West Papua Report April 2013 This Is the 108Th in a Series of Monthly

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

West Papua Report April 2013 This Is the 108Th in a Series of Monthly West Papua Report April 2013 This is the 108th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co- published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action NetworK (ETAN). BacK issues are posted online at http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at [email protected]. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to [email protected]. Link to this issue: http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2013/1304wpap.htm The Report leads with "Perspective," an opinion piece; followed by "Update," a summary of some developments during the covered period; and then "Chronicle" which lists of analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a "Perspective" or responding to one should write to [email protected]. The opinions eXpressed in Perspectives are the author's and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN. For additional news on West Papua see the reg.westpapua listserv archive or on Twitter. CONTENTS: This edition of the West Papua Report offers the Perspective of a longtime observer of West Papua who recently traveled to the Central Highlands, who reports the growing militarization of the region and the negative impact of that military build up on human rights and in stoKing rising communal tensions there. In Update we note that the Indonesian military will shortly begin a massive road project which will liKely service military rather than Papuan interests. New contract negotiations between the central government and the Freeport-McMoRan mining operation are proceeding absent West Papuan participation and without regard for their interests. The new Governor of Papua province appears not to understand problems of development and security facing the region. Papuans have again called for an end to the presence of the notorious "Special Forces" (Kopassus) in their homeland. Indonesian and international calls for an end to the impunity accorded Indonesian military leaders and personnel for human rights abuses are growing. That impunity gives license to continuing abuse and criminal activity by the military. WPNCL pressed it case to have West Papua join the Melanesia Support Group at a meeting with Fiji Prime Minister Banimarama. Chronicle highlights two first-hand accounts of the Wamena area and a review of Eben KirKsey's Freedom in Entangled Worlds: West Papua and the Architecture of Global Power. PERSPECTIVE CHALLENGES IN WEST PAPUA The following Perspective comes from a source who has spent years in West Papua and who recently visited the Central Highland. For his protection this report is published anonymously. Daily life in West Papua has been militarized as evidenced by the eXtensive posting of military personnel to the area (Papua and West Papua provinces). This is especially notable in the TimiKa and neighboring Highlands' Districts such as Puncak Jaya, Puncak and Paniai where the intensity of conflict between the Indonesian military (TNI) and the Papuan independence movement (OPM) has been building up over the last couple of years. The militarization has also triggered "horizontal" conflicts among ethnic groups and tribal groups. There is also growing violence between people with competing economic interests. The TNI has established new physical centers (buildings and other infrastructure) for regional commands, which also automatically means that more personnel have been moved to the area. The latest such eXpansion is that of Kodim 1714 (Commandant District Military) in Mulia (in the district PuncaK Jaya), which as a result of years of conflict is regarded as a "high profile" area. Moreover, in almost all the areas military/intelligence agents/police are "undercover" worKing as motor-taxi drivers, chainsaw operators and/or disguised as owners of shops/KiosKs, small companies, entertainment compleXes, transport facilities, and such. Close observers question the extent to which the conflicts in certain districts are "pure conflicts," or rather the creation of the Indonesian security forces. Suspicion that the security forces are creating these conflicts is based on the reality that their presence generates a cash flow to these forces. There are many indications that indeed there is great deal of "creative conflict construction" and this is done without taking into account the price to be paid for it in the number of possible victims. Not surprisingly the mere presence of the Indonesian military and police (POLRI) often leads to conflict owing to their "all mighty" and arrogant manner. This problem is eXacerbated by the very limited education level and/or experience of the these security personnel. In the area of the town of Enarotali the police currently are conducting "sweeps" of mobile phones to determine whether there are local Papuan songs or symbols of independence recorded on the phones. If so, the memory card is destroyed and the empty phone is handed back to the owner. There are also many police/military posts along the roads, and at any of these "roadblocks" you have to pay to get through. These posts and their eXtortion of local people disrupts movement by the local community and economic life to a significant level and invariably creates fear and hatred among the Papuans. The position of the security forces is also often linKed to economic interests. In the TimiKa and the neighboring Highlands' districts there are locations where gold is found. This attracts many people. In almost all the cases, the main profitable areas are slowly "occupied" by people from outside Papua who deny the local Papuans their traditional ownership and land rights. These "traders" are normally