1
Index: Second wave feminism:
Index: Second wave feminism: 1
Heading page: 2
Topic: Key question: 3
Long research essay: 4
Reflection: 17
Transcribed interview: Sasha Rodenacker and Debbie Budlender: 20
Bibliography: 37
Planning: 39
2
Heading page: The impact of Second wave feminism:
3
Topic: Key question: The Impact of second wave feminism on society:
- How did second wave feminism manifest in the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa as well as the Black Power Movement in America? - Interviewing: Debbie Budlender
4
Long research essay:
How did second wave feminism manifest itself in the fight for black liberation, in the anti-apartheid campaign in South Africa as well as the BPM in america:
The 1960s were a time of rising consciousness in the humanity of all people and saw a drive towards equality. This prompted the growth of various movements, including second-wave feminism, which expanded through to the early 1980s. The rise of Second-wave feminism coincided with the growth of the Black Power Movement (BPM) in America and subsequently permeated the movement. Activist Afeni Shakur embodies the manifestation of second-wave feminism within the BPM.1 Additionally, as the anti-apartheid movement began to gather momentum in the 1970s, the influence of second-wave feminism thereupon became increasingly prominent. This was motivated by activists such as Debbie Budlender, who is a prime example of the aforementioned.2
By the 1960s society provided a need for a second-wave of feminism. This was driven by deep cultural changes. The Black Power Movement rose to prominence in America, the apartheid struggle shifted to more violent measures and the release of Betty Friedan's book The Feminine Mystique galvanised white middle to upper-class women.3 Women began to reimagine their domestic submissive roles in society and push the boundaries of social convention. They were fed up with unequal treatment and high levels of domestic violence. Thus, they proposed greater control over their lives and bodies.4 They campaigned for abortion rights, “The contraceptive Pill”, and began entering the workforce. Subsequently, they felt a dissatisfaction at unequal pay for the same job (40% less than men), sexual harassment (in the workplace) and the limitations placed on women.5 This was specifically prevalent in managerial roles, with the 1950s proving 95% of all managers to be men.6 Therefore, the 1960s, proposed a need for and saw the rise of second wave feminism. Moreover, as the movement grew- its mandate expanded. However, black women's suffering was often ignored by the maintsream feminist movement.
1 Book Jasmine Guy, Evolution Of A Revolutionary (1st edn, Afeni Shakur 2004), 2 Sasha Rodenacker, Interview with Debbie Budlender (2020). 3 Website 'The Waves Of Feminism, And Why People Keep Fighting Over Them, Explained' (Vox, 2020)
Black women suffered from the combined prejudice of being a woman, coupled with severe racism.7 Due to their unique circumstances, they felt disenfranchised and excluded from the mainstream feminist agenda. Consequently, black women placed greater significance on achieving racial equality rather than gender equality. Nonetheless, many black women were heavily influenced by second-wave feminist ideology. Evidence being in their involvement within black liberation groups. Such as in the Black Panther Party (BPP) in America.8 Thus, Black Nationalism and feminism became intertwined.
The Feminine Mystique (1963), coupled with ongoing oppression of women, invigorated white, middle to upper class women and spurred them into a second wave of feminism. The book has been largely criticised for being myopical, focusing solely on white women's issues whilst ignoring the plight of black women. Albeit, the introduction of second wave feminism created positive societal change propelling society forward into a new realm of consciousness. 9
10
The BPP was an integral movement fighting both against structural racism, while simultaneously promoting Black Power. Preceding the BPP was the Civil Rights Movement who, in 1964, succeeded in abolishing segregation in the Southern states.11 However, discrimination remained a prominent force throughout America. Black people clustered into inner-city ghettos, with poor housing, schools and inferior infrastructure. This coupled with
7 Website 'Between Two Worlds: Black Women And The Fight For Voting Rights (U.S. National Park Service)' (Nps.gov, 2020)
Afeni Shakur (on the left, in checkered pants) and Jamal Joseph (right, wearing sunglasses). The BPP regularly held political rallies to promote their agenda and grow their community relations. This image shows Shakur, speaking at a rally. The fact that she got involved, spoke at these rallies and asserted herself shows her feminist influences. (Photo by David Fenton/Getty Images)17
The 1970s saw a resurgence in South African trade unions. Unions mimicked the BPP in many aspects, including the influence of second-wave feminism on their activities.
12 'Malcolm X Assassinated' (HISTORY, 2020)
Furthermore, similarly to the BPP’s campaigns for the rights of black workers in America, trade unions in South Africa, also fought for the plight of black workers under apartheid.18 While unions existed for many years in South Africa, they had limited power or only represented white workers.19 However, the 1973 world oil crisis caused a global downturn in economic activity.20 This sparked the rise of Trade Unions in South Africa. It began with a series of protests, with around 60 000 demonstrators in Durban and the East Rand.21 One of their main demands was the legalisation of independent black trade unions.22 As pressure mounted the Wiehahn Commission recommended the Minister of Manpower permit the establishment of the first independent black trade union, in 1979.23 Trade Unions played an active role in the fighting for the cause of the black working class, and opposed the apartheid regime. For example in 1986, after pressure from Trade Unions and other organisations, PW Botha revoked the Pass laws. Laws which were widely hated by black people, seeing around 540 000 black people arrested yearly for infractions.24 Therefore, the trade unions mirrored the BPP both in striving for worker freedom and black emancipation. Additionally, similarly to the BPP women, like Debbie Budlender, played an integral role in the resurgence and power of trade unions in the 1970s. This portrays the impact second-wave feminism had on the trade unions. On the other hand, Afeni Shakur represents the manifestation of second-wave feminism within the BPP. Her journey as a political activist was born out of her turbulent childhood.
Shakur’s suffering as a child shaped her understanding of racism, sexism and social injustice prevalent in the United States which had a major influence over her later activism.25 She grew up in Lumberton North Carolina in a household, which saw her alcoholic father frequently abuse her mom. Consequently, Shakur developed a disdain for men and criticised her mom for being weak. “I thought she was weak because what I saw was her taking his shit.” 26 This contrasts with Shakur’s characteristics, being headstrong and tempestuous. Shakur described herself as having: “A need to fight back. To rebel and be recognised as different.”27 The domestic violence conscientised her to the plight of women, influencing her
18 Book Bottaro, J., Visser, P. and Worden, N., 2020. In Search Of History Grade 12 Learners Book. Oxford University Press Southern Africa, pp 144 19 ibid 20 ibid 21 ibid 22 ibid 23 Website (Wwmp.org.za, 2020)
Experiences in Budlender’s formative years made lasting impressions, moulding the activist that she would develop into. Budlender’s sheltered upbringing in Port Elizabeth was vastly different from that of Shakur.32 While Shakur suffered because of her skin colour, Budlender was born a white person in apartheid. Hence, receiving many privileges from the government. It was at a summer camp with her youth movement, Habonim Dror, that she came to understand discrimination and the way she was unfairly benefiting from an unjust system.33 This came through an activity they ran in which half her age group received supper, while the other half did not. Naturally, the hungry group were up in arms at their lack of a meal. The activity aimed to educate the children on the nature of discrimination, being based on arbitrary characteristics. While also teaching of the responsibility of the privileged in society to support the struggle of the underprivileged.34 This activity had a lasting impression on Budlender. This together with the influence of her brother, Geoff Budlender, influenced Ms Budlender to enter the activist scene at university. She joined the National
28 ibid 29 ibid 30 'Bronx Rate Of Poverty Is Highest' (Nytimes.com, 2020)
Union of South African Students (NUSAS).35 A left-wing white students union at the university campus (the Black Consciousness Movement set up a union for black students- South African Students Organisation). NUSAS denounced apartheid and became vocal objectors to its policies.36 Budlender notes that it is here that she encounters second-wave feminism and becomes focused on defending the oppressed. “ Basically for me, it was about disadvantage. Women were disadvantaged, workers were disadvantaged... I’m not interested in getting to the top. I'm interested in what happened to the people at the bottom.” 37 Therefore, Budlender’s formative experiences influenced her to become an activist. Activism which both represented second-wave feminism, by the fact that she got involved in a meaningful cause, and the struggle against apartheid, with NUSAS. Budlender spent large parts of her life fighting for the plight of the workers and displaying feminist qualities through her activism. Much like Shakur in the BPP.
The BPP revitalised Shakur and gave her life a sense of purpose. She joined the BPP courtesy of a speech delivered by Bobby Seale in Harlem. He was co-founder of the BPP, together with Huey P Newton).38 His speech announced the opening of the BPP’s New York offices and inspired a young Afeni Shakur: “There I am wrapped in my Africanness. For the first time, loving myself.”39 This quote shows Shakur started to embrace her identity and come to terms with who she was. She understood that being black and being a woman is not an aberration, but rather beautiful and what made her strong.40 Therefore, joining the BPP, gave Shakur a sense of hope, clarity and empowerment.41 Her embrace of Africa was reinforced through her name change from Alice Faye Williams to the Yoruba ‘Afeni’ meaning lover of people.42 The name change is significant as it marked the next chapter in her life. When she decided to take her life into her own hands. She proved to be a lover of people, specifically in her community, through her work in the BPP.
Shakur began to become an activist, promoting Black Power. It is through her activism, that she embodied second-wave feminism. She described herself as full of anger, but the panthers allowed her to flourish: “The Black Panthers took my rage and channelled it,” They channelled her rage into becoming an eager and devoted member of the party. Her party work reflected the ‘principle before profit’ sentiment. She campaigned for social upliftment through community and panther schemes. Schemes which ranged from setting up the Panther breakfast programme, which fed black schoolchildren, to her support for free clinics. She even helped to draft the first version of the Patients’ Bill of Rights which is widely.
35 ibid 36 'National Union Of South African Students (NUSAS) | South African History Online' (Sahistory.org.za, 2020)
Furthermore, her involvement also included collecting bail money, striking and writing for the Panther post newsletter. Thus, Shakur got involved in a variety of Panther operations. The fact that she got involved and made her presence felt is indicative of second-wave feminism manifesting itself in the BPP. However, it is after she met her first husband ( Lumumba Shkaur) that her movement work grew in significance.
