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Crónica De La Estrategia Virtual De Antanas Mockus
Crónica de la estrategia virtual de Antanas Mockus TRABAJO DE GRADO PARA EL PROGRAMA DE PERIODISMO Y OPINIÓN PÚBLICA Presentado por: Daniel Romero González [email protected] DIRECTOR DE TRABAJO DE GRADO: Leandro Peñaranda Docente UNIVERSIDAD DEL ROSARIO Escuela de Ciencias Humanas Periodismo y Opinión Pública Bogotá D.C. Mayo de 2011 2 CONTENIDO -Introducción…………………………………………………4 1. Visionarios y el llanero solitario…………………………..7 2. Huele a campaña……………………………………….....10 3. Nace una fuerza política...…………….……….................14 4. Unidos podemos más……….………….………………....20 5. “Vote por uno de nosotros”………………………………24 6. La campaña hecha por la gente…………………………...31 7. “Yo iba a votar por Mockus, pero ya no”………………...47 8. De la Ola Verde a la Naranja Mecánica…………….........56 -Análisis.…………………………………………………….63 -Referencias……………………………………………........65 -Anexo # 1…………………………………………………...68 -Anexo # 2…………………………………………………...70 3 Introducción En el año 2008, el entonces candidato Barack Obama sentó un precedente en Norteamérica: vía redes sociales pueden conquistarse varios miles de electores. Con el extraordinario apoyo de Internet, Obama fue elegido presidente. Y no cualquiera: fue el primer afroamericano en ocupar la Casa Blanca; fue el primer mandatario 2.01 del mundo, respaldado por más de 60 millones de individuos en las urnas. Como Obama en los Estados Unidos, en el año 2010 el ex alcalde de Bogotá Antanas Mockus lideró un fenómeno nunca antes visto en el país. Por más de 30 meses hizo una campaña donde redes sociales como Facebook y Twitter fueron su motor en la lucha por la presidencia de Colombia, produciendo un movimiento ciudadano de casi 4 millones de personas que “pusieron a temblar al establecimiento”2 y obligaron a “la clase política clientelista a tener que unirse para sobrevivir”3. -
Working Paper Series Paper No
DANTE B. FASCELL NORTH-SOUTH CENTER WORKING PAPER NUMBER FOURTEEN 1 The Dante B. Fascell North-South Center Working Paper Series Paper No. 14 March 2003 Was Failure Avoidable? Learning From Colombia’s 1998-2002 Peace Process Adam Isacson http://www.miami.edu/nsc/publications/NSCPublicationsIndex.html#WP The Dante B. Fascell North South Center UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI DANTE B. FASCELL NORTH-SOUTH CENTER WORKING PAPER NUMBER FOURTEEN 2 The following is a Working Paper of The Dante B. Fascell North-South Center at the University of Miami, Coral Gables, Florida. As this paper is a work-in-progress, the author(s) and the North-South Center wel- come comments and critiques from colleagues and students of security studies, environmental issues, and civil society participation. Comments may be e-mailed to the series editor, Jeffrey Stark, at [email protected]. © 2003 All North-South Center Working Papers are protected by copyright. Published by the University of Miami North-South Center. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Conventions. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author(s), not The Dante B. Fascell North-South Center, which is a nonpartisan public policy and research institution. Inquiries and submissions to the North-South Center Working Papers Series may be sent to Jeffrey Stark, Director of Research and Studies, via e-mail attachment to [email protected], including author’s name, title, affiliation, and e-mail address. ISBN 1-57454-138-2 March 2003 DANTE B. FASCELL NORTH-SOUTH CENTER WORKING PAPER NUMBER FOURTEEN 3 WAS FAILURE AVOIDABLE? LEARNING FROM COLOMBIA’S 1998-2002 PEACE PROCESS Adam Isacson A Bitter End olombians had never seen President Andrés Pastrana as angry or as dejected as he appeared on television C the night of Wednesday, February 20, 2002. -
Antanas Mockus Y Gustavo Petro: La Dimensión De Lo Actitudinal En Dos Trayectorias Políticas