well connected with security forces who also profit. Various efforts by activists (locally as well as from Jayapura) to get these illegal activities stopped have always met with a stonewall erected by senior authorities who are in the position to close down these often illegal economic activities but will not. Involvement of the security forces in these activities continues even though the military is not allowed to own businesses. Another factor that complicates the life of ordinary Papuans is that the security forces worK together with some OPM (Organisasi Papua Merdeka/Free Papua Movement) factions. Both parties profit from their dealings. This is very confusing as OPM factions in principle are expected to fight for the interest of the Papuan indigenous community. However these armed resistance elements once in a while reach understandings with the security forces and are paid well for this collaboration. The main victim in this "game" is the normal citizen/community. They are squeezed between the OPM and the security forces, both of whom demand the support of the community. A lot of the conflicts, at the end of the day, are more based on money than noble ideals. Another current trend is the appearance of "groupings" consisting of young people. These groups seem to gather people who "have ambitions," "are frustrated," "have nothing to do," and don't seem to have a very clear agenda. It is often unclear under whose protection they operate. This worrisome trend recalls the phenomenon of gangs and militia in Timor-Leste formed by the Indonesian military during the years preceding the 1999 referendum. It appears that the central government's effectively supports these developments. As evidence of this is, over the past year there seems to be a strategy of criminalizing any protests or public criticism. A clear eXample of this over the last half a year is the effort by the police and military to blame KNPB (Komite Nasional Papua Barat/West Papua National Committee) for purported "criminal activity." Since about 2008 KNPB has developed itself as one of the most vocal activist movements that has pushed for a referendum on Papua's future. Since mid 2012 the group has been linKed by the police to such criminal activities as fatal shootings in Jayapura. They are also linked to buying weapons, while the military/police themselves are often mentioned as most probable players in the illegal trade of weapons. All these allegations by the security forces and government have resulted in the loss of the KNPB's image (nationally as well as internationally) as a "peaceful movement." There are also reports that KNPB individuals members have been paid by the military. This targeting of the group has accelerated the KNPB members criminalization and legitimized security force pursuit of the KNPB. It has also led to the Killing, detention, torture etc. of the main figures in the organization. The security forces have started sweeps, arresting KNPB members, all over Papua. In TimiKa a court process continues against siX KNPB members who are accused of possessing weapons (including traditional bow and arrows). These accusations often are very far fetched and hardly believable. In the Wamena area, the KNPB is alleged to be involved with "bomb maKing"; while in Sorong, FaKfaK and MerauKe, KNPB figures have been simply Killed or physically attacked. In recent months there has been an effort, supported by the central government, to brand "separatist Papuans" (a stigma assigned to any critical figure who dares to speak up) as "terrorists." This broadens the basis for pursuing these activists and also legally empowers Detachment
Recommended publications
  • INDO 84 0 1195498224 1 39.Pdf (756.2Kb)
    Local Elections and Autonomy in Papua and Aceh: M itigating or Fueling Secessionism? Marcus Mietzner1 Since the 1960s, scholars of separatism have debated the impact of regional autonomy policies and general democratization measures on the strength of secessionist movements in conflict-prone areas. In this heated academic discussion, supporters and critics of political decentralization advanced highly divergent arguments and case studies. On the one hand, numerous authors have identified regional autonomy and expanded democratic rights as effective instruments to settle differences between regions with secessionist tendencies and their central governments.2 In their view, regional autonomy has the potential to address and ultimately eliminate anti-centralist sentiments in local communities by involving them more deeply in political decision-making and economic resource distribution. They point to cases such as Quebec in Canada, where the support for the separatist Parti Quebecois dropped from almost 50 percent in 1981 to only 28.3 percent in the 2007 elections.3 Other examples of successful autonomy regimes frequently mentioned by pro-autonomy academics and policy-makers include Nagaland in India, the Miskito 1 The author would like to thank Edward Aspinall, Harold Crouch, Sidney Jones, Rodd McGibbon, and an anonymous reviewer for their useful comments on an earlier version of this paper. 2 See for instance George Tsebelis, "Elite Interaction and Constitution Building in Consociational Societies," Journal of Theoretical Politics 2,1 (1990): 5-29; John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary, "Introduction: The Macro-Political Regulation of Ethnic Conflict," in The Politics of Ethnic Conflict Regulation, ed. John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary (London: Routledge, 1993); Ruth Lapidoth, Autonomy: Flexible Solutions to Ethnic Conflicts (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1997); and Ted Robert Gurr, Peoples Versus States: Minorities at Risk in the New Century (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2000).