Together with Lumumba, Shakur rose to prominence in the BPP. She met Lumumba ( who was the section leader of the Harlem offices), at a rally he was organising. She liked the way he was in control, while he enjoyed the way she spoke up for herself.43 Jasmine Guy reflects on Shakur’s description of Lumumba: “Lumumba was her mentor, her lover and her comrade.”44 It was here that Shakur first had contact with men who did not abuse their partners. However, early 1969 saw the arrest and imprisonment of Lumumba. He was arrested in Connecticut, upon false accusations.45 This was significant because it left Afeni Shakur responsible for the Harlem and Bronx offices. Albeit she did not feel ready for her role as a section leader, she took great pride in her work. Hence, it can be seen that Shakur spoke up for her beliefs, stood up for her community and became an activist. Thus, confirming the influence of second-wave feminism over her life. Ergo, illustrating how second-wave feminism manifested in the Black Power Movement. Furthermore, her feminist influence over the party was strengthened when she became a prominent leader within the party. Therefore, Shakur was a powerful figure and through her position embodied feminism. Budlender’s early activism reflects Shakur’s commitment to her community and empowering the underprivileged. Budlender was committed to black unskilled workers, attempting to enhance their situations. Thus, she too embodied feminism through her activism.
46Shakur sits surrounded by a group of men. She is conferring with the Panther Minister of Information Elbert Howard (far left) Shakur is seated second from the left and the Educational minister of the party Ray Massi Hewitt (seated the second from the right) before the launch of a press conference.47
43 ibid 44 Book Jasmine Guy, Evolution Of A Revolutionary (1st edn, Afeni Shakur 2004), location 821 45 Book Jasmine Guy, Evolution Of A Revolutionary (1st edn, Afeni Shakur 2004), 46 Website Gettyimages.com. 2020. Afeni Shakur Pictures And Photos - Getty Images. [online] Available at:
Through Budlender’s early activism, she demonstrates both feminism and how it manifested to defy the apartheid regime. Budlender’s activism had a specific effect on the Wages Commission (WC). The WC began to investigate the wages and labour conditions for unskilled, black university staff. Yet, over time their mandate expanded to general South Africa. The main goal was to spread awareness about the “starvation wages,” while pressuring the Wage Board to implement a living wage.48 The WC, in the early 70s, foreshadowed the growth of the labour unions in the rest of the decade. A growth which included the efforts of Ms Budlender. In her third year of varsity, she began working for a nascent trade union that later developed into the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU).49 Moreover, similarly to Shakur, who wrote for her movement newspaper, Budlender wrote articles for a workers paper. This paper saw to educate workers about their rights and promote union agendas. This was so successful that the security branch banned the paper.50 Her community work progressed with Budlender focusing her attention onto a literacy organisation that had been started by two of her female friends.51 In 1976 Budlender was poised to take control of the organisation as one of the former leaders had to return to Durban. However, her plans were interrupted by a banning order issued in November 1976 by the security branch. The banning would last for 5 years.52 Ergo, Budlender and Shakur, both engaged in community upliftment which mirrors many of the same sentiments in uplifting oppressed black communities. Moreover, through her activism, it can be seen how she furthered the vision of second-wave feminism. Thus, her early activism, both defied apartheid and bolstered feminism. Budlender will go on to be involved in various feminist and workers related to organisations, whereas Shakur worked solely for the BPP.
Shakur stares into the distance while photographing at a Panther rally, on the 4 April 1970. Her cropped hairstyle can be seen in the photo. This was described as a: “radical rebellion for black women at the time.” by Bin-Wahad, a fellow Panther. This rebellion further emphasises her defiance of social norms for women at the time.53
48 Website 'Wages Commission | South African History Online' (Sahistory.org.za, 2020)
Her time as a section leader rendered numerous successes. To list a few: she fought the white teachers union to institute a black principle into a black school, Furthered human rights education programmes, took control of multiple welfare centres and attempted to gain administration over the Lincoln and Harlem hospitals.54 Hospitals which were in dire straights, described as: “butcher shops” as black people went to die.55 Thus, at only nineteen years of age, Shakur managed to grow dramatically into her new role and claimed many victories for the BPP. Her successes as a leader reinforced the feminist portrayal of women as able and equipped to handle challenges, rather than inept beings suited only for housework. Hence, depicting how she has become a feminist icon who represented feminism in the struggle for racial equality in the BPM. Like Shakur motivated for the human rights of black people, so too did Budlender through her later activism.
After Budlender’s ban ended she continued to represent second wave feminism within the fight against apartheid. Her involvement in the Food and Canning Workers Union (FCWU), is a testament to this. The FCWU was founded in 1941 and operated along non-racial lines. Consequently, during apartheid they were forced to split up according to race. Thus, they became one of the few unions to survive the Natives Labour Settlement of Disputes ACT, which banned many trade unions.56 Nevertheless, By the 1960s there were many women in wage employment. So, women began to have greater influence over their trade unions. This was particularly potent within the FCWU. The FCWU campaigned for worker’s rights, fairer wages and improved working conditions.57 Moreover, they educated and politicised members to oppose the apartheid regime.58 Budlender’s role in the movement contained various elements. Her employment saw her working in the head office as an administrator and researcher. However, she voluntarily ran a fund called The food workers medical benefits fund.59 This provided medical insurance to suffering and disenfranchised workers, who were being exploited. Budlender even describes it as: “What kept the industry alive during the time.” 60 Therefore, it played a major role in helping those workers in the union. Hence, Budlender's union work reaffirms the notion that she fought for racial equality in South Africa during apartheid. While doing so she epitomised second-wave feminism by defying her gender stereotypes in favour of her passions.
The essay thus far has demonstrated the manners in which both Shakur and Budlender’s activism epitomised and drove second-wave feminism. Furthermore, it has also shown how they defied the racist structures of their countries. However, much of their feminism thus far has been portrayed implicitly through their actions. Yet, They both also engaged in explicit
54 ibid 55 ibid 56 '1953. Native Labour Settlement Of Disputes Act No 48 - The O'malley Archives' (Omalley.nelsonmandela.org, 2020)
Shakur campaigned to improve the plight of women in the party. This is evident through her campaign to achieve equal opportunities afforded to men and women in the party. For example, she pushed for the training of women as Panther soldiers. Furthermore, she took control of the Political Education class to ensure the same curriculum was being taught to the male and female recruits. This under scrutiny from Party leadership who claimed women were too emotional.61 Hence, the party contained a patriarchal attitude which Shakur defied. However, this idea opposed party policy which party was a feminist outlook for the time. It said that women were not to be viewed as sex objects and that their sex or gender should have no influence over their seniority in the party.62 Demonstrations of this macho chauvinism manifested through various means.63 Shakur recounts an incident where on a trip to Oakland on panther business. Newton, the party leader, climbed into bed with her. After she rejected him, he retorted that she should be: “Honoured to sleep with him, because he is the king.”64 His sense of entitlement is testament to the rampant patriarchy in the party. Her ability to deny him from using her body shows her feminist vigour (as fighting against sexual harassment is a key element of second-wave feminism). It also reinforces how Shakur fought for the predicament of women in the BPP. Budlender too, looked to directly promote the situation of women.
Budlender also outwardly fought for women's rights, while still defying apartheid. Budlender had much more definitive contact with second-wave feminist philosophy, which motivated her activism at UCT and in trade unions. She came into contact with second-wave feminism when Juliet Mitchell, prominent British feminist, spoke at UCT. This, coupled with the influence of a book called “The Sociology of Housework” by Ann Oakley made an impression on Budlender.65 They made her aware of the discrimination of women in normal society and inspired her to take a stand against its perpetuation. Subsequently, on the Student Representative Council (SRC) at UCT, Budlender fought for a UCT creche. Currently known as the Education Centre. It is a place for university staff's children to grow, learn and develop while their parents worked.66 This was significant to Budlender as she attempted to alleviate: “This extra burden” that women have to carry.67 Budlender's feminism continued to manifest through her motivation for women's issues in Trade Unions, such as maternity leave. Finally,
61 book, Jasmine Guy, Evolution Of A Revolutionary (1st edn, Afeni Shakur 2004). 62 Thesis Arielle Cribb, DON’T ASK US ABOUT FREEDOM: STORIES OF GENDER AND INJUSTICE IN THE CASES OF AFENI SHAKUR, ANGELA DAVIS & ASSATA SHAKUR (2009)
These 4 books/ articles represent Budlender’s commitment to women rights and ensuring that institutional sexism is combatted. The third womens budgets: analyses budget votes in relation to how it affects women.72
68 ibid 69 Website 'United Women’S Congress (UWCO) | South African History Online' (Sahistory.org.za, 2020)
Women and Land: This book exposes women's relationships to land and provides insight for policy makers to empower women and their communities. Hence, rectifying a disadvantage that perpetuates poverty and exploitation of women.73 Gender Budgets make cents: This provides research and structure for gender sensitive budgets.74
During the Panther 21 trial, Shakur cemented herself as a true feminist icon within the BPM. Additionally, the trial saw the demise of the Panther Party and spelt the end of Shakur’s second-wave activism. The morning of the 2nd of April 1969, law enforcement conducted mass raids over the entire city.75 They arrested 21 Panther leaders on 156 counts of “conspiracy”. Conspiracy to bomb various New York establishments. Such as; police stations and department stores.76 If they were proven guilty they would serve 356 years in prison. Shakur realised that it would be her serving the jail time and not any lawyers and elected to represent herself in court. She managed her legal research, interviews and cross-examinations.77 An impoverished black woman, with no legal training, faced off against a full team of New York state prosecutors, in the longest trial in New York state history. Nine months long: “No money. No attorney. No privilege,” she won.78 Hence, rooting her position as a feminist idol. She attributes her success to her rhetoric of: “I had not committed those crimes. I was right. I stood on that righteousness. That is strength.” 79 All panthers were acquitted on 13 May 1971. However, the goals of law enforcement were met. The arrests contributed to the party’s demise.