ANTANAS MOCKUS Y GUSTAVO PETRO: LA DIMENSIÓN DE LO ACTITUDINAL EN DOS TRAYECTORIAS POLÍTICAS Rafael Silva Vega Número 1 | Enero 2014 ISSN-e 2357-3945 SERIE DOCUMENTOS DE TRABAJO DEL CIES ISSN-e 2357-3945 Número 1 | Enero 2014 Rector: Francisco Piedrahita Plata Secretaria general: María Cristina Navia Klemperer Director académico: José Hernando Bahamón Lozano Decano de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias sociales: Adolfo Jerónimo Botero Marino Director del Centro de Investigaciones CIES: Vladimir Rouvinski Universidad Icesi Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios Jurídicos, Sociales y Humanistas (CIES) Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales Calle 18 No. 122-135 Pance, Cali - Colombia Teléfono: +57 (2) 555 2334 - Ext. 8846 Fax: +57 (2) 555 1441 [email protected] www.icesi.edu.co/cies Comité Editorial Hoover Alfonso Delgado Madronero Jorge Ordóñez Valverde Mario Alberto Cajas Sarria Yecid Echeverry Enciso Enrique Rodríguez Caporalli Adrián Alzate García Diego Alejandro Nieto Sachica Diana Margarita Díaz Mejia Margarita Leonor Cuéllar Barona Vladimir Rouvinski Adolfo Jerónimo Botero Marino Edición Centro de Investigaciones CIES Coordinación editorial Adolfo A. Abadía | [email protected] Diseño editorial y Diseño Portada Johanna Trochez LaDeLasVioletas | [email protected] El Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios Jurídicos, Sociales y Humanistas (CIES) no se hace responsable de las ideas expuestas bajo su nombre, las ideas publicadas, los modelos teóricos expuestos o los nombres aludidos por el(los) autor(es) de los artículos. El contenido es responsabilidad exclusiva del(los) autor(es), y no reflejan la opinión de las directivas de la Universidad Icesi, del Centro de Investigaciones CIES, de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales, o de los editores de la SERIE DOCUMENTOS DE TRABAJO DEL CIES. -
Violence, the Post-Conflict and Electoral Trends in Colombia
Violence, the post-confict and electoral trends in Colombia: notes for refection Violencia, posconficto armado y comportamiento electoral en Colombia: notas para la refexión Jerónimo Ríos Universidad Complutense de Madrid [email protected] Jennifer Morales Correa Universidad EAN [email protected] Abstract This descriptive exercise presented in this paper suggests a certain spatial relationship between regions in Colombia that for years had the highest levels of territorial vulnerability, in terms of exposure to the internal armed confict and structural violence, and the predominant views expressed both during the FARC-EP plebiscite and the second- round presidential elections that took place in 2018. In a similar vein to the feld of study of electoral geography, the refections posited here suggest inquiring about a possible voting for peace trend in Colombia, which is particularly perceptible in the country’s territorial periphery, where support for Gustavo Petro and backing for the Peace Agreement signed with the FARC-EP guerrillas have found more supporters. Key Words: Colombian armed confict, Peace Agreement, FARC-EP, electoral geography. Resumen El trabajo que se presenta a continuación, en un ejercicio descriptivo, sugiere una cierta relación espacial entre los lugares de Colombia que durante años presentaron mayores niveles de vulnerabilidad territorial, en términos derivados del conficto armado interno y violencia estructural, con respecto a la posición predominante tanto a tenor del plebiscito con las FARC-EP, como con las elecciones presidenciales de la segunda vuelta, acontecidas en 2018. Con una alta proximidad al campo de estudio que representa la geografía electoral, se proponen refexiones que sugerirían indagar en un posible voting for peace en Colombia, especialmente perceptible en la periferia territorial del país, en donde el apoyo a Gustavo Petro y el respaldo al Acuerdo de Paz suscrito con la guerrilla de las FARC-EP encuentra mayores adeptos. -
Memory in Search of History and Democracy Editor’S Letter by June Carolyn Erlick
fall 2013 harvard review of latin america memory in search of history and democracy editor’s letter by june carolyn erlick The Past Is Present Irma Flaquer’s image as a 22-year-old Guatemalan reporter stares from the pages of a 1960 harvard review of latin america Time magazine, her eyes blackened by a government mob that didn’t like her feisty stance. fall 2013 She never gave up, fighting with her pen against the long dictatorship, suffering a car bomb Volume Xiii no. 1 explosion in 1970, then being dragged by her hair from her car one October ten years later and disappearing. Published by the david Rockefeller Center I knew she was courageous. I became intrigued by her relentless