic groups and tribal groups. There is also growing violence between people with competing economic interests. The TNI has established new physical centers (buildings and other infrastructure) for regional commands, which also automatically means that more personnel have been moved to the area. The latest such eXpansion is that of Kodim 1714 (Commandant District Military) in Mulia (in the district PuncaK Jaya), which as a result of years of conflict is regarded as a "high profile" area. Moreover, in almost all the areas military/intelligence agents/police are "undercover" worKing as motor-taxi drivers, chainsaw operators and/or disguised as owners of shops/KiosKs, small companies, entertainment compleXes, transport facilities, and such. Close observers question the extent to which the conflicts in certain districts are "pure conflicts," or rather the creation of the Indonesian security forces. Suspicion that the security forces are creating these conflicts is based on the reality that their presence generates a cash flow to these forces. There are many indications that indeed there is great deal of "creative conflict construction" and this is done without taking into account the price to be paid for it in the number of possible victims. Not surprisingly the mere presence of the Indonesian military and police (POLRI) often leads to conflict owing to their "all mighty" and arrogant manner. This problem is eXacerbated by the very limited education level and/or experience of the these security personnel. In the area of the town of Enarotali the police currently are conducting "sweeps" of mobile phones to determine whether there are local Papuan songs or symbols of independence recorded on the phones. If so, the memory card is destroyed and the empty phone is handed back to the owner. There are also many police/military posts along the roads, and at any of these "roadblocks" you have to pay to get through. These posts and their eXtortion of local people disrupts movement by the local community and economic life to a significant level and invariably creates fear and hatred among the Papuans. The position of the security forces is also often linKed to economic interests. In the TimiKa and the neighboring Highlands' districts there are locations where gold is found. This attracts many people. In almost all the cases, the main profitable areas are slowly "occupied" by people from outside Papua who deny the local Papuans their traditional ownership and land rights. These "traders" are normally well connected with security forces who also profit. Various efforts by activists (locally as well as from Jayapura) to get these illegal activities stopped have always met with a stonewall erected by senior authorities who are in the position to close down these often illegal economic activities but will not. Involvement of the security forces in these activities continues even though the military is not allowed to own businesses. Another factor that complicates the life of ordinary Papuans is that the security forces worK together with some OPM (Organisasi Papua Merdeka/Free Papua Movement) factions. Both parties profit from their dealings. This is very confusing as OPM factions in principle are expected to fight for the interest of the Papuan indigenous community. However these armed resistance elements once in a while reach understandings with the security forces and are paid well for this collaboration. The main victim in this "game" is the normal citizen/community. They are squeezed between the OPM and the security forces, both of whom demand the support of the community. A lot of the conflicts, at the end of the day, are more based on money than noble ideals. Another current trend is the appearance of "groupings" consisting of young people. These groups seem to gather people who "have ambitions," "are frustrated," "have nothing to do," and don't seem to have a very clear agenda. It is often unclear under whose protection they operate. This worrisome trend recalls the phenomenon of gangs and militia in Timor-Leste formed by the Indonesian military during the years preceding the 1999 referendum. It appears that the central government's effectively supports these developments. As evidence of this is, over the past year there seems to be a strategy of criminalizing any protests or public criticism. A clear eXample of this over the last half a year is the effort by the police and military to blame KNPB (Komite Nasional Papua Barat/West Papua National Committee) for purported "criminal activity." Since about 2008 KNPB has developed itself as one of the most vocal activist movements that has pushed for a referendum on Papua's future. Since mid 2012 the group has been linKed by the police to such criminal activities as fatal shootings in Jayapura. They are also linked to buying weapons, while the military/police themselves are often mentioned as most probable players in the illegal trade of weapons. All these allegations by the security forces and government have resulted in the loss of the KNPB's image (nationally as well as internationally) as a "peaceful movement." There are also reports that KNPB individuals members have been paid by the military. This targeting of the group has accelerated the KNPB members criminalization and legitimized security force pursuit of the KNPB. It has also led to the Killing, detention, torture etc. of the main figures in the organization. The security forces have started sweeps, arresting KNPB members, all over Papua. In TimiKa a court process continues against siX KNPB members who are accused of possessing weapons (including traditional bow and arrows). These accusations often are very far fetched and hardly believable. In the Wamena area, the KNPB is alleged to be involved with "bomb maKing"; while in Sorong, FaKfaK and MerauKe, KNPB figures have been simply Killed or physically attacked. In recent months there has been an effort, supported by the central government, to brand "separatist Papuans" (a stigma assigned to any critical figure who dares to speak up) as "terrorists." This broadens the basis for pursuing these activists and also legally empowers Detachment