Shakur spent 11 months in jail awaiting trial on unsubstantiated charges. This is as the court set her bail at $100 000, equivalent to $704 844. 69 today.80 That is an extravagantly high bail: “I had never heard of that many zeros. I couldn’t believe it.”81 While pregnant in prison she writes a letter to her unborn son, in which she reaffirms that throughout the entire ordeal her lasting dream for “peace and harmony” remains.82 It shows an immense amount of maturity to not turn bitter as a result of your suffering. However, the statement lends itself to a contradiction. Is it not inherently contradictory to be fighting and using violence to obtain peace? A conundrum the ANC also grappled with for many years. When does one transfer
73 Book Depository, 'Women And Land : Debbie Budlender : 9781552505229' (Bookdepository.com, 2020)
Black Panthers' Richard Moore, his wife Iris, and Afeni Shakur walking away from the criminal courts building on the 9th April 1969, after a day in session. This is an image captured during the Panther 21 trial. (Photo by Leonard Detrick/NY Daily News Archive via Getty Image)85
Significant cultural shifts in the 1960s gave way to second-wave feminism. Second-wave feminism had major societal impacts through the 1960s, to the early 1980s. The movement was driven by activists such as Budeldner and Shakur. Their activism stems from their formative years which played a substantial role in influencing and shaping the activists they would become. Both, Shakur and Budlender, not only faught for the plight of women but
83 Thesis Anon (Ecommons.cornell.edu, 2020)
18
Reflection: Through assembling this project, I went on a distinct researching journey, which has made a deep impact on the way I view life. This prevailed through the process of deciding on a topic, compiling the research as well as through Budlender and Shakur themselves. This steep learning curve illustrated numerous successes, failures, challenges, emotions and educational moments. Overall the project has had a lasting impression on me, challenging me to think long term about the form my life will take.
The process of deciding on a topic presented various challenges. Firstly, I felt intellectually stimulated by a variety of topics and engrossed by the ideas of researching them. This dilemma led me to decide on a broad topic, to avoid making any concrete decisions about my topic. Thus, neglecting the warnings from Mr Helfrich, I decided my project was to have two components. The manifestation of second-wave feminism within the Black Power Movement, as well as in aparetheid South Africa. Subsequently, the research encompassed multiple avenues and left me feeling frustrated. Further, succinctly synthesising the copious amounts of research I had conducted, proved to be a real challenge. My mind perennially focused on the level of detail I could include, while ensuring I was abiding by the word count, staying relevant to my question, yet still providing sufficient historical context. I have learnt to be very specific in the realm of your study. Doing so allows one to structure their argument better and allows your essay to follow a specific line of argument. Moreover, it allows your research to be more in-depth to the topic you have chosen rather than surface-level across various aspects. Thus, I often felt that my essay had to justify too many points. Why Budlender was a second wave feminist, why Shakur was a second wave feminist as well as how their actions show second wave feminism manifesting in their various struggles. Consequently, at times my argument is unconvincing and unorganised. Hence, in future I shall meticulously craft the research question. The actual research presented itself with its own set of challenges.
I encountered various struggles in my research process. I started reading and writing my essay simultaneously. Something I have come to learn is a mistake. It led to me having a very narrow view in my writing. Thus, I was writing from a place of ignorance and omitted crucial details. This meant that later I had to engage in extensive editing. Moreover, I had not yet properly prepared to write an essay. I had not formulated ideas about paragraph structure, decided on my line of argument, or how I was to record research notes. I have recognised that it is essential to engage in some preliminary research, create a flexible outline of each paragraph and structure research notes to fit into that adaptable outline. This is all as our project deadlines suggested. However, I failed to notice that connection and have learnt that value in trusting my educators more. Nevertheless, the research I conducted into Budlender and Shakur left a lasting impression on me.
The research conducted into Budlender and Shakur had a profound effect on me. I have a deep admiration for both the women I researched, for different reasons. In regards to 19
Budlender, she was a person who lived with extensive privilege under apartheid, yet, still dedicated much of her life to fighting against an unjust system that she was benefitting from. That I have much respect. I fear that I would not be able to sacrifice like that for an ideal. This relates to a fear which hangs over me, developed by my studies of history. One which asks the question of, what persecution and prejudice are rife all around me that I am unconscious to. Something perpetuated that will be looked back on in disgust. I fear that I could even look back at my life and ask: “How could I have not done anything about that?” What the “that” is, I would love to know. Furthermore, in my activist work, I am already feeling overwhelmed by the number of issues in the world and the work one has to do to bring about meaningful change. Thus, I have developed a sincere adoration for Debbie in her unrelenting activism, and the meaningful impact she had on society. Shakur’s experiences took me on an emotional rollercoaster.
Shakur experienced an exorbitant amount of suffering in her life. To see the lack of recognition she got for her life’s suffering was heartbreaking. Most articles I read referred to her as Tupac’s mother ( Tupac Shakur was a famous rap artist). This enraged me as it reduced her activism and suffering to that of merely birthing Tupac. While mothers are amazing, being recognised as just that represents the opposite of what she fought for as a second-wave feminist. She battled a violent, impoverished upbringing, endured domestic abuse from multiple partners, fought against racial, gender and class discrimination, to eventualy rise to be a high ranking officer in the BPP. To read the reality of black women then and know that there are many who endure such wretched conditions in our country today, was truly heartbreaking. It is a big motivator for me to use my privilege to uplift those who have been ostracised by life. Shakur is a true icon of second-wave feminism, and will always possess a special place in my heart.
These activist journeys have left me questioning the meaning I am to construct with my life. What I want to leave this world knowing I achieved. I do not yet have an answer. However, I know that I will be more proud of myself for achieving some sort of social upliftment rather than academic honours at school. Yet, society places a disproportionate devotion to the latter. Hence, I find large parts of my life behind a desk studying some piece of information I will never use. It is very difficult to deviate from the society's value system, as it is this that determines one's options in life. Ultimately, our time on this earth is short. Am I wasting my time?
I still have many years to live and many research papers to write. I learnt a lot about myself, as a writer and researcher as well as my future dreams through this project. Ranging from how to choose an apt topic, how to effectively compile research, to what kind of impact I want to have on this earth. I am very grateful for this project, considering the formative value it has brought to my development.
20
Transcribed interview: Sasha Rodenacker and Debbie Budlender:
Short biography of Debbie Budlender:
Ms Budlender grew up in Port Elizabeth, South Africa and attended Habonim Dror’s summer camp. This experience, coupled with the influence of her older brother Geoff, inspired her to enter the activism field. She began working for NUSAS and expanded, working for the Wages Commission, and fighting for the plight of women while a part of the student leadership at UCT. Moreover, she continued to defy apartheid through her work in in social upliftment in a litracy irganisation and apart of the Transport and Gneral Workers Union. In 1976, she was banned and got involved with the United Womens Congress, and the Food and Canning Workers Union. Thus, through her activism and promotion of womens issues through the 1970s, and 1980s, Budlender portrayed second wave feminism’s manifestation in the fight against apartheid. Furthermore, post apartheid she has worked with government and the Community Agency for Social Enqiey, in eradicating gender bias in the law, ensuring women friendly budgets and related activism. Additionally she also sits on the council at UCT.
Sasha: Okay, Thank you very much for agreeing to do this with me. So I know that activism has been a very big-big part of your life-your whole life. You know being involved with the Black Sash during Apartheid and also more recently with like, your books like- Gender Budgets make cents and with CASE ( Community Agency for Social Enquiry). So I (pause) I just wanted to start with a focus on the Black Sash. And ask you, more specifically what your role was, what you did?
Debbie: Black Sash wasn’t my main thing.
Sasha: Oh, what was it?
Debbie: I got involved at university, umm in NUSAS ( National Union of South African Students) in the early 1970s and I soon got into the wages commission. Which was the, I mean which had a focus on black workers, I mean, African workers couldn’t legally be in trade Unions at that time. I mean it was after the 1973 Durban strikes that we were trying to organise in different ways. So already in my third year I started working part-time for a nascent trade union which became after many, many, many, many changes a part of the Transport and General workers Union, but it was called an advice bureau at the time because we couldn’t call ourselves a union. And then I got banned for 5 years at the end of ‘76.
Sasha: What did the banning ential?
Debbie: The banning entailed, that uhh a whole lot of silly rules, you couldn’t be in an educational institution, you couldn’t be in a factory, couldn't move out of the magisterial 21 district where you were, couldn’t be in a gathering. Which meant 3 people or more. You couldn’t be quoted, so you couldn't write, uhhhhh and various other things.
Sasha: You mentioned that ummm you were not allowed to be on the educational board,
Debbie: Yes,
Sasha: Is that why you have now, since then been involved on the board at UCT?
Debbie? Uuhhhhh no, although ya I mean. At that stage I was in honours when I was banned. So at the end… I think November of ‘76 that I got banned. See it was November ‘76 that I got banned. Ummm I had and I mean my thesis and everything was on workers and stuff. You, I’d umm. My banning order for some reason. There were a whole lot of standard clauses, but there was this one extra clause I had that I may not have any contact with SALDRU.
Sasha: What is SALDRU
Debbie: SALDRU, the Southern African Labour Development and Research Union
Sasha: Oh, Okay
Debbie: Which was a little weird because I never worked for them but one of the key people in them had been an unofficial advisor to my honours thesis, and I was close to him.
Sasha: So it was a personal attack basically.
Debbie: Yes, yes and it's my plan for the next year. I used to teach literacy in a little literacy organization and it was my plan for the next year that had been started by two women, my friends, one of them was going back to Durban and I was going to step into her place to run the literacy organisation. Well she got banned and I got banned. So that fell through.
Sasha: So they were trying to dismantle all the social projects as well by banning people.
Debbie: yes, yes- well they banned about 27 people at the end of November 1976, and they went around. So they did say 6 in Joburg and then they went to Durban to do another 6 and then to Grahamstown (Now Makhanda) and did another 1 or 2 and then they came here and did whatever.
Sasha: As a white person in South Africa, life was easy. What motivated you to get involved in this social activism and face the threats like banning?
Debbie: Ummmmm, my brother (Geoff Budlender) had been a student leader. Uh he was in, he was the SLC president at UCT, and I thought he was wonderful. So I came to UCT and signed up for everything that I thought (Laughter)...
22
Sasha: That he was doing?
Debbie: Yeah, Yeah. And then then
Sasha: Got involved and fell in love with it.
Debbie: Well yes, as I got onto the SLC at the end of first year. I ya, so I was, ya. The thing with the University is… The university was incredibly important to me as a very formative experience. I grew uo in Port Elizabeth, a very sheltered upbringing and suddenly the world was open. As soon as I got unbanned the SALDRU person phoned me and said okay now you can come work for us. So I went straight from banning to work for SALDRU.
Sasha: Which then could have gotten you rebanned?
Debbie: Well 4 years later I went to work for a union and that certainly could have gotten me banned. I mean my parents were distraught. I was delighted because I loved that kind of work. But um, I remember walking on the campus to go to SALDRU and thinking this feels like home. So UCT had a strong something for me. So I had other work, for the union, I worked for CASE. Sasha: So can I bring it back to NUSAS in the early 70s.
Debbie: Yes, so that's where my contact with second wave feminism comes in.
