West Papua Report April 2015: Vanuatu, MSG, Rights, Freeport Smelt
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Local Elections and Autonomy in Papua and Aceh: M itigating or Fueling Secessionism? Marcus Mietzner1 Since the 1960s, scholars of separatism have debated the impact of regional autonomy policies and general democratization measures on the strength of secessionist movements in conflict-prone areas. In this heated academic discussion, supporters and critics of political decentralization advanced highly divergent arguments and case studies. On the one hand, numerous authors have identified regional autonomy and expanded democratic rights as effective instruments to settle differences between regions with secessionist tendencies and their central governments.2 In their view, regional autonomy has the potential to address and ultimately eliminate anti-centralist sentiments in local communities by involving them more deeply in political decision-making and economic resource distribution. They point to cases such as Quebec in Canada, where the support for the separatist Parti Quebecois dropped from almost 50 percent in 1981 to only 28.3 percent in the 2007 elections.3 Other examples of successful autonomy regimes frequently mentioned by pro-autonomy academics and policy-makers include Nagaland in India, the Miskito 1 The author would like to thank Edward Aspinall, Harold Crouch, Sidney Jones, Rodd McGibbon, and an anonymous reviewer for their useful comments on an earlier version of this paper. 2 See for instance George Tsebelis, "Elite Interaction and Constitution Building in Consociational Societies," Journal of Theoretical Politics 2,1 (1990): 5-29; John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary, "Introduction: The Macro-Political Regulation of Ethnic Conflict," in The Politics of Ethnic Conflict Regulation, ed. John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary (London: Routledge, 1993); Ruth Lapidoth, Autonomy: Flexible Solutions to Ethnic Conflicts (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1997); and Ted Robert Gurr, Peoples Versus States: Minorities at Risk in the New Century (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2000). -
AGENDA REV 5 1.Indd
DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH REPUBLIK INDONESIA AGENDA KERJA DPD RI 2017 DATA PRIBADI Nama __________________________________________________________ No. Anggota ___________________________________________________ Alamat _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ Telepon/Fax ____________________________________________________ Nomor _________________________________________________________ KTP ____________________________________________________________ Paspor _________________________________________________________ Asuransi _______________________________________________________ Pajak Pendapatan ______________________________________________ SIM ____________________________________________________________ PBB ____________________________________________________________ Lain-lain _______________________________________________________ DATA BISNIS Kantor _________________________________________________________ Alamat _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ Telepon/Fax ____________________________________________________ Telex ___________________________________________________________ Lain-lain _______________________________________________________ NOMOR TELEPON PENTING Dokter/Dokter Gigi _____________________________________________ Biro Perjalanan _________________________________________________ Taksi ___________________________________________________________ Stasiun K.A -
West Papua” Issue and Its Impact on Indonesia’S Policy to the South Pacific Region
THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF “WEST PAPUA” ISSUE AND ITS IMPACT ON INDONESIA’S POLICY TO THE SOUTH PACIFIC REGION Floranesia Lantang1 and Edwin M. B. Tambunan2 1,2 Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Pelita Harapan University MH Thamrin Boulevard 1100, Kelapa Dua, Tangerang Banten 15811, Indonesia 1 [email protected], 2 [email protected] Received: 12th May 2020/ Revised: 20th May 2020/ Accepted: 01st June 2020 How to Cite: Lantang, F. and Tambunan E. M. B. (2020). The Internationalization of “West Papua” Issue and Its Impact on Indonesia’s Policy to the South Pacific Region. Journal of ASEAN Studies, 8(1), 41-59, https://doi.org/10.21512/jas.v8i1.6447 ABSTRACT This research argues that the internationalization of "West Papua" issue through social media has contributed to a shift of Indonesia's policy to the South Pacific region from ignorance to initiative approach. Underlying this argument is a growing concern of Indonesia regarding the use of social media by Papuan pro- independence activists that resulted to the increasing awareness and support towards the independence of West Papua from Pacific countries as human rights problems become the highlight of West Papua’s issue. The method used in this research was qualitative research method focusing on descriptive analysis of the internationalization of West Papua issue on social media. This research results show that initiative approach from Indonesia is merely narrowing the gap of the issue instead of reducing the internationalization of the West Papua issue. Keywords: West Papua, Indonesia, South Pacific Region, Social Media INTRODUCTION Papua or internationally known as "West Papua" remains a long-standing sensitive issue of Indonesia when dealing with the South Pacific region. -
Monitoring Berita Pandemi Covid-19
Monitoring Berita Pandemi Covid-19 Pantauan Media Massa 18-20 Mei 2020 Metode & Sumber Data Intelligence Media Management 01 Laporan ini disusun dengan bantuan sistem Intelligence Media Management (IMM), yang memuat berita dari 6.296 media online, termasuk media luar negeri. IMM menggunakan teknologi kecerdasan buatan yang dapat mengklasifikasikan berita berdasarkan kata dan membantu analisis sentimen. Penyaringan Bahasa dan Kata 02 Seluruh berita yang masuk ke sistem IMM disaring berdasarkan bahasa, yakni bahasa Indonesia, dan kata, yakni variasi kata atau penyebutan Covid-19 oleh wartawan, seperti Virus Corona, Virus Korona, Coronavirus, SARS-CoV-2, Covid-19, dll. 79.351 Berita 03 Dari seluruh berita yang tersaring, terdapat 79.351 berita selama 18-20 Mei 2020. Laporan ini disusun berdasarkan sejumlah berita tersebut, dibantu dengan fitur-fitur dalam sistem IMM. Ragam Berita Nasional Kasus Terbaru, Pelaksanaan Tes Cepat Pengajuan, Penerapan dan Wacana dan Uji Swab Covid-19 Relaksasi Status PSBB Pelaksanaan dan Masalah Penyaluran Penerapan dan Pelanggaran Protokol Bantuan Sosial Kesehatan di Pasar dan Pertokoan Kebijakan Pelaksanaan Salat dan Kontroversi dan Wacana Penerapan Perayaan Idul Fitri di Sejumlah Daerah Skenario “The New Normal” Kepulangan WNI dan Pemeriksaan Pelaksanaan dan Penundaan Penumpang di Bandara dan Pembayaran THR saat Pandemi Pelabuhan Langkah Pemerintah Pusat SIAPKAN TRANSFORMASI ANTISIPASI KEKERINGAN DIGITAL UMKM SAAT PANDEMI Menkop UKM tengah menyiapkan Kementerian PUPR mengoptimalkan langkah transformasi digital -
AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis Terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera Atas Kandidat Non-Muslim Pada Pilkada Papua 2018
AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera atas Kandidat Non-Muslim pada Pilkada Papua 2018 Skripsi Diajukan untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Sosial (S.Sos) oleh: Ginanjar Pangestu Aji 11161120000067 PROGRAM STUDI ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1442 H/2020 M AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera atas Kandidat Non- Muslim pada Pilkada Papua 2018 Diajukan Kepada Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Sosial (S.Sos) oleh: Ginanjar Pangestu Aji NIM: 11161120000067 Dosen Pembimbing, Khoirun Nisa, MA.Pol NIP: 19850311 201801 2 001 PROGRAM STUDI ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1442 H/2020 M i PERNYATAAN BEBAS PLAGIARISME Skripsi yang berjudul: AGAMA DAN KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK Analisis terhadap Dukungan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera atas Kandidat Non- Muslim pada Pilkada Papua 2018 1. Merupakan karya asli saya yang diajukan untuk memenuhi salah satu persyaratan memperoleh gelar Strata 1 di Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. 2. Semua sumber yang saya gunakan dalam penulisan ini telah saya cantumkan sesuai dengan ketentuan yang berlaku di Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. 3. Jika dikemudian hari terbukti bahwa karya saya ini bukan hasil karya asli saya atau merupakan jiplakan dari karya orang lain, maka saya -
April 2013 Trends May 2013 Watchlist