determination—why did for Latin American Studies she keep on writing? However, the case was already old even in 1996, when the Inter Ameri- Harvard university volume Xiii no. 1 can Press Association (IAPA) assigned me the investigation for its new Impunity Project. Irma David Rockefeller Center was one of Guatemala’s 45,000 disappeared—one of thousands in Latin America, men and for Latin American Studies women forcibly vanished, mostly killed. Yet I learned from the investigation that disappear- director ance is a crime against humanity, a crime not subject to a statute of limitations. Merilee S. Grindle memory And I also learned from Irma’s courageous sister Anabella that it really is a crime that executive director in eVery issue never ends. “They took my moral support, my counselor; in killing my sister, they stole my Kathy Eckroad human right,” Anabella told IAPA members at a Los Angeles meeting. -
Segunda Encuesta Elecciones Presidenciales 2010
SEGUNDA ENCUESTA ELECCIONES PRESIDENCIALES 2010 VICERRECTORÍA DE EXTENSIÓN UNIVERSIDAD DE MEDELLÍN MEDELLÍN, MAYO DE 2010 SEGUNDA ENCUESTA ELECCIONES PRESIDENCIALES 2010 INTRODUCCIÓN El presente informe es el análisis estadístico del trabajo realizado para identificar Intención de voto por los candidatos a la Presidencia de la República. En total se encuestaron 2417 personas en todo el territorio nacional, de los cuales solo 1866 manifiestan que si tienen la cedula inscrita para las próximas elecciones y tienen intención de votar el 30 de Mayo, base con la cual se presentarán los resultados de la intención de voto. En su elaboración se utilizaron herramientas estadísticas apropiadas para alcanzar un resultado confiable. 2 ENCUESTA ELECCIONES PRESIDENCIALES 2010 ENCUESTA ELECCIONES PRESIDENCIALES 2010 Distribución por Región Frecuencia Porcentaje Amazonia 196 8,1% Andina 877 36,3% Caribe 543 22,5% Distribución por Insular 144 6,0% Región Orinoquia 209 8,6% Pacifica 448 18,5% Total 2417 100,0% El 36,3% de las encuestas se realizaron en la región Andina, el 22,5% en la región Caribe, el 18,5% en el Pacifico, 8,6% en la Orinoquia, el 8,1% en la Amazonia y el 6,0% en la región Insular. Distribución por Region 36,3% 40,0% 30,0% 22,5% 18,5% 20,0% 8,1% 8,6% 6,0% 10,0% ,0% Amazonia Andina Caribe Insular Orinoquia Pacifica 3 ENCUESTA ELECCIONES PRESIDENCIALES 2010 Distribución por Estrato Frecuencia Porcentaje 1 386 16,0% 2 830 34,3% 3 723 29,9% 4 189 7,8% Estrato 5 76 3,1% 6 48 2,0% En blanco 165 6,8% Total 2417 100,0% El 34,3% de las encuestas se realizaron en el estrato 2, el 29,9% en el estrato 3, el 16,0% en el estrato 1, el 7,8% en el 4, el 3,1% en 5, el 2,0% en estrato 6. -
Elections in Colombia: Return of Uribism and Uncertainty of the Peace Process Written by Edgar Andrés Londoño Niño
Elections in Colombia: Return of Uribism and Uncertainty of the Peace Process Written by Edgar Andrés Londoño Niño This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Elections in Colombia: Return of Uribism and Uncertainty of the Peace Process https://www.e-ir.info/2018/06/28/elections-in-colombia-return-of-uribism-and-uncertainty-of-the-peace-process/ EDGAR ANDRéS LONDOñO NIñO, JUN 28 2018 The 2018 Presidential elections in Colombia show several particularities in comparison with past elections. For the first time, a dispute between economic and political models was not as strong as usual because, for the first time in Colombia’s history, a leftist candidate went to the second round and became a feasible alternative. In addition, for the first time in 50 years the presidential poll was free of the threat of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC in Spanish), so the candidates’ proposals went beyond the fight against terrorism. Colombia, where the vote is not compulsory, has one of the highest abstention levels of the world, traditionally above 50% in the last 20 years, the two exceptions were the elections of 1998 and 2018, when more than half of the electoral registration participated. In the 2014 elections, the abstention levels were 59.35% and 52.03% in the first and in the second round, respectively. In the 2018 elections, abstention levels decreased to 46.62% in the first round and 46.96% in the second round. -
WOLA Colombia Monitor