Sasha: So, you got involved in NUSAS. Do y-you want to quickly explain what NUSAS is and what it does, and why you got involved in it?
Debbie: Okay, The National Union of South African Students. It was the progressive white students, it had had black students previously. I mean not that there were many black students (in universities at the time). In 1960---- I can’t remember. The black students broke away at a NUSAS conference at Rhodes, in Grahamstown (Makhanda).
Sasha: So was this also in line with Biko’s Black Consciousness?
Debbie: So it was Biko, Barney Pityanan- they broke away.
Sasha: Yes,
Debbie: and the thing that sparked it was that they were not allowed to stay in the university residence where all the other NUSAS conference goers went. So they went and set up their own thing. That was before I got involved. But my brother was friendly with all of them. I even went to see (Steve) Biko with my brother. His oldest son was called Steven because he was born soon after Steve was murdered. So there was that strong thing.
Sasha: How did the interaction with Biko go and how did that influence you?
23
Debbie: Well it was very short and I mean I think it was probably my first year and we were going to a NUSAS-leadership training, basically a brainwashing, that sort of thing and so it was in the Eastern Cape so the other people hopped in a bus and I went with my brother. He was going to be one of the facilitators and we stopped off in King Williams Town and Geoff wanted to see Steve. And Steve sort of patted me on the head and was sort of good little white girl ( laughter) yes. He was lovely but it wasn’t deep.
Sasha: Was it in NUSAS that you first, um, heard about and got in contact with feminism.
Debbie: Well ya, I think. It was um, I got onto the SLC on my first year. This was quite unusual. My boyfriend and I. And one of the people who encouraged me to stand was Laureen Platsky, who had been on the SLC the previous year, she was say 3 years older than me. She was a feminist and she was worried about there being so few women.
Sasha: So few women on the SLC.
Debbie: Yes, so she got me and Liz Floyd, who you may know- she was Neil Aggets partner. So we stood- we got on and we were the NUSAS wing.
Sasha: The NUSAS wing of the SLC.
Debbie: Yes, I mean there was that and the sort of progressive party wing. And while I was there the UCT creche that is now there. Started in our term. We pushed for that, and we actually won it. There was a change in policy that all women must be called by default Ms rather than Mrs, or Miss it would be...
Sasha: You would have to ask for that. Well that's a positive move.
Debbie: The The The. BC of that stage which was Sir Richard Late- was completely supportive of that. Since then I have had to remind them several times that that is the policy.
Sasha: I will get back to that point. I just want to touch on how your work on the LSC was influenced by the feminism that you had now encountered.
Debbie: Well, as I say it was like pushing for, ya, the creche-because women have this extra burden. In my second year I was chair of the Student Visiting Lecturers Organisation. Which brought out one main speaker. Juliet Mitchell, who was a leading British Feminist, would be the speaker. This was in my year, So I got to host Juliet Mitchell. Very, very important British writer.
Sasha: Do you remember, any of the messages that Juliet would have imparted.
Debbie: She was a psychologist, a Freudian, but a who said Freud didn’t quite get the feminist thing. A person I read who was more important I think was (Anne) Oakley, I will 24 check for you- a book called Housework. It was based on interviews with British women who were housewives. It suddenly struck me that Housework is work.
Sasha: Ya
Debbie: Which became a repeat.Because later I coordinated the first Time Use survey for StasSA. So it's something which followed me. But at the time I read that I was like gosh, there is a blind spot in realising the oppression of housework.
Sasha: Ya,cause one of the key features of second wave feminism you know, big cultural changes are happening- women are starting to enter the workforce and rethink their domesticated roles. So this is something which is very much in line with the birth of second wave feminism.
Debbie: Yes yes, no no- I was certainly influenced by second wave feminism. I was there at that time. It was just like you interview 8-10 ordinary women. There is my mother who had a university degree, which was very unusual at the time, and went and fought in the war-joined up I mean. Got married immediately after the war and never did any paid work after that and it like. What's going on here. And she had domestic workers.
Sasha: That was the way society organised itself. Debbie: Ya, that was society's thing. Also the year before my first year I was in hospital in GrooteSchuur for a while. There was a woman with me and she was saying that she wanted a baby. I said but you not married and she said why do you have to be married to have a baby. This was like OH SHIT because I clearly had been a little blinkered in my understanding of the world. We were hippies, there was dope smoking, and we lived in communes, and um a free love. Like the living in communes, free sex was also about sexual equality in theory.
Sasha: I’m seeing a lot of intersectionality here, between your activism manifesting itself in terms of the way your mind was opened by different people in regards to feminism but also your work with workers, improving their conditions, how did your work with workers look in the early 70s?
Debbie: Okay, basically for me it was about disadvantage looking back. Women were disadvantaged, workers were disadvantaged, you know I’m not not interested in workers getting to the top. I'm interested in what happened to the people at the bottom. So, my first job and throughout my trade union work I was doing typical feminine things. I was, I mean I uhhh in the little union I was helping with the admin and stuff. I also helped with the workers who had legal problems because I basically had much more education than the two staff that were in it. But the main organiser was a woman who had been in SACTU, the banned trade union, amazing women-there were no stock orders. She would go out to factory gate and organise people and then come back with their subs in little bits of money. Sometimes she had her little child with her. She would open her bag and give people their sub papers and have fish and chips as well. So she was doing everything. She was working, looking after the child, she was playing a full “mans” role but at the same time caring or the child. 25
Sasha: And that would have also influenced you, in the way you lived your feminist and trade union life.
Debbie: We lived in communes, so there was the feminism, which wasn’t particularly separated off.
Sasha: I wanna touch on a point that you mentioned about, the equality of the sexes in the communes. How did that manifest itself and what was the reactions of society or your family, friends to this, these ideas that you were having and and the things you were, were getting involved in.
Debbie: We lived in a cocoon, in our own little thing. When we got banned. It was mainly whites who got banned in this batch and they took Zora, the organiser with the fish and chips. They took her into detention and told her that I was a man in disguise.
Sasha: Who said this? (laughing)
Debbie: The security branch. I think that we used to bring out a workers newspaper and they banned it. So we changed the name and brought it out again. And that happened about 3 times and then they said we are banning it whatever it is called. So we wrote to them to say why are you banning it. They wrote back to say it was edited by Ms Budlender and Hofmeyer. So there was something there. Their sexism.
Sasha: So they banned the newspaper because the editors were women?
Debbie: No, Hofmeyer was a man. The guy I married after we got banned because that was the only way we could speak to each other. (laughing) because he was banned to Pinelands and I was banned here ( Observatory) and we had been living together.
Sasha: Yes
Debbie: But um there, there was clearly something going on with some of the security branches that they couldn't conceptualise that women could behave the way in which we were behaving. UM and then in fact we were getting married, and when you got a job you had to ask them for permission.
Sasha: Who? Your man?
Debbie: No the security branch, the magistrate who went to the security to ask if it was okay. I get a job as a receptionist for a gynecologist.
Sasha: Typical idea of a women’s job.
26
Debbie: Yes yes, I did this job and then I wanted to apply to do nursing. Because I got quite taken. Their reasons why I couldn;t do nursing was that I had a very suitable job. So (laughing) ummm in the trade union stuff, once we got into the 80s, oh okay so in the early 80s, before the banning was finished. There was something set up called the United Womens Organisation (UWO). I couldn't join that openly.
Sasha: Since, you were banned
Debbie: One of the women Anne Meger, I would do typing for them. So she would come and bring typing for me to do, because I was a touch typist.
Sasha: And you were banned with not much to do?
Debbie: Well I was working, but yes I couldn’t do open activism. And she would update me on what was happening. And then after, being unbanned I became a proper member.
Sasha: So that's how you managed to keep doing activism while you were still banned.
Debbie: Yes, ya and she was very good. Because it wasn’t just here, type this and I'm terribly busy and I’m going away. She was very good.
Sasha: At keeping you in the loop. Debbie: Um yes,
Sasha: And so even the starting of this um women's organisation. It would havr to be on the back of this feminist movement. Well society still is and was even more back then patriarchal in its set up. So how did this come to be, how was this allowed in a sense?
Debbie: Well UWCO was ANC aligned and there had been other women's organisations before such as FEDSAW in the 1950s, and there was contact with people who had been involved or even people who were young, and involved like Amy Thornton, who were now part of UWCO. There were arguments, one person would come to a meeting and say you have to do this, and the rest would say why, that doesn’t seem… so there was contestation about is it local people, who decides what happens or somebody sitting in Zambia.
Sasha: mmmhmmm
Debbie: But in the trade union movement there was quite a few, or a little group of white women who were involved in the various unions around. And we started introducing, um, women friendly or feminist you know such as pushing for maternaty leave or pushing fo this or pusing for that.
Sasha: Would that also include pushing for things like “The Pill” and other contraceptives. So greater control over their own bodies.
27
Debbie: Well, contraception was the one service that was well provided to African women during apartheid.
Sasha: Oh yes, they don’t want the black people to have children.
Debbie: Yes, yes (laughing) There wasn’t an issue with that. We did research and participatory stuff with workers. There was some very nice stuff happening with women in the trade unions in the early 80s.
Sasha: That is quite interesting cause one of the key factors of American second wave feminism was the ideas of abortions and greater control for a women over her own body. However, in South Africa it took a different tone because of apartheid.
Debbie: Rape crisis was also started, in the 70s.
Sasha: Well concentising people about rape, and the ideas that women can also enjoy sexual expereinces, not just objects of pleasure for men, is also a birthing of second wave feminism.
Debbie: No, one had heard of this before. So we were breaking new ground. Rape Crisis was very much volunteers.
Sasha: Did you get involved?
Debbie: No, I was very much on the edge of that. Uhhhhhh sooooooo, ummmmm, ya it was about, and it was all around volunteering and organising. Like women's groups.
Sasha: Like,
Debbie: Well women get together for consciousness raising for example; I think I was only in a women's group in the 80s. When in fact most of the other women in the group had children and I didn’t. But ya that whole thing of do you have children or don’t you? Do you get married or not?
I would never have gotten married if I hadn;t been banned. I got married so I could speak to someone.
Sasha: So it was basically how do we, as women, look at how do ideas forced upon us by society in our new structure. I was doing some reading, and I am doing a biographical account for the American side of this project and I was reading and the women I am doing, Afeni Shakur, found that people in the movement, and in liberation couldn’t understand how someone could be a feminist and still have a child. So there were a lot of misconceptions.