A monthly bulletin by Crisis Group on current and potential conflicts around the world 117 1 May 2013 Board of Trustees Chair April 2013 Trends Thomas Pickering President and CEO Deteriorated Situations Improved Situations Louise Arbour Afghanistan (p.5) Lebanon (p.9) Kosovo (p.7) Vice-Chairs Bangladesh (p.5) Pakistan (p.6) Serbia (p.7) Ayo Obe Central African Venezuela (p.9) Ghassan Salamé Republic (p.2) Executive Committee Iraq (p.10) Morton Abramowitz Cheryl Carolus Maria Livanos Cattaui Unchanged Situations Yoichi Funabashi Algeria (p.11), Armenia (p.7), Azerbaijan (p.8), Bahrain (p.10), Bosnia (p.7), Burundi (p.2), Frank Giustra Cameroon (p.2), Central African Republic (p.2), Chad (p.2), China (internal) (p.5), China/Japan (p.5), Mark Malloch-Brown Moisés Naím Comoros (p.3), Côte d’Ivoire (p.4), Cyprus (p.8), Democratic Republic of the Congo (p.2), George Soros Ecuador (p.9), Egypt (p.11), Eritrea (p.2), Ethiopia (p.2), Georgia (p.8), Guatemala (p.9), Guinea (p.4), Pär Stenbäck Indonesia (p. 6), Iran (p.10), Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories (p.9), Jordan (p.11), Kashmir (p.5), Kazakhstan (p.4), Kenya (p.2), Kuwait (p.11), Kyrgyzstan (p.4), Libya (p.11), Kofi Annan Macedonia (p7), Madagascar (p.3), Malawi (p.3), Malaysia (p.6), Mali (p.4), Mauritania (p.12), Nahum Barnea Samuel Berger Mexico (p.9), Morocco (p.12), Mozambique (p.3), Myanmar (p.6), Nagorno-Karabakh Emma Bonino (Azerbaijan) (p.8), India (non-Kashmir) (p.6), Nepal (p.6), Nigeria (p.4), North Caucasus (Russia) (p.8), Micheline Calmy-Rey North Korea (p.5), Rwanda -
Rev8 Market Perspective-Juli 2018
Market Perspective Wealth Management Newsletter - Juli 2018 Trade War: Risk or Opportunity Isu perang dagang masih mewarnai pergerakan pasar namun diyakini tidak berpengaruh langsung kepada Indonesia. Greetings Nasabah yang terhormat, Terima kasih atas kepercayaan Anda dan menjadi Nasabah setia Bank Commonwealth. Pada Market Perspective e-Newsletter edisi Juli tahun 2018, kami membahas pergerakan pasar keuangan dan faktor- faktor yang mempengharuhinya sepanjang bulan Juni dan Juli 2018. Sepanjang bulan Juni, investor terlihat lebih berhati-hati seiring dengan kembali meningkatnya ketegangan mengenai perang dagang yang melibatkan Amerika Serikat, Tiongkok, Kanada, dan Uni Eropa. Pada bulan Juni juga, untuk pertama kalinya dalam Rustini Dewi sejarah, berlangsung pertemuan antara pemimpin Director of Retail Banking Amerika Serikat dan Korea Utara yang membahas mengenai denuklirisasi di semenanjung Korea. Sementara, di saat yang hampir bersamaan, The Fed menaikkan suku bunga acuan yang kedua di tahun 2018. Sepanjang bulan Juni, investor Dari domestik, pasar saham Indonesia terkoreksi cukup dalam setelah selesai libur panjang Lebaran terlihat lebih berhati-hati yang disebabkan oleh sentimen negatif akibat isu seiring kembali meningkatnya perang dagang. Sentimen positif dari Pemilihan umum kepala daerah secara serentak yang berlangsung ketegangan mengenai perang dengan lancar dan aman terbukti tidak mampu dagang yang melibatkan menahan sentimen negatif tersebut. Di akhir bulan Amerika Serikat, Tiongkok, Bank Indonesia kembali menaikan suku bunga 7D reverse repo rate sebanyak 50bps untuk menahan Kanada, dan Uni Eropa. pelemahan Rupiah yang berkelanjutan. Di bulan Juli 2018 investor masih menunggu kelanjutan dari kesepakatan antara Amerika Serikat dengan partner dagangnya terutama Tiongkok, Kanada, dan Uni Eropa terkait defisit perdagangan yang dialami Amerika Serikat. Selain itu investor menanti hasil laporan keuangan emiten kuartal II-2018, yang diharapkan momentum Lebaran masih dapat menopang pertumbuhan laba emiten pada kuartal tersebut. -
Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns Second Edition
handbook_2014.qxp 17/06/2014 19:40 Page 1 Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns Second Edition Published by War Resisters’ International Second Edition June 2014 ISBN 978-0-903517-28-7 Except where otherwise noted, this work is licensed under Attribution-Non-Commercial-Share Alike 2.0 UK: England & Wales. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.0/uk/) 1 handbook_2014.qxp 17/06/2014 19:40 Page 2 2 handbook_2014.qxp 17/06/2014 19:40 Page 3 CREDITS The process of writing this Handbook was a collective effort, with people from across the world (more than 20 countries) contributing their time, skills, knowledge and resources. The first edition was translated into 10 languages. The second edition was expanded on by a range of writers and contributors. All of the content and translations are available for free online at http://wri-irg.org/pubs/NonviolenceHandbook Coordinator: Andrew Dey Editorial Committee: Javier Gárate, Subhash Kattel, Christine Schweitzer and Joanne Sheehan Editorial consultant: Mitzi Bales Layout: Contributors to both editions of the handbook include: Ahmadullah Archiwal, Eric Bachman, Roberta Bacic, Jagat Basnet, April Carter, Janet Cherry, Jungmin Choi, Howard Clark, Jake Coleman, Lavinia Crossley, Jagat Deuja, Denise Drake, Hilal Demir, Luke Finn, Abraham Gebreyesus Mehreteab, Dan Glass, Symon Hill, Ruth Hiller, Ippy, Yeo Jeewoo, Jørgen Johansen, Sian Jones, Randy Kehler, Adele Kirsten, Boro Kitanoski, Hans Lammerant, Cattis Laska, Tali Lerner, Benard Lisamadi Agona, Dieter Lünse, Brian Martin, Jason MacLeod, Shannon McManimon, Rosa Moiwend, Michael Randle, Andrew Rigby, Vicki Rovere, Chesterfield Samba, Ruben Dario Santamaria, Vivien Sharples, Martin Smedjeback, Majken Sorensen, Andreas Speck, Jill Sternberg, Roel Stynen, Miles Tanhira, Katja Tempel, Cecil Barbeito Thonon, Ferda Ûlker, Sahar Vardi, Stellan Vinthagen, Steve Whiting, Dorie Wilsnack. -
International Dimensions of the West Papua Comp/Exities*
International Dimensions of the West Papua Comp/exities* Mangadar Situmorang (Director of Parahyangan Centre for International Studies - PACIS and senior lecture at the Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Parahyangan Catholic University Bandung -Indonesia. Visiting Fellow at the Asia Research Centre, Murdoch University, Perth - Western Australia) May 2010 Report of Research on Conflict in Papua Please do not cite. l':2J~ ~-& USf3 ( PCC;l P Ib.LI9-. 1 International Dimensions of the West Papua Complexities Mangadar Situmorang Abstract: The longstanding problems in Papua have led to contradictive views. Whereas the Government of Indonesia firmly holds the opinion that separatist conflict is na longer existed in its easternmost province, its military force continues ta operate there with an ultimate justification: to protect Indonesian territorial integrity. In the mean time the government could not be able to deny all kinds of problems related ta development issues, economic and marginalization of indigenous Papuans. On the other hand, small groups of Papuan remain to insist thot the problems in Papua are of less significant of social and economic development. It is abaut occupation and liberation, they argue. The research contends that the problems in Papua are closely linked to international values and interests that collectively complicate effarts in seeking an effective solution. Relying on qualitative analysis, the research investigates and examines different factors, parties, and interests related international realm which make efforts to have peaceful, sustainable peace more difficult. Keywords: internal conflict- international linkages - complexity of conflict - Papua and Indonesia. Background At the very beginning the problem of Papua has been entitling an international characteristic. -
Revisiting the Inclusion-Moderation Thesis in the Context Of
Special issue article Party Politics 19(2) 210–229 Revisiting the ª The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav inclusion-moderation DOI: 10.1177/1354068812462933 thesis in the context ppq.sagepub.com of decentralized institutions: The behavior of Indonesia’s Prosperous Justice Party in national and local politics Michael Buehler Northern Illinois University, Dekalb, IL, USA Abstract Institutions figure prominently in explanations for why radical parties forego their agendas and subject themselves to democratic principles when included in politics. Analyzing the Prosperous Justice Party’s political trajectory across Indonesia’s multi- level government structures between 1999 and 2009, I show that the Islamist party has gradually adopted more moderate behavior not only in national politics, where institu- tional incentives are conducive to moderation, but also in local politics, where institu- tional incentives for moderation are weaker. The absence of a strong pattern of invariant association between institutional incentives and the moderation of party behavior points to the importance of party internal mechanisms in moderation processes. Based on primary sources and in-depth interviews