    [Show full text]
  • AGENDA REV 5 1.Indd
    DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH REPUBLIK INDONESIA AGENDA KERJA DPD RI 2017 DATA PRIBADI Nama __________________________________________________________ No. Anggota ___________________________________________________ Alamat _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ Telepon/Fax ____________________________________________________ Nomor _________________________________________________________ KTP ____________________________________________________________ Paspor _________________________________________________________ Asuransi _______________________________________________________ Pajak Pendapatan ______________________________________________ SIM ____________________________________________________________ PBB ____________________________________________________________ Lain-lain _______________________________________________________ DATA BISNIS Kantor _________________________________________________________ Alamat _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ Telepon/Fax ____________________________________________________ Telex ___________________________________________________________ Lain-lain _______________________________________________________ NOMOR TELEPON PENTING Dokter/Dokter Gigi _____________________________________________ Biro Perjalanan _________________________________________________ Taksi ___________________________________________________________ Stasiun K.A
    [Show full text]
  • Permissive Residents: West Papuan Refugees Living in Papua New Guinea
    Permissive residents West PaPuan refugees living in PaPua neW guinea Permissive residents West PaPuan refugees living in PaPua neW guinea Diana glazebrook MonograPhs in anthroPology series Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/permissive_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Glazebrook, Diana. Title: Permissive residents : West Papuan refugees living in Papua New Guinea / Diana Glazebrook. ISBN: 9781921536229 (pbk.) 9781921536236 (online) Subjects: Ethnology--Papua New Guinea--East Awin. Refugees--Papua New Guinea--East Awin. Refugees--Papua (Indonesia) Dewey Number: 305.8009953 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by Teresa Prowse. Printed by University Printing Services, ANU This edition © 2008 ANU E Press Dedicated to the memory of Arnold Ap (1 July 1945 – 26 April 1984) and Marthen Rumabar (d. 2006). Table of Contents List of Illustrations ix Acknowledgements xi Glossary xiii Prologue 1 Intoxicating flag Chapter 1. Speaking historically about West Papua 13 Chapter 2. Culture as the conscious object of performance 31 Chapter 3. A flight path 51 Chapter 4. Sensing displacement 63 Chapter 5. Refugee settlements as social spaces 77 Chapter 6. Inscribing the empty rainforest with our history 85 Chapter 7. Unsated sago appetites 95 Chapter 8. Becoming translokal 107 Chapter 9. Permissive residents 117 Chapter 10. Relocation to connected places 131 Chapter 11.