Debbie: I mean, when, after 94. I was still at CASE, but I worked part time for a law, race and gender unit that was established at UCT. The idea is that we would research gender bias in the law, and then tell judges and magistrates. 28
Sasha: So finding systemic sexism
Debbie: ye, yes. Very soon after, Dullah Omar, who was then the minister of law approached me and told me I had to do training at Justice college. Which is the main magistrates training place in Pretoria.
Sasha: Thats cool.
Debbie: It was a great opportunity so I took it and Ilze Olckers and I went up and did the courses for magistrates a few days at a time. The magistrates were conservative as all hell. There were some black ones, but they were the sell outs because no self-respecting black person would have been a magistarte nder apartheid. We were telling them about domestic violence, and afterwards AnnMarie Wolpe did an evaluation of our stuff.
Sasha: Wolpe, related to Harold Wolpe?
Debbie: Yes, Harold’s wife. She said that one of the magistrates said that Dullah Omar sent these hairy legged feminists to come and learn (laughing).
Sasha: To come up for training…
Debbie: So we spoke Afrikaans and we tried to be, but we were seen as, you know
Sasha: So you were definitely trying to break that idea of women and even with domestic violence. Telling them that it's not something that's acceptable. Something to me in this 4th wave of feminism is really crazy, that this was seen as just normal and what are we in our society seeing as normal which people in the future will look back on and saw, woah I can’t believe that was normal.
Debbie: Yes Yes, you know the abortion stuff. People have muttered about it, but that was sort of successful, only when the new government came in. In the mid 90s. I was involved in that, sort of behind the scenes.
Sasha: Can you explain, explain the kind of things you did?
Debbie: Well there was a thing called the women's health project which did really good work. Umm around the 90s, and around that time they had a big conference and all sort of issues were discussed and I acted as a scribe for the conference and put together a book, that had excerpts and all the rest of it. And then after that there was the idea of an abortion bill, a termination of prgenancy bill. The women's health project brought back a friend of mine to talk about the historical aspects of abprtion. How it used to happen in the old days, it was an african custom. Then I put submissions together and research that they presented at parliament.
Sasha: Research is something that has been key to your life. 29
Debbie: Essentially I have been a researcher. Ya.
Sasha: A specialised researcher. I mean even know with CASE that's also part of your life.
Debbie: So after 95 I got put on the Employment Condition Commission. The first one that was put together which advised the minister on minimum wages. It was during my time on that that we brought in the domestic worker minimum wage and the agricultural minimum wage.
Sasha: Was that sort of an attempt to get rid of the dop system?
Debbie: Ya, they were brought under proper law and I was also part of the committee which brought them under the Unemployment insurance. So again it was the 80s. I had written something about justice and peace for the Roman Catholic Church, on paying your domestic a fair wage. So there were themes that kept on coming back to me. I wasn’t particularly pushing them. People would just keep saying well come and do this.
Sasha: So you found yourself in a whole bunch of these different committees doing all this different work. How often were you like in the minority as a woman on the committees and how did that, if it is so, influence you in the way you acted.
Debbie: Okay, I did economics at UCT.
Sasha: Which is historically a more male dominated field.
Debbie: indeed, I actually have the statistics because years later… I wasn’t going to do economics but I had come to university and there were 5 periods in the morning. They never used to teach in the afternoon in those days. I had Latin intensive, German Intensive, French and sociology. I was going to be an interpreter, I really was confused, at UNESCO. How I thought I was gonna compete with all the Europeans who already knew all these languages was another question. Anyways, then there was another period free. I saw all these young men walking around looking very pleased with themselves and saying that they are doing economics. I said I don’t know what it is but I will do it. Because why are they looking so pleased with themselves, that's ridiculous. I ended up doing an honours in economics. In my third year there were 30 people in my class and I was the only woman. Now when I asked it was 46% women.
Sasha: My economics class at school is also quite evenly split. It shows great progress in leveling the field. Albeit university and school and rather different.
Debbie: Ya, so one out of 30. I used to notice that the professor used to refer to the class as you guys. I was like come on. Years later I challenged him and he said it was generic.
Sasha: That is something which gets brought up a lot, creating the male gender to be the norm. 30
Debbie: It wasn’t particularly an issue for me, because my identity was more as a left wing…
Sasha: A left winger rather than specifically a feminist.
Debbie: So we used to sit a little group of us always together.
Sasha: So you didn’t really feel out of place, or attacking from the rest of the male class. Such as snide comments…
Debbie: Umm No, no. Then I did honours, and they laughed at me because I was a mad radical rather than a woman (laughing). Right um, there was also a big thing that was going on. Which was probably related to second wave feminism, which was an immense amlunt, not immesne amount, but more openes about being gay. This was really in women. Like the women who led in Rape Crisis. A hell of a lot of the most progressive men, explored the idea, but reverted.
Sasha: Reverted?
Debbie: To not being gay. It goes with the second wave feminism, because it's about exploration…
Sasha: Of a sexual identity…
Debbie: Yes, yes, and that we don’t have to follow rules and can question everything.
Sasha: That's a uh uh, very interesting point. I know you said it wasn’t that important to you and did also get involved a bit in the black sash right?
Debbie: I got involved probably in the late 80s. It was partly that we were going to take over and make it more progressive. Because it was all these white old liberal women. Again I think it was Laureen and got me to join. I didn’t last very long.
Sasha: Because it was too backward thinking?
Debbie: Ye, but mainly because after I left the Union I got a job with CASE.
Sasha: 1988?
Debbie: 1988. My job was partly research because…
Sasha: That’s what CASE is.
Debbie: Ye, but what I actually wanted to do was I had gotten a computer science degree while I was banned, because I started working on computers and was learning practical on the job. So I thought I might as well learn some theory. It was still very early days with 31 computers. Very few NGO’s had them or were just getting them. So I started going round helping people to learn the basics of computers, and set up databases for mailing lists and all the rest of it. Then I actually felt I couldn;t cope doing full time trade union work and then in the evenings doing all this. At this time this actually interested me more. I mean, over the years I worked with more than 200 organisations on computers. The Black Sash was one of them. So I was helping them in that way. Particularly on layout stuff. I was helping them layout their newsletters and everything. I probably had more contact with Black Sash on that than anything else. Recently I have worked with them in their new incarnation.
Sasha: Okay, can you explain a bit about their new incarnation?
Debbie: Well, they became an NGO. In the early days they had advice offices in which they would employ some black staff, and everything else was voluntary. The white women going in and giving advice.
Sasha: Well also sitting in on different hearings…
Debbie: Some women spent their whole life doing this work and were never paid. The, they started becoming more NGO-ish. My sister in law did work for them around land. And land seizures.
Sasha: This is land during apartheid?
Debbie: Yes, yes yes, so uhhh and then around freedom they decided to become an NGO. So now it's very little volunteering. The advice offices they ran closed because they mainly dealt with Pass laws. The black sash played a large role in bringing them down in 1986. My brother was also involved in that case. They now help paralegal offices. So they are still dealing with that kind of thing, just not passing laws. Their big focus now is social grants.
Sasha: That is something which now needs a lot of work.
Debbie: So I have done manuels and bits of research for them
Sasha: You said you did some work for them in coordinating their newsletter. This also something you said you did with NUSAS.
Debbie: Ya, but with NUSAS we were writing for workers. With Black Sash, it wasn;t about the content. I was showing them how to manipulate the programme to get the layout they wanted to get.
Sasha: What kind of things would you have written about during NUSAS?
Debbie: It would have been like, workers at this factory are claiming their rights and legal things, this is your right.
32
Sasha: So educating and creating consciousness. So you have done a lot, what has kept you motivated to keep going and keep working? Was it intrinsic?
Debbie: People ask you to do things and you do them.
Sasha: Cause You know I have also recently started getting involved in different movements and often it can become overwhelming and feeling like, is it worth it in the end. Are we really having an impact. So it is really amazing to see how you have been able to persevere and stuff, in all these aspects and sections. How did the work you did during aprtheid, influence and shape the way you structured your life post apartheid.
Debbie: The first years after apartheid were very exciting. It felt like our friends, or comrades were in control. It was a new experience, because one could see how the official structures worked. I’ve always been a bit of a cynic, so when people got (too excited) like to turn down. Rather aim lower and overachiever than aim higher and flop. But there was hope, and I mean minimum wage for domestic workers is one of the most important things I have ever done. Cause you know there are more than 1 million domestic workers in South Africa.
Sasha: Most of them, if not all are women.
Debbie: Yes, that's right and they were stuck with insourcing of workers at UCT. Like cleaners, security guards. If I am in a position of power there I need to sort this out.
Sasha: You said insourcing that is hiring your own right. Cause a big issue I have with the school for example, is outsourcing the security and the cleaners, and things like that. They have no contact with their employer so they have no one to talk to regarding wages.
Debbie: That was exactly the issue at UCT, so they had been employed by the University. Then when Mamphele Ramphele was VC (Vice Chancellor) they were outsourced and I did research on it. Their wages over time just dropped dramatically, they didn’t have benefits and UCT could say, no we not your bosses- if you have an issue go speak to your bosses. But the bosses are spread all over the city how can they organise.
Sasha: Who can we talk to, they get less insurance. It is something that was always bothered me.
Debbie: So they are insourced now at UCT, um so that was also…
Sasha: So looking at the way that feminism and the struggle against the patriarchy looks today, what do you think is gonna be the most important aspects that feminism needs to tackle in modern society and going into the future?
Debbie: I suppose at heart I am a second wave feminism. The unpaid work issue is really fundamental for me. If you look at the paid labour force, the jobs that are similar to unpaid work get paid less at the same level. If you compare workers and engineers. The unpaid work is housework, cooking you know the work that people do in their homes on an unpaid 33 basis. Looking at the example of nurses and engineers. Both have 4 years of university training. When I first looked at it, umm aaaaa, the starting wage for a nurse was two thirds that of the starting wage of an engineer. People who work with people, get paid and valued less than people who work with things. I have just done more research and you see that pattern recurring. So it is that thing of equal pay for equal value. The fact that a whole industry that is service, will get paid less.
Sasha: Well how do you quantify equal value. A doctor who has been through years of schooling, has worked very hard… has inherently equal value to someone who is a street cleaner. So how do you…
Debbie: So one of the things you use is educational skills or experience. If you look at the peromnes system.
Sasha: What is that?