with party members, I argue that socio-structural factors shape a party’s internal power dynamics and thereby its long-term capacity to adopt more moderate behavior. Corresponding author: Michael Buehler, Northern Illinois University, 415 Zulauf Hall, Dekalb, IL 60115, USA. Email: [email protected] Buehler 211 Keywords Decentralization, democratization, Islamic Law, Indonesia, party formation, party institu- tionalization, Prosperous Justice Party, PKS, religious parties, shari’a Paper submitted 22 August 2012; accepted for publication 26 August 2012 Introduction Institutions figure prominently in explanations for why radical parties successfully inte- grate into the mainstream when included in politics. -
In Brief 2020/24 the Competing Perceptions of Jakarta and Papua
The Competing Perceptions of Jakarta and Papua1 towards the Special Autonomy Law Petrus K. Farneubun and Johni R.V. Korwa In Brief 2020/24 The historical roots of special autonomy in Papua can be This positive reaction, however, was short-lived. Papuans traced back to two major events. The first was a meeting of realised that special autonomy was not a pathway to political 100 Papuan representatives with President Habibie in Jakarta independence. Consequently, distrust began to emerge, on 26 February 1999, and the second was the 2nd Papuan reaching its climax on 12 August 2005 when the Papua Congress held in Jayapura city from 29 May to 4 June 2000. Customary Council (DAP) made a symbolic return of the Special In both events, Papuans expressed their demand for political Autonomy Law to Jakarta because it had failed to improve the independence. In response, the central government granted living conditions of Papuans. Since then, Papuans have become special autonomy through the enactment of Law No. 21/2001 increasingly resistant and distrustful of special autonomy. (Special Autonomy Law). Although special autonomy is valid for If past governors (Solossa and Suebu) were supportive of an unspecified period of time, Article 34(6) of the Law states special autonomy, the current governor of Papua, Lukas Enembe, that special autonomy funding shall be valid for 20 years;2 it has become increasingly sceptical, claiming that special autonomy will come to an end in 2021. While the central government has did not solve the problems in Papua. Although Enembe did not decided to extend the allocation of special autonomy funds, openly oppose the renewal of special autonomy, his proposal of various Papuan groups recently voiced their opposition. -
Governance and the Cycle of Violence in Papua: the Nduga Crisis
Volume 17 | Issue 2 | Number 4 | Article ID 5238 | Jan 15, 2019 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Governance and the Cycle of Violence in Papua: The Nduga Crisis: Richard Chauvel Abstract leaders met with President Habibie and demanded that Papua’s independence be Indonesia’s last regional conflict remains recognized. President Abdurrahman Wahid, intractable. We are reminded of this bymore than any of the otherReformasi -era demonstrations and mass detentions in 2018 Presidents, sought to accommmodate Papuan around the 1 December anniversary of Papua’s aspirations, when, on a visit to Papua to ‘Independence’ Day and the killing a day later welcome the new Millennium, he agreed that of at least 16 construction workers in the the province could be called Papua and that the central highlands district of Nduga with the Papuan Morning Star flag could be flown. military operations that followed. These events Abdurrahman Wahid funded the Papua will be discussed further in the paper after a Congress, a pro-independence mass gathering brief outline of the conflict in Papua. held in mid-2000 by the Papua Presidium Council (PDP), led by Theys Eluay. The “Papuan spring” of relatively free mobilization and expression of opinion came to an end with Keywords the detention of Theys Eluay and other PDP Papua, Indonesia, Nduga Crisis, Violence, leaders in late November 2000 and the Autonomy Law assassination of Theys Eluay by Kopassus (Special) troops a year later. Under Presidents Megawati Sukarnoputri and Introduction: Papua and the Indonesian Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono peaceful pro- state independence activity was criminalized, with activists like Filip Karma given long prison Papuan resistance to Indonesian rule has sentences for raising the Morning Star Flag.