    [Show full text]
  • Monitoring Berita Pandemi Covid-19
    Monitoring Berita Pandemi Covid-19 Pantauan Media Massa 18-20 Mei 2020 Metode & Sumber Data Intelligence Media Management 01 Laporan ini disusun dengan bantuan sistem Intelligence Media Management (IMM), yang memuat berita dari 6.296 media online, termasuk media luar negeri. IMM menggunakan teknologi kecerdasan buatan yang dapat mengklasifikasikan berita berdasarkan kata dan membantu analisis sentimen. Penyaringan Bahasa dan Kata 02 Seluruh berita yang masuk ke sistem IMM disaring berdasarkan bahasa, yakni bahasa Indonesia, dan kata, yakni variasi kata atau penyebutan Covid-19 oleh wartawan, seperti Virus Corona, Virus Korona, Coronavirus, SARS-CoV-2, Covid-19, dll. 79.351 Berita 03 Dari seluruh berita yang tersaring, terdapat 79.351 berita selama 18-20 Mei 2020. Laporan ini disusun berdasarkan sejumlah berita tersebut, dibantu dengan fitur-fitur dalam sistem IMM. Ragam Berita Nasional Kasus Terbaru, Pelaksanaan Tes Cepat Pengajuan, Penerapan dan Wacana dan Uji Swab Covid-19 Relaksasi Status PSBB Pelaksanaan dan Masalah Penyaluran Penerapan dan Pelanggaran Protokol Bantuan Sosial Kesehatan di Pasar dan Pertokoan Kebijakan Pelaksanaan Salat dan Kontroversi dan Wacana Penerapan Perayaan Idul Fitri di Sejumlah Daerah Skenario “The New Normal” Kepulangan WNI dan Pemeriksaan Pelaksanaan dan Penundaan Penumpang di Bandara dan Pembayaran THR saat Pandemi Pelabuhan Langkah Pemerintah Pusat SIAPKAN TRANSFORMASI ANTISIPASI KEKERINGAN DIGITAL UMKM SAAT PANDEMI Menkop UKM tengah menyiapkan Kementerian PUPR mengoptimalkan langkah transformasi digital
    [Show full text]
  • West Papua Report April 2015: Vanuatu, MSG, Rights, Freeport Smelt
    West Papua Report April 2015: Vanuatu, MSG, rights, Freeport smelt... http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2015/1504wpap.htm A special message for you from Noam Chomsky Donate Today! West Papua Report April 2015 This is the 131st in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at [email protected] . If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to [email protected] . Link to this issue: http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2015/1504.htm The Report leads with PERSPECTIVE, an analysis piece; followed by UPDATE, a summary of some recent news and developments; and then CHRONICLE which includes analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a PERSPECTIVE or responding to one should write to [email protected] . We also welcome suggestions of resources and analysis to for listing in the CHRONICLE section. The opinions expressed in Perspectives are the author's and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN. For ongoing news on West Papua subscribe to the reg.westpapua listserv or visit its archive ; the list is also available on Twitter . Please note that the March 2015 issue was not published.
    [Show full text]
  • AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis Terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera Atas Kandidat Non-Muslim Pada Pilkada Papua 2018
    AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera atas Kandidat Non-Muslim pada Pilkada Papua 2018 Skripsi Diajukan untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Sosial (S.Sos) oleh: Ginanjar Pangestu Aji 11161120000067 PROGRAM STUDI ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1442 H/2020 M AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera atas Kandidat Non- Muslim pada Pilkada Papua 2018 Diajukan Kepada Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Sosial (S.Sos) oleh: Ginanjar Pangestu Aji NIM: 11161120000067 Dosen Pembimbing, Khoirun Nisa, MA.Pol NIP: 19850311 201801 2 001 PROGRAM STUDI ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1442 H/2020 M i PERNYATAAN BEBAS PLAGIARISME Skripsi yang berjudul: AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera atas Kandidat Non- Muslim pada Pilkada Papua 2018 1. Merupakan karya asli saya yang diajukan untuk memenuhi salah satu persyaratan memperoleh gelar Strata 1 di Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. 2. Semua sumber yang saya gunakan dalam penulisan ini telah saya cantumkan sesuai dengan ketentuan yang berlaku di Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. 3. Jika dikemudian hari terbukti bahwa karya saya ini bukan hasil karya asli saya atau merupakan jiplakan dari karya orang lain, maka saya