Debbie: There are various job evaluation systems in which pay is meant to be based on. Peromnes is a system that has been created in South Africa and used in many businesses here. Their key criteria is decision making. Men make decisions. You have the secretary and the boss. The secretary takes orders, so less value. Now there is an issue with responsibility. Maybe the person who makes the decisions then has more responsibility. There is also effort. Should physical effort or burden count more than emotional burden or effort. Men are more likely to do things that are physically burdening whereas women are more likely to do tasks that are emotionally burdening. Then there is also the thing about strength.
Sasha: Women have less testosterone.
Debbie: yes but they are better at lasting, perseverance. They have to get through labour you know (laughter) and you can’t give up halfway.
Sasha: yes progesterone and oestrogen.
Debbie: So you know women who work on assembly lines, doing tiny little nitpicking work all the time. Is that worth less, than someone who works underground in a mine.
Sasha: Is the peromnes system one which you support?
Debbie: No, because it's based on decision making. I don’t know the answer…
Sasha: But you can identify the problems.
Debbie: Yes, that's right, and I have written on this and have ideas on these problems.
Sasha: Which is this peromnes system?
34
Debbie: Yes, well it's all on decision making. That you are rewarding hierarchy and [power rather than the burden of the job. There is an argument for the more horrible the job is the more you should be paid.
Sasha: yes, so then miners would be rich.
Debbie: Yes, so we had this thing of women can't go underground. So we should change the laws so women can go underground. No we should rather change the laws that no one can go underground. (laughing)
Sasha: Yes, yes, I hear what you saying, Um cool- I want to ask one last question to tie it into this theme of feminism against apartheid. You said that you were in this cocoon, and more focused on the progressive ideology rather than feminist specificaly. But did you feel that there was sexism within the movement? And how did black women interact with white feminists.
Debbie: In the first years at the student, there was very little interaction with black members because SASO had split.
Sasha: So what was SASO’s and NUSAS’ relationship like?
Debbie: very little at the time. Organisational it wasn’t together. Very limited mixing. My union work was the only place of contact because that was virtually all black workers. The UWCO was black and white together. So then we would go hand out grass roots newspapers and stuff, and that... so there was a real attempt to work together on that. But when the UDF was created actually the strength of the UWCO dwindled because we felt that we were being used as a wing we needed to have this women's organisation. Before that the men weren’t organized the way the women were organised. So, um those of us who were more feminists within the UDF felt that UWCO and women were being used rather than determining our own role. We used to focus on washing line issues, very local issues such as a lack of electricity or no washing lines in public housing and so on. Once it became UDF it became larger and behind Mandela and such, and we felt to organise people you have to talk to them on the things that matter to them.
Sasha: So you wouldn’t have had the contact with the Black Consciousness people.
Debbie:ummmm, Well when I was at varsity our mantra was that our role as whites is to be supportive of black initiative, we were not the leaders but must support the black struggle. This was taken quite strongly. There was a lunchtime seminar with Juliet Mitchell in my second year or something. Geoff, SLC president, asked her what can we as men do to look to support the women's struggle. She said well you can wash the dishes and look after the kids. Everyone was shook, but she was spot on but Geoff was coming from that same point of clealry women must lead the feminist struggle and what can we do to be helpful. Similar to us in NUSAS.
35
Sasha: That is quite interesting as you know over the years the philosophy has changed, It used to be like women need to rise up and stand up for themselves, to men need to stop being patriachal and raping and such. There is a big responsibility on men as well.
Debbie: I have mixed feelings about that. I'm like sorry this is a women's movement, there is a very nice piece I can send you which is a bit of a spoof on that. A Zimbabwean woman, says workers or you know the bosses leading the struggle of the workers. There is a little bit of an issue. That is partly to say things like Sonke Gender Justice, who now get a hell of a lot of the money that would otherwise, be going to more feminist womens organisations. It's more men, who need to change so that women can be equal. So that is in contention. That is a line that is pretty much pushed by the person who heads UN women.
Sasha: So you saying there needs to be a mix between women taking their own and men stop being bigots.
Debbie: I mean did we say during apartheid that it is white people that must change and thats where the responsibility lies and the money must go. No. That's not how it works.
Sasha: Yes, ya but thank you for allowing me to interview you.
Phone call with Debbie Budlender (02/04/2020):
Sasha: You mom mentioned to me that you were a part of Habonim. Did that have any influence over your later activism.
Debbie: I was part of Habonim from early- My cousin and I started when I was 7: I stayed in the movement and became a Madricha for Shtilim, but when I got older I lost interest. 2 events that I particularly remember: A game we played one evening where some children got supper and others didn’t. Those children didn’t get supper, they were up in arms. This taught me about discrimination. It gave me some perspective- because they were being discriminated against on an arbitrary basis. It made an impression on me.
The other is from a seminar. We were woken up early in the morning for the tiyul, the aim of the tiyul was to catch the non-jew who had stolen our food. The other coming in and stealing our food. This was really unsettling for me and I never attended a Habo event after.
Sasha: That really is surprising and very uncharacteristic of Habonim to do such a thing. You mentioned you were part of the food and canning union, which my textbook describes as having had a significant presence of women. Is that something you saw in your time as well?
Debbie: The union was the only one to survive the banning. It was food and canning workers which were majority seasonal workers and those were women. The rural areas definitely were dominated by women, but Cape Town not so much. What we did set up was a small fund: food workers medical benefits fund. I was highly involved in that. This is what kept the industry alive during the time.
36
Sasha: So was that your main role in the union?
Debbie: no my main job was being the Head office administrator, and a researcher. I also worked for the Western cape workers advice bureau around that time. That was also practically a union, except for its name.
Sasha: Thank you for this quick phone call, I really appreciate it and dont want to take up more of your time.
37
Bibliography:
Interviews:
Sasha Rodenacker, Interview with Debbie Budlender (2020).
Books:
Bottaro J, Visser P, and worden N, In Search Of History Grade 12 Learners Book (4th edn, Oxford University Press 2013)
Guy J, Evolution Of A Revolutionary (Afeni Shakur 2004)
Dhoruba Bin Wahad, Jamal Joseph and Sekou Odinga, Look For Me In The Whirlwind: From The Panther 21 To 21St-Century Revolutions (PM Press 2020).
Journals:
'Feminism And Violence: The Hegemonic Second Wave’S Encounter With Rape And Domestic Abuse In USA (1970-1985) - Pilar Rodriguez Martinez, 2011' (SAGE Journals, 2020)
Harris, J. (2000). Revolutionary Black Nationalism: The Black Panther Party. The Journal of Negro History, 85(3), 162-174. doi:10.2307/2649073
Thesis:
Anon (Ecommons.cornell.edu, 2020)
Websites:
'10 Essential Feminist Texts That Everyone Should Read | Feminist Books, Books, Feminine Mystique' (Pinterest, 2020)
'$100,000 In 1969 → 2020 | Inflation Calculator' (In2013dollars.com, 2020)
'About The Centre | UCT Staff' (Staff.uct.ac.za, 2020)
'Afeni Shakur, 1947-2016' (San Francisco Bay View, 2020)
38
'Afeni Shakur, Tupac's Mom, Legacy Remembered By Fellow Panthers' (NBC News, 2020)
‘Anon (Wwmp.org.za, 2020)
'Between Two Worlds: Black Women And The Fight For Voting Rights (U.S. National Park Service)' (Nps.gov, 2020)
'Black Panther Party - Legacy' (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2020)
'Bronx Rate Of Poverty Is Highest' (Nytimes.com, 2020)
‘Caprino K, 'What Is Feminism, And Why Do So Many Women And Men Hate It?' (Forbes, 2020)
‘Depository B, 'Women And Land : Debbie Budlender : 9781552505229' (Bookdepository.com, 2020)
Fetters A, '4 Big Problems With 'The Feminine Mystique' (The Atlantic, 2020)
'Gender Budgets Makes Cents: Understanding Gender Responsive Budgets' (Gender-financing.unwomen.org, 2020)
Gettyimages.com. 2020. Afeni Shakur Pictures And Photos - Getty Images. [online] Available at:
(History.com, 2020)
Kenneth Walsh (U.S.News, 2010)
'Malcolm X Assassinated' (HISTORY, 2020)
39
'Manhattan’S Carnegie Hill Has Retained Its Luxury Status For Centuries' (Mansionglobal.com, 2020)
'National Union Of South African Students (NUSAS) | South African History Online' (Sahistory.org.za, 2020)
'1953. Native Labour Settlement Of Disputes Act No 48 - The O'malley Archives' (Omalley.nelsonmandela.org, 2020)
'Panther 21 Hero Afeni Shakur, Presente!' (Workers World, 2020)
'Remembering Afeni Shakur, Racial Justice Activist And Mother' (Bitch Media, 2020)
'The Waves Of Feminism, And Why People Keep Fighting Over Them, Explained' (Vox, 2020)
'Third Women's Budget (Paperback, 1St): Debbie Budlender: 9781874864769 | Books | Buy Online In South Africa From Loot.Co.Za' (Loot.co.za, 2020)
'United Women’S Congress (UWCO) | South African History Online' (Sahistory.org.za, 2020)
'Wages Commission | South African History Online' (Sahistory.org.za, 2020)
‘Women In The Black Panther Party | International Socialist Review' (Isreview.org, 2020)
40
Planning:
How did second wave feminism manifest itself in the struggle for black liberation in South African and America?
Intro 100 - Second wave feminism - Related to South Africa anti-aparthied (Debbie Budlender) - Black Power struggle ( Afeni Shakur)
Paragraph 1: 200 - What is Second wave feminism - Why did it manifest - illustration: feminine mystique: book title and caption
P3: 200 - Black power movement - Civil rights - Black Panther party
P4: BCM south africa- trade unions
P5: Afeni: - Afeni Shakur early stages- early life, motivation
P79: Debbie Budlender - Early life-motivation - UCT- NUSAS
P8: Afeni: - Early activism: - Afeni movement work/trial - Picture of Afeni organising at rally + caption
P9: Debbie - Early activism: - Wages Commision - Trade unions - Including picture of work and interview
P10: Afeni: - Leadership position -
P11: Debbie: 41
- Later activism:post banning - SALDRU, Food and Canning Workers Union
P12: Afeni: - Explicit feminism - Women's rights in the party
P13: Debbie - Explicit feminism - Influences to become feminsit - UWCO, UCT - Picture and caption of books
Conclusion 100 - Succinct wrap up of key points: - Second wave feminism’s impact on the Black Power movement via Afeni Shakur - Second wave feminism’s impact on the Liberation struggle against Apartheid
Reflection: Personal discoveries and how I was impacted, significance of feminism in my life, Analysis of the current state of society in terms of feminism- rape culture, toxic masculinity, toxic gendering.