WOLA Colombia Monitor JULY 2002 A WOLA BRIEFING SERIES Produced by the Washington Office on Colombia Cracks Down Latin America, the Colombia Monitor n May 26, Alvaro Uribe Vélez earned the Colombian presidency in a re- combines timely analysis sounding first-round victory. This edition of the Colombia Monitor provides of policy dynamics in Obackground on the history of Colombian elections, a review of this year’s Washington with on-the- March congressional and May presidential elections, and an assessment of the chal- ground monitoring of lenges awaiting, and concerns about, the Uribe administration, which assumes office on the impact of U.S. policy August 7. It also outlines the unfolding debate about Colombia in Washington, particu- in the Andean region. The larly around the emergency supplemental appropriations bill that will, among other intent of this briefing things, alter the U.S. mission in Colombia to include involvement in series is to broaden and counterinsurgency operations. inform the public and policy debates about how to strengthen Democracy and Elections in Colombian History democracy, human rights, The Conservative and Liberal parties are pillars of Colombian political history. Their and prospects for peace. nineteenth-century origins are some of the oldest in Latin America and one scholar has called them the “functional equivalent of subcultures.”1 Until the late 1950s, the parties did This issue provides an more than represent social cleavages in Colombia: they were the social cleavage. Indeed, the analysis of the Colombian infamous la violencia (“the violence”), a civil war lasting from the 1940s until the 1960s, presidential election and largely stemmed from land disputes and the “hereditary hatreds” of familial party loyalties. -
An Analysis of the Legislative and Presidential Elections Colombia Internacional, Núm
Colombia Internacional ISSN: 0121-5612 [email protected] Universidad de Los Andes Colombia Pachón, Mónica; Hoskin, Gary Colombia 2010: An Analysis of the Legislative and Presidential Elections Colombia Internacional, núm. 74, julio-diciembre, 2011, pp. 9-26 Universidad de Los Andes Bogotá, D.C., Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=81222598002 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative ColombiaInternacional 74, julio a diciembre de 2011: 9-26 Colombia 2010: análisis de las elecciones presidenciales y legislativas Mónica Pachón Universidad de los Andes Gary Hoskin Universidad de los Andes Resumen Los resultados de las elecciones de Congreso y presidente del 2010 en Colombia muestran la consolidación del multipartidismo en el cual las coaliciones postelectorales se han convertido en una constante desde el colapso del sistema bipartidista a finales de los años noventa. El propósito del artículo es discutir los resultados electorales, con especial atención a la forma en que la propuesta del referendo para reelegir a Álvaro Uribe Vélez impactó la dinámica electoral. Primero, analiza el contexto de las elecciones, posteriormente los resultados electorales y finalmente cómo este nuevo panorama consolida un sistema multipartidista en el nivel nacional después de la reforma del 2003. Palabras clave elecciones • sistema de partidos • Álvaro Uribe Vélez • Juan Manuel Santos • Antanas Mockus • Colombia Colombia 2010: An Analysis of the Legislative and Presidential Elections Abstract The 2010 Colombian elections clearly moved the country toward a more multiparty system, characterized by the practice of post-electoral coalitions. -
Propuestas Para Bogotá
Propuestas para Bogotá PRESENTACIÓN DE LOS PROGRAMAS DE LOS CANDIDATOS A LA ALCALDÍA MAYOR DEL DISTRITO CAPITAL 2012 – 2015 Perfiles y Propuestas DIANA PAOLA MEDINA CASAS Policy Paper. Diálogos Por Bogotá Rodrigo Pombo Cajiao Presidente Hernán Beltz Peralta Presidente Honorario Giovanni Alberto Rocha Mahecha Director Ejecutivo © CORPORACIÓN PENSAMIENTO SIGLO XXI Avenida 82 No. 7 – 22, Oficina 104. Bogotá, D.C. – Colombia Teléfono 6216963. Fax 2369122 [email protected] www.pensamientosigloxxi.com Impresión: Editorial Kimpres Ltda. Impreso en Colombia Octubre de 2011 Todos los derecHos reservados. Esta publicación no puede ser reproducida ni en su todo ni en sus partes, ni registrada en, o transmitida por, sistemas de recu- peración de información, en ninguna forma ni por ningún medio, sea mecánico, fotoquímico, electrónico, magnético, electroóptico, por fotocopia o cualquier otro medio, sin el permiso previo por escrito de los editores. Indice Pág Prólogo ............................................................................................................................. 