    [Show full text]
  • April 2013 Trends May 2013 Watchlist
    A monthly bulletin by Crisis Group on current and potential conflicts around the world 117 1 May 2013 Board of Trustees Chair April 2013 Trends Thomas Pickering President and CEO Deteriorated Situations Improved Situations Louise Arbour Afghanistan (p.5) Lebanon (p.9) Kosovo (p.7) Vice-Chairs Bangladesh (p.5) Pakistan (p.6) Serbia (p.7) Ayo Obe Central African Venezuela (p.9) Ghassan Salamé Republic (p.2) Executive Committee Iraq (p.10) Morton Abramowitz Cheryl Carolus Maria Livanos Cattaui Unchanged Situations Yoichi Funabashi Algeria (p.11), Armenia (p.7), Azerbaijan (p.8), Bahrain (p.10), Bosnia (p.7), Burundi (p.2), Frank Giustra Cameroon (p.2), Central African Republic (p.2), Chad (p.2), China (internal) (p.5), China/Japan (p.5), Mark Malloch-Brown Moisés Naím Comoros (p.3), Côte d’Ivoire (p.4), Cyprus (p.8), Democratic Republic of the Congo (p.2), George Soros Ecuador (p.9), Egypt (p.11), Eritrea (p.2), Ethiopia (p.2), Georgia (p.8), Guatemala (p.9), Guinea (p.4), Pär Stenbäck Indonesia (p. 6), Iran (p.10), Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories (p.9), Jordan (p.11), Kashmir (p.5), Kazakhstan (p.4), Kenya (p.2), Kuwait (p.11), Kyrgyzstan (p.4), Libya (p.11), Kofi Annan Macedonia (p7), Madagascar (p.3), Malawi (p.3), Malaysia (p.6), Mali (p.4), Mauritania (p.12), Nahum Barnea Samuel Berger Mexico (p.9), Morocco (p.12), Mozambique (p.3), Myanmar (p.6), Nagorno-Karabakh Emma Bonino (Azerbaijan) (p.8), India (non-Kashmir) (p.6), Nepal (p.6), Nigeria (p.4), North Caucasus (Russia) (p.8), Micheline Calmy-Rey North Korea (p.5), Rwanda
    [Show full text]
  • Rev8 Market Perspective-Juli 2018
    Market Perspective Wealth Management Newsletter - Juli 2018 Trade War: Risk or Opportunity Isu perang dagang masih mewarnai pergerakan pasar namun diyakini tidak berpengaruh langsung kepada Indonesia. Greetings Nasabah yang terhormat, Terima kasih atas kepercayaan Anda dan menjadi Nasabah setia Bank Commonwealth. Pada Market Perspective e-Newsletter edisi Juli tahun 2018, kami membahas pergerakan pasar keuangan dan faktor- faktor yang mempengharuhinya sepanjang bulan Juni dan Juli 2018. Sepanjang bulan Juni, investor terlihat lebih berhati-hati seiring dengan kembali meningkatnya ketegangan mengenai perang dagang yang melibatkan Amerika Serikat, Tiongkok, Kanada, dan Uni Eropa. Pada bulan Juni juga, untuk pertama kalinya dalam Rustini Dewi sejarah, berlangsung pertemuan antara pemimpin Director of Retail Banking Amerika Serikat dan Korea Utara yang membahas mengenai denuklirisasi di semenanjung Korea. Sementara, di saat yang hampir bersamaan, The Fed menaikkan suku bunga acuan yang kedua di tahun 2018. Sepanjang bulan Juni, investor Dari domestik, pasar saham Indonesia terkoreksi cukup dalam setelah selesai libur panjang Lebaran terlihat lebih berhati-hati yang disebabkan oleh sentimen negatif akibat isu seiring kembali meningkatnya perang dagang. Sentimen positif dari Pemilihan umum kepala daerah secara serentak yang berlangsung ketegangan mengenai perang dengan lancar dan aman terbukti tidak mampu dagang yang melibatkan menahan sentimen negatif tersebut. Di akhir bulan Amerika Serikat, Tiongkok, Bank Indonesia kembali menaikan suku bunga 7D reverse repo rate sebanyak 50bps untuk menahan Kanada, dan Uni Eropa. pelemahan Rupiah yang berkelanjutan. Di bulan Juli 2018 investor masih menunggu kelanjutan dari kesepakatan antara Amerika Serikat dengan partner dagangnya terutama Tiongkok, Kanada, dan Uni Eropa terkait defisit perdagangan yang dialami Amerika Serikat. Selain itu investor menanti hasil laporan keuangan emiten kuartal II-2018, yang diharapkan momentum Lebaran masih dapat menopang pertumbuhan laba emiten pada kuartal tersebut.