Legacy of second wave feminism on future generations and waves of feminism 42
Research notes:
The court case led Afeni to her second major battle. Her fight against Lumumba. When divvying up defense attorneys Joan and Afeni were given Carol Lefcourt, by Lumumba. Afeni deemed Lefcourt unfit to represent her, and was angry at Lumumba for delegating attorneys while in Jail and Afeni had been fighting everyday, successfully leading the movement forward in the field. Hence, under much protest from Lumumba, Afeni decided to represent herself at her own trial. Afeni was “brilliant” (location 1140) in her trial. She claims to have received great inspiration from Fidel Castro’s History will absolve me speech delivered in his own defense in court in 1953. The paragraph: “ So do what you have to do. But please don’t forget what you saw and heard in this courtroom. Let history record you as a jury that would not kneel to the outrageous bidding of the state.” is rather reminiscent of Castro’s speech.
NY Panther 21 trial:
April 2, 1969-: Broke into our homes jammed a gun in my stomach and called me a thug.
They housed them in different detention centres throughout the city. Their separation would have made it challenging to collaborate and work on their defense. Moreover, they limited their time with their lawyers to a brief meeting before court went into session. Afeni claims this was a facade to claim the: “co-defendants had time together with their lawyers.” (location 1222)
Moreover, they set bail and 100 000 dollars, in 1969.
It took 11 months for the bail team to collect Afeni 100 000 dollars for bail. The NY21 decided Afeni should receive bail first, as she was pregnant. It would then be her job to raise bail for the rest of the NY21. Soon after followed Joan Bird,Jamal Josephs and Dharuba Al Mujahid Bin-Wahad and Cetewayo ( Michael Tabor). Afeni described the last two men as egotistical maniacs who did not contribute in collecting the bail money for the rest of Panthers, while Afeni worked tirelessly to fill the void.
Afeni stayed focused on her tria. Not only to save her own life, but the life of her unborn child. People lost focus and the essence of the panther party during the split between Huey and Eldridge. Feb 3 1971, when all three 3 men absconded, subsequently putting Afeni and Joan back behind bars. In jail Afeni learnt a valuable lesson: “ Women have to find strength from other women, because that us what gets us through.” Afeni’s character and resolve is a powerful tool to inspire those women around her.
A two year waiting period and 9 month court case, and they were acquitted in 2 hours on a unanimous vote by the jury.
Afeni, herself didn’t feel as if she was sexualy discriminated against as she was confident in her beliefs. However she is very critical of other women who would adopt their bodies to manipulate themselves into positions of power in the movement. 43
- “I was never very domestic” - “Afeni never hesitated to give me constructive criticism, ” Look for me in the whirlwind - Throughout all this a lasting dream for “peace and harmony” remains. Afeni, mentions this in a letter she wrote to her unborn child while in jail. This is a statement which lends itself to contradiction. Is it not inherently contradictory to be fighting and using violence to obtain peace? A conundrum the ANC also grappled with for many years. When does one transfer from being a liberation organisation, or freedom fighter to terrorist. -
However, Debbie was more aware of feminism as a philosophy than Afeni. - Afeni was quick to volunteer her services and always wanted to be involved. various community
Notes on Afeni Shakur:
Influences to being a revolutionary:
- First taste of resistance: 10 years old, the Klan had a rally in her area. They were intimidating and terrorizing the Lumbees. The Lumbees ( a type of native american) got guns and ambushed the rally and drove the Klan out of town (Maxton). “That was my first taste of resistance. Resistance is what I felt. Resist. A sense of don’t let that happen to you.”
- Character sketch of Afeni: It seems that throughout Afeni’s career she is stuck with an internal conflict. She is continuously striving for more, while filled with a self-disdain that she does not deserve it.
She describes herself as. - Afeni was always very bright, but a highschool dropout nonetheless. She lived in poor conditions in North Carolina and endured the tough lower Bronx streets (most dangerous part of the city with the highest active crime rates, arson and poverty)86 - She battled a violent, impoverished upbringing, through her entire life, domestic abuse throughout her career, fought against adversity and rose to to be a high ranking officer in the BPP. A true icon of second wave feminism, illustrating the power of women. - Sandra, traumatic moment- she dies.
86 https://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/03/nyregion/the-bronx-struggles-to-shed-burning-borough-image.ht ml 44
- Black community in America, in accordance with Black Power, placed a large emphasis on their connection to Africa calling it the motherland. She began learning Yoruba, ( which is a language spoken in west Africa). Her Yoruba teacher, who familiarised her also with Yoruba beliefs, told her that her Orisha (God's messengers on Earth-powerful but mortal beings) was Oya. The governs the wind, the tempest and the Niger river. - Name change holds great sentiment as it characterized and defined Afeni's entry into black nationalism which took hold of the next chapter in her life. - Defy the name her father gave her and take control of her own life once again coincides with second wave feminism. Proving the major impact it has had on her actions. It was from there the name of Afeni “dear one” or “lover of people” came. She felt the name fit- she loved people and helping the underprivileged. - Shaheem a mulsim under Elijah Muhammed the founder of Nation of Islam and an early mentor of Malcolm X. Introduced Afeni to the philosophy of: “Black as beautiful, black as strong” - Her name change and introduction is described by Afeni as: “The beginning of her awakening”
Lumumba and Sekou Shakur who ran the Bronx offices- were arrested and imprisoned, while in connecticut upon false accusations. This indicative of the efforts of the COINTELPRO to dismantle the BPP by any means possible. This arrest was significant because it left Afeni in a leadership role of the Harlem and Bronx offices. Being a section leader was a role she never quite felt ready for, but she took great pride in her work. She fought the white teachers union to establish 28 public schools in conjunction with the PTA.
Moreover, under her leadership, they managed to institute a black principle into a black school, furthered education programmes about human rights, took control of multiple welfare centres and tried to gain administration over the Lincoln and Harlem hospitals. Hospitals which were previously described as: “butcher shops” (location 938) where black people retired to, before dying. At only the age of nineteen Afeni managed to grow dramatically into her new role and claimed many victories for the BPP.
Serving the community: - - Even while in prison Afeni continued to serve her community. She formed a fund with a taskforce of women who collected bail money for panthers. Through this Afeni set up a bail fund for all the women whose bail was less than 500 dollars. This is as most of the women were prostitutes or in jail for petty crimes.
The demise of the party:
- COINTELPRO: split between huey and Eldridge 45
- Spies in the Harlem offices which Afeni told Lumumba about but he would not listen - Bogus charges: relentless court hearings and incarcerations. - Ralph White: undercover cop within the party. Aphenis suspected this due to his general demeanor. She describes him as being a; “hothead” and “too arrogant to be a Panther” (location 1196)
Afeni, herself didn’t feel as if she was sexualy discriminated against as she was confident in her beliefs. However she is very critical of other women who would adopt their bodies to manipulate themselves into positions of power in the movement.
- Battled for equal rights for women in the party. For example she pushed for women to be able to be trained as soldiers. Moreover, she took control of the Political Education class to ensure the same curriculum was being taught to the male and female recruits. This under scrutiny from Party leadership who claimed women were too emotional and unqualified. Thus, it can be seen how the party contained a patriarchal attitude which Afeni actively defied.
- “I was never very domestic” - “Afeni never hesitated to give me constructive criticism, ” Look for me in the whirlwind - Throughout all this a lasting dream for “peace and harmony” remains. Afeni, mentions this in a letter she wrote to her unborn child while in jail. This is a statement which lends itself to contradiction. Is it not inherently contradictory to be fighting and using violence to obtain peace? A conundrum the ANC also grappled with for many years. When does one transfer from being a liberation organisation, or freedom fighter to terrorist. - to her being a part of a militant organisation. One cannot fight for peace.
- Many insults and abuse throw at her: kept angering her; “tar baby” “All I wanted to do was fight-fight back, I thought fighting was the way to compensate for my inadequacies”
Feminism: Afeni took the matters of protection into her own hands. She mentions how she lived for many years fearing being beaten up on the streets by some man. So she decided to take it upon herself to take control of her life and stand up for herself, which she describes as being “the man”, but is inherintly a feminist inluence on her life.
NY Panther 21 trial: 46
April 2, 1969-May13 1971: Broke into our homes jammed a gun in my stomach and called me a thug.
They housed them in different detention centres throughout the city. Their separation would have made it challenging to collaborate and work on their defense. Moreover, they limited their time with their lawyers to a brief meeting before court went into session. Afeni claims this was a facade to claim the: “co-defendants had time together with their lawyers.” (location 1222)
“I had not not committed those crimes. I was right. I stood on that righteousness. That is the strength” (location1415)
- The police dragged the trial on, as the longer the trial the longer the attention of the panther leadership was devoted to their case rather than fighting the establishment of white supremacy that has a hold of the state. A similar tactic to the NP during Rivonia. - Moreover, they set bail and 100 000 dollars, in 1969. Equivalent to 704 844. 69 dollars today. “I had never heard of that many zeros. I couldn;t believe it.” especially since she had lived in poverty her whole life. (Location 1230)
It took 11 months for the bail team to collect Afeni 100 000 dollars for bail. The NY21 decided Afeni should receive bail first, as she was pregnant. It would then be her job to raise bail for the rest of the NY21. Soon after followed Joan Bird,Jamal Josephs and Dharuba Al Mujahid Bin-Wahad and Cetewayo ( Michael Tabor). Afeni described the last two men as egotistical maniacs who did not contribute in collecting the bail money for the rest of Panthers, while Afeni worked tirelessly to fill the void.
Afeni stayed focused on her tria. Not only to save her own life, but the life of her unborn child. People lost focus and the essence of the panther party during the split between Huey and Eldridge. Feb 3 1971, when all three 3 men absconded, subsequently putting Afeni and Joan back behind bars. In jail Afeni learnt a valuable lesson: “ Women have to find strength from other women, because that is what gets us through.” Afeni’s character and resolve is a powerful tool to inspire those women around her.
A two year waiting period and 9 month court case, and they were acquitted in 2 hours on a unanimous vote by the jury.
https://www.in2013dollars.com/us/inflation/1969?amount=100000 #1 The state vs Afeni Shakur:
47
21 Black Panthers were arrested from their homes on account of 30 counts of conspiracy per person. This included cosnpiracy to murder, to commit arson, to bomb various establishments such as The Brooklyn Botanical Gardens. The Panthers were enemies of the state, despite all the community services they undertook. If they were discovered to be guilty they would succumb to 356 years in prison.