7 Ideas para una Bogotá en Crisis ......................................................................................... 9 Presentación de la Investigación .......................................................................................... 13 1. Propuestas ..................................................................................................................... 15 1.1 Carlos Fernando Galán PacHón ......................................................................... -
Politics of Justice in Colombia
DECIDING THE FATE OF COMPLEMENTARITY: A COLOMBIAN CASE STUDY Jennifer S. Easterday ABSTRACT For over 40 years, one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world has ravaged Colombia, victimizing and displacing nearly a tenth of the population as armed paramilitary groups, guerillas, and the national military battle for territory and control. In an effort to end the conflict, the Colombian government claims it is implementing transitional justice by creating accountability and providing reparations for victims with the Justice and Peace Law. Yet, upon careful examination of the politics of justice in Colombia, it appears as though the passage of the Justice and Peace Law is merely an attempt to shield human rights abusers from criminal liability and evade ICC intervention. How the ICC interprets and evaluates the actions of Colombia will determine the application of complementarity and the future of international criminal law. This paper focuses on the need for an interpretation of complementarity, as found in Article 17 of the Rome Statute, and proposes a method of interpreting Article 17 that will reduce states’ exploitation of ambiguities in the Rome Statute. This paper argues that ICC involvement in Colombia will solidify the tenuous principle of complementarity and will provide a much needed guiding principle to the emerging intersection of domestic and international laws. By using Colombia as an example of a state genuinely unwilling to prosecute, the ICC will not only provide justice to Colombians, but it will also reduce the likelihood of mimicry from other states inclined to follow in the footsteps of Colombia’s impunity if it is allowed to succeed. -
The Monopoly of Violence: Evidence from Colombia∗
The Monopoly of Violence: Evidence from Colombia Daron Acemogluy James A. Robinsonz Rafael J. Santosx First Version: October 2008. This Version: May 2010. Abstract Many states in Latin America, Africa and Asia lack the monopoly of violence, identified by Max Weber as the foundation of the state, and thus the capacity to govern effectively. In this paper we develop a new perspective on the establishment of the monopoly of violence and the formation of the state. We build a model to explain the incentive of central states to eliminate non-state armed actors (paramilitaries) in a democracy. The model is premised on the idea that paramilitaries may choose to and can influence elections. Since paramilitaries have preferences over policies, this reduces the incentives of the politicians they favor to eliminate them. The model also shows that while in non-paramilitary areas policies are targeted at citizens, in paramilitary controlled areas they are targeted at paramilitaries. We then investigate the predictions of our model using data from Colombia between 1991 and 2006. We first present regression and case study evidence supporting our postulate that paramilitary groups can have significant effects on elections for the legislature and the executive. Next, we show that the evidence is also broadly consistent with the implication of the model that paramilitaries tend to persist to the extent that they deliver votes to candidates for the executive whose preferences are close to theirs and that this effect is larger in areas where the presidential candidate would have otherwise not done as well. These results illustrate that, consistent with our model, there appears to be a symbiotic relationship between some executives and paramilitaries.