    [Show full text]
  • Violence and Political Impasse in Papua
    July 2001 Vol. XX, No. X (X) VIOLENCE AND POLITICAL IMPASSE IN PAPUA I. SUMMARY 2 The Abepura Case 3 II. RECOMMENDATIONS 4 To the Government of Indonesia 4 To Papuan Community Leaders 6 To the International Community 7 III. THE CONTEXT: EMERGENCE OF THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT AND THE GOVERNMENT’S RESPONSE 7 IV. THE WAMENA VIOLENCE 11 The Clash 12 Analysis 14 Anti-Migrant Violence 14 V. THE ABEPURA CASE AND ITS AFTERMATH 15 Aftermath 20 Investigations 20 Analysis 21 VI. HUMAN RIGHTS DEVELOPMENTS IN PAPUA TODAY 22 The Ban on Pro-Independence Expression 22 Jailing of Civilian Independence Leaders and Students 23 Intimidation of Civil Society Actors by the Security Forces 25 Anti-migrant Violence by Papuan Militants 25 VIII. CONCLUSION 26 Acknowledgments 27 I. SUMMARY AThe [Papuan] reform movement has removed the lid and released a lot of smoke. The problem now is that many people are still too preoccupied with the smoke. They forget that the smoke is there because there is a fire.... The fire is injustice.@ Barnabas Suebu, former Governor of Irian Jaya, current Indonesian Ambassador to Mexico, interviewed in Tempo, October 23 - 29, 2000. The political situation in Irian Jaya (also known as West Papua or Papua), Indonesia =s easternmost province, is fundamentally unsettled. Papua is remote from Jakarta and home to only two million of the country=s more than 200 million inhabitants, but what happens in the resource-rich province is likely to have great importance for Indonesia. Like Aceh, Papua is home to an armed insurgency against the Indonesian government.
    [Show full text]
  • Revisiting the Inclusion-Moderation Thesis in the Context Of
    Special issue article Party Politics 19(2) 210–229 Revisiting the ª The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav inclusion-moderation DOI: 10.1177/1354068812462933 thesis in the context ppq.sagepub.com of decentralized institutions: The behavior of Indonesia’s Prosperous Justice Party in national and local politics Michael Buehler Northern Illinois University, Dekalb, IL, USA Abstract Institutions figure prominently in explanations for why radical parties forego their agendas and subject themselves to democratic principles when included in politics. Analyzing the Prosperous Justice Party’s political trajectory across Indonesia’s multi- level government structures between 1999 and 2009, I show that the Islamist party has gradually adopted more moderate behavior not only in national politics, where institu- tional incentives are conducive to moderation, but also in local politics, where institu- tional incentives for moderation are weaker. The absence of a strong pattern of invariant association between institutional incentives and the moderation of party behavior points to the importance of party internal mechanisms in moderation processes. Based on primary sources and in-depth interviews with party members, I argue that socio-structural factors shape a party’s internal power dynamics and thereby its long-term capacity to adopt more moderate behavior. Corresponding author: Michael Buehler, Northern Illinois University, 415 Zulauf Hall, Dekalb, IL 60115, USA. Email: [email protected] Buehler 211 Keywords Decentralization, democratization, Islamic Law, Indonesia, party formation, party institu- tionalization, Prosperous Justice Party, PKS, religious parties, shari’a Paper submitted 22 August 2012; accepted for publication 26 August 2012 Introduction Institutions figure prominently in explanations for why radical parties successfully inte- grate into the mainstream when included in politics.