The court case led Afeni to her second major battle. Her fight against Lumumba. When divvying up defense attorneys Joan and Afeni were given Carol Lefcourt, by Lumumba. Afeni deemed Lefcourt unfit to represent her, and was angry at Lumumba for delegating attorneys while in Jail and Afeni had been fighting everyday, successfully leading the movement forward in the field. Hence, under much protest from Lumumba, Afeni decided to represent herself at her own trial. Afeni was “brilliant” (location 1140) in her trial. She claims to have received great inspiration from Fidel Castro’s History will absolve me speech delivered in his own defense in court in 1953. The paragraph: “ So do what you have to do. But please don’t forget what you saw and heard in this courtroom. Let history record you as a jury that would not kneel to the outrageous bidding of the state.” is rather reminiscent of Castro’s speech.
Afeni and many other black women did not explicitly focus on feminism as their main agenda, favouring racial equality. Nevertheless she was influenced by feminist ideologies. Proof of this lies within Afeni’s activism. Just the fact that she got involved, spoke her mind and fought for a cause she was passionate about furthered the deminist agenda and taught other women that they can be powerful and take up leadership positions. Ergo, while explicitly she fought for racial equality she implicitly progressed the feminist agenda and was an infleuntial feminist of her time. Albeit her movement work did contain elements of campaigning for women's rights in the party. Particularly to be trained in combat do become Panther soldiers
Joan Bird: - Afeni’s co-defendant: She got beaten, hung out a window and threatened to drop her. Through her into a women's prison. Left her in her rat infested cell without providing medical assistance. This came after she was violated by doctors who searched every woman's vaginally and rectal areas, often causing severe hemorrhages. The ention centres attempted to justify the humiliating procedure by claiming their required pap smear, and had to ensure no illegal substances were smuggled into the prison. Afeni denied this and faced solitary confinement as a consequence. Her refusal to partake is such abuse is indicative of a persevering sense of justice.
- Afeni was facing 312 years
- “We were spied on, infiltrated, set up and psychologically manipulated” Look for me in the whirlwind: The collective autobiography of the NY21 48
- Joan was hardworking, she attended nursing school during the nights and Panther social programmes during the day. - - - Research notes: - - https://www.nbcnews.com/news/nbcblk/afeni-shakur-davis-activist-organizer-leader-r emembered-n567296 - ‘Panther 21 accused of bombing dep stores and police dep - - “When Afeni first came up to Harlem, with her wide-smile and enthusiasm, she had a high level of intensity, but at heart she was a country girl. - She stood out because of her closely cropped hairstyle, a ‘radical rebellion’ for black women at the time.” - - “She was the type of person that worked hard, would stay up all night to get leaflets done, though she also had a sense of humor. She was a good person to have in ‘the fight’ with you,” Bin Wahad explained. - - Davis helped organizers to create the first version of the Patients’ Bill of Rights that can now be found in hospitals across the country. - - - During the black power era, an effective method used to disrupt, discredit and control, revolutionaries was trial and imprisonment. This was known as COINTELPRO (COunter INTELligence PROgram). Shakur found herself in an emblematic trial of the Panther - - Perceived contradiction between liberation and freedom, revolutionary and motherhood - The black panther party true power and a feasible agent for change - - Her co-defendant in the New York 21 Trial, Joan Bird, suffered at the hands of racist cops and ruthless torture. As indicated earlier, she was hung out a window and told they would drop her, beaten, placed in a rat-infested jail cell and denied medical attention. As a witness to this oppression, Afeni Shakur’s pride and dedication to the movement became more personalized. She made a series of resolutions to take her destiny into her own hands - - - 49
- On the first day Silvers went to Harlem to join the movement, she remembers Davis greeting her with a big smile. “Afeni made sure that all women were working together and showed [each other] mutual support,” said Silvers. - - - - - https://www.billboard.com/articles/news/7356714/afeni-shakur-dead-at-69-tup ac-mother - In April 1969, she and a number of other Black Panthers were arrested and charged with several counts of conspiracy to bomb police stations and other public places in New York. - - She was pregnant during her trial on the charges and gave birth to son Tupac Amaru Shakur on June 16, 1971 - - https://www.bitchmedia.org/article/afeni-shakur - As a Black Panther, Afeni wrote frequently for the Panther Post newsletter - - https://www.workers.org/2016/05/25321/ - By the early morning hours of April 2, mass sweeps were conducted citywide by combat squads of armed police. Law enforcement agencies, ranging from the CIA, FBI and U.S. Marshals to the New York State Police - - there was no doubt that the indictment of the Panther New York 21 was a political and racist frame-up to not only “disrupt, discredit and destroy,” but utterly dismantle the Black Panther Party from the inside out. - - The absurd and excessive nature of such charges was clearly intended as a federal effort to pit chapters and regions against each other in a manner that would totally paralyze Panther party leadership. What these charges represented was a form of unprecedented legal repression, created as a structural alternative to break the party’s stronghold, reputation and community base. For the Panthers who fortunately weren’t murdered or assassinated, exiled or imprisoned, the courts became the ruling class’s convenient and effective form of legal lynching, a straightjacket beyond the walls — a robbery of valuable time and resources. - 50
- When bail 22-year-old - - Afeni, however, meticulously conducted her own legal research, her own interviews, as well as in-court cross examinations — fully realizing that “she would be the one serving, not the lawyers.” She was the only Panther who served as her own counsel - - Here was a small-framed, impoverished Black woman from the backwoods of Lumberton, N.C., staring down a full team of New York state prosecutors — and outwitting a full cast of establishment-owned media outlets. Here was a single mother with no formal degree going legally toe to toe with COINTELPRO. - Though the case of the Panther 21 was the longest trial in New York state history, on her own guts and wit, Afeni Shakur successfully secured her freedom. No money. No attorney. No privilege - - er family moved to the Bronx when she was 11 years old - - formally indicted - - to coordinate assaults on panther homes and community based offices - - - https://www.nytimes.com/1971/05/14/archives/black-panthe r-party-members-freed-after-being-cleared-of-charges-13.htm l - reached unanimous verdict so quickly that they surprised even themselves. - - history of the State Supreme Court here. - - shrieked and began to sob loudly as the “not guilty” answers rolled out concerning her husband. - - “not guilty” 156 times- 156 fellany charges - - Afeni struggled to adapt to school life in the bronx. - 51
- https://ecommons.cornell.edu/bitstream/handle/1813/13786/Cribb%2c%20Arielle.pdf ?sequence=1&isAllowed=y - - Afeni Shakur versus the State of New York for: 1) conspiracy to commit murder, 2) attempted murder, 3) conspiracy, 4) conspiracy to bomb several public locations in New York City - - Paradoxically some Black Panthers would define a woman’s role as that of a confidant, a supporter, and a wife and mother, but not an assertive revolutionary, while many other Panthers believe that the Black Panthers should be a Party of comrades, and that sex and gender roles should not influence position The later view more closely aligns itself ideologically with the ideals of a communal ethos that arises historically out of the Africana tradition discussed in the first section of this chapter. Women who participated in the movement consequently took different experiences with them. - the indictment declared, they had executed dynamite attacks on four police stations in the fall of 1968 and the winter of 1969 and had thereafter planned to bomb a commuter railroad’s Queen’s right-of-way, the Bronx Botanical Gardens, and the [Easter] shopping crowds in… Macy’s, Alexander’s, Bloomingdale’s, Abercrombie & Fitch, and Korvette’s…3 - - Kempton, Murray. The Briar Patch: The People of the Sate of New York v. Lumumba Shakur et. al. New York: E.P. Dutton Co., 1973, 14. - - All in all, Afeni Shakur had been held in jail for two years of her life on unsubstantiated charges. - - - One of the police told me “to crawl out of the car, bitch” … McKenzie and another dragged me by my arms, while on the ground on my back. McKenzie then with a short black club beat me across my face and head… I became dizzy… My mouth was bleeding… They put handcuffs on me and turned me over face down… my hands cuffed behind me… they began to kick me and walk on my back and legs. - Seale, Bobby and Elaine Brown, eds. “Student Nurse Tortured” The Black Panther Paper, 17 February 1969. Oakland, California: Independently Published by the Black Panther Party for Self Defense of Oakland, California, 1967 – 1971, 9 - - - who became mothers during their trials. Mainstream media and society seemed to think that there was a direct contradiction between being a revolutionary woman and being a mother. They were unable to see that the two were connected by the vision of a better existence for future generations. - - 52
- Although her intelligence was recognized by her teachers who recommended her for the High School for Performing Arts, she had trouble fitting in and adjusting to the new formal - - Hey, I’m facing the same three hundred and fifty years everyone else is facing, and I am not going out like that… I was young. I was arrogant. And I was brilliant in court… I wouldn’t have been able to be brilliant if I thought I was going to get out of jail… I thought this was the last time I could speak before they locked me up forever. I had to make a record… I thought I was writing my own obituary…92 - - - The feminist movement often ignored the needs and issues that were most important to women of color and in doing so neglected to address the fact that for true feminism to be successful it had to dismantle not only issues of sexism, but those of race and class: - - Thus all three women discussed in this thesis felt disenfranchised from the mainstream women’s movement choosing instead to ally themselves with Black men in the Black liberation movement even though issues of sexual equality sometimes went unaddressed
53
54
Scrapping passed laws 1986- appeals by the trade unions who were growing in stature and power.
COSATU living wage campaign- meet cost of living 1985. Challenged capitalists- boycotts companies w poor labour practices or engaging in scab labour (bringing in workers while others are on strike).
https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/pass-laws-south-africa-1800-1994 http://www.wwmp.org.za/images/pubs/history-of-unionism-web.pdf 55
Distinctive leather-
Shakur found a place of refuge in the party and allowed her to flourish: “The Black Panthers took my rage and channeled it,” Shakur went on to play a large role in the Black Power Movement and through that the feminst struggle.87 Hence, impacting society greatly. She had various roles in the movement. She began as a grass roots activist involved in various community programmes, ranging from breakfast schemes, to organising rallies or protest
87 Book GUY, J. Evolution of a Revolutionary Published by: Afeni Shakur The Black Panthers took my rage and channel In-text: (Guy, 2004) : Guy, J. (2004). Evolution of a Revolution