    [Show full text]
  • KM 140 TAHUN 2020.Pdf
    MENTERI PERHUBUNGAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA KEPUTUSAN MENTERI PERHUBUNGAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA NOMOR KM 140 TAHUN 2020 TENTANG TARIF PENUMPANG ANGKUTAN UDARA PERINTIS TAHUN 2020 DENGAN RAHMAT TUHAN YANG MAHA ESA MENTERI PERHUBUNGAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA, Menimbang : bahwa untuk melaksanakan ketentuan Pasal 3 Peraturan Menteri Perhubungan Nomor PM 39 Tahun 2018 tentang Tata Cara dan Formulasi Perhitungan Biaya Operasi Penerbangan Angkutan Udara Perintis, perlu menetapkan Keputusan Menteri Perhubungan tentang Tarif Penumpang Angkutan Udara Perintis Tahun 2020; Mengingat 1. Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2009 tentang Penerbangan (Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 29 Nomor 1, Tambahan Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Nomor 4956); 2. Peraturan Presiden Nomor 40 Tahun 2015 tentang Kementerian Perhubungan (Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2015 Nomor 75); 3. Peraturan Presiden Nomor 68 Tahun 2019 tentang Organisasi Kementerian Negara (Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2019 Nomor 203); 4. Peraturan Menteri Perhubungan Nomor KM 25 Tahun 2008 tentang Penyelenggaraan Angkutan Udara sebagaimana telah beberapa kali diubah terakhir dengan Peraturan Menteri Perhubungan Nomor PM 45 Tahun 2017 tentang Perubahan Kesepuluh atas Peraturan - 2 - Menteri Perhubungan Nomor KM 25 Tahun 2008 tentang Penyelenggaraan Angkutan Udara (Berita Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2017 Nomor 817); 5. Peraturan Menteri Perhubungan Nomor PM 78 Tahun 2017 tentang Pengenaan Sanksi Administratif Terhadap Pelanggaran Peraturan Perundang-Undangan di Bidang Penerbangan (Berita Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2017 Nomor 1212); 6. Peraturan Menteri Perhubungan Nomor PM 79 Tahun 2017 tentang Kriteria dan Penyelenggaraan Kegiatan Angkutan Udara Perintis dan Subsidi Angkutan Udara Kargo (Berita Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2017 Nomor 1213); 7. Peraturan Menteri Perhubungan Nomor PM 39 Tahun 2018 tentang Tata Cara dan Formulasi Perhitungan Biaya Operasi Penerbangan Angkutan Udara Perintis (Berita Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2018 Nomor 615); 8.
    [Show full text]
  • In Brief 2020/24 the Competing Perceptions of Jakarta and Papua
    The Competing Perceptions of Jakarta and Papua1 towards the Special Autonomy Law Petrus K. Farneubun and Johni R.V. Korwa In Brief 2020/24 The historical roots of special autonomy in Papua can be This positive reaction, however, was short-lived. Papuans traced back to two major events. The first was a meeting of realised that special autonomy was not a pathway to political 100 Papuan representatives with President Habibie in Jakarta independence. Consequently, distrust began to emerge, on 26 February 1999, and the second was the 2nd Papuan reaching its climax on 12 August 2005 when the Papua Congress held in Jayapura city from 29 May to 4 June 2000. Customary Council (DAP) made a symbolic return of the Special In both events, Papuans expressed their demand for political Autonomy Law to Jakarta because it had failed to improve the independence. In response, the central government granted living conditions of Papuans. Since then, Papuans have become special autonomy through the enactment of Law No. 21/2001 increasingly resistant and distrustful of special autonomy. (Special Autonomy Law). Although special autonomy is valid for If past governors (Solossa and Suebu) were supportive of an unspecified period of time, Article 34(6) of the Law states special autonomy, the current governor of Papua, Lukas Enembe, that special autonomy funding shall be valid for 20 years;2 it has become increasingly sceptical, claiming that special autonomy will come to an end in 2021. While the central government has did not solve the problems in Papua. Although Enembe did not decided to extend the allocation of special autonomy funds, openly oppose the renewal of special autonomy, his proposal of various Papuan groups recently voiced their opposition.
    [Show full text]