Segunda Encuesta Elecciones Presidenciales 2010
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What Can the State Do? Creating Social Capital in Civil Society
Lund University STVA21 Department of Political Science Tutor: Simon Davidsson What can the state do? Creating social capital in civil society Fredrik Banke Hjalmar Haglund Abstract The purpose of this thesis is to give suggestions on how states can generate social capital in civil society. This is done by comparing the established literature on the topic with the unconventional approach implemented by Antanas Mockus, former mayor of Bogotá. Three influential political scientists are here selected to portray central aspects of the established literature. Their writings are compared with the approach underlying Antanas Mockus work and his attempts on creating social capital in civil society. We find that Mockus’ approach in many aspects is similar to the established literature but also that certain dimensions are yet to be explored. Mockus provides us with an alternative method to change civic expectations and perceptions in order to reach social change. Further, unexplored pedagogical and educational interventions combining art and theatre with social change and the creation of social trust is something we find when reviewing the case of Mockus. We acknowledge that further research can be conducted on this topic, especially when it comes to the role of leadership and its impact on the creation of social capital. Key words: social capital, social trust, civic culture, governance, Antanas Mockus Words: 9756 Acknowledgments The idea for this paper was first conceived when one of the authors was doing an internship in the NGO Corpovisionarios, created and led by Antanas Mockus. Six months were spent fully engulfed in the concept and approach that is Cultura Ciudadana (Civic Culture). -
G-0150108 Opinión Publica Poll # 62 Favorable-Desfavorable
Noviembre 2.007 TIENE UNA OPINIÓN FAVORABLE O DESFAVORABLE DE . NOEMÍ SANÍN 15 62 LUIS EDUARDO GARZÓN 22 55 JUAN MANUEL SANTOS 17 55 FRANCISCO SANTOS 16 54 CÉSAR GAVIRIA 32 45 FERNANDO ARAUJO PERDOMO 13 44 GENERAL OSCAR NARANJO 6 42 SERGIO FAJARDO 8 41 GERMAN VARGAS LLERAS 15 39 GENERAL FREDDY PADILLA 10 38 GENERAL MARIO MONTOYA 7 36 CARLOS GAVIRIA DÍAZ 22 31 ANDRÉS FELIPE ARIAS 9 29 CARLOS HOLGUÍN SARDI 17 29 SABAS PRETELT DE LA VEGA 17 28 RAFAEL PARDO RUEDA 12 27 GUSTAVO PETRO 29 25 PIEDAD CORDOBA 63 22 OSCAR IVÁN ZULUAGA 10 13 HUGO CHÁVEZ 76 10 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 20 40 60 80 100 DESFAVORABLE FAVORABLE POLL 62 C 015 01 08 Noviembre 2.007 TIENE UNA OPINIÓN FAVORABLE O DESFAVORABLE DE . LAS FUERZAS MILITARES 15 80 LOS MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN 17 77 LA FISCALIA GENERAL 16 73 LA ORGANIZACIÓN DE LAS NACIONES UNIDAS (ONU) 13 70 LA POLICÍA 25 70 LA IGLESIA CATÓLICA 26 68 LA CORTE CONSTITUCIONAL 17 68 EL PLAN COLOMBIA 16 67 LAS ONG´S DE DERECHOS HUMANOS 18 67 LA CLASE EMPRESARIAL COLOMBIANA 21 67 LA PROCURADURÍA GENERAL 15 65 LA CONTRALORÍA GENERAL 15 63 EL SISTEMA JUDICIAL COLOMBIANO 39 50 LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS 37 50 LA JUNTA DIRECTIVA DEL BANCO DE LA REPÚBLICA 17 49 EL CONGRESO 38 48 ECUADOR 22 45 LOS SINDICATOS 40 43 LOS PARTIDOS POLÍTICOS 44 40 VENEZUELA 64 25 LOS GRUPOS PARAMILITARES 93 3 EL ELN 95 1 LAS FARC 96 1 -100 -80 -60 -40 -20 0 20 40 60 80 100 DESFAVORABLE FAVORABLE POLL 62 C 015 01 08 Noviembre 2.007 ¿ESTA USTED DE ACUERDO/ DESACUERDO CON LAS SIGUIENTES PROPUESTAS, LEYES O AFIRMACIONES? El gobierno de Uribe es respetuoso de los -
Crónica De La Estrategia Virtual De Antanas Mockus
Crónica de la estrategia virtual de Antanas Mockus TRABAJO DE GRADO PARA EL PROGRAMA DE PERIODISMO Y OPINIÓN PÚBLICA Presentado por: Daniel Romero González [email protected] DIRECTOR DE TRABAJO DE GRADO: Leandro Peñaranda Docente UNIVERSIDAD DEL ROSARIO Escuela de Ciencias Humanas Periodismo y Opinión Pública Bogotá D.C. Mayo de 2011 2 CONTENIDO -Introducción…………………………………………………4 1. Visionarios y el llanero solitario…………………………..7 2. Huele a campaña……………………………………….....10 3. Nace una fuerza política...…………….……….................14 4. Unidos podemos más……….………….………………....20 5. “Vote por uno de nosotros”………………………………24 6. La campaña hecha por la gente…………………………...31 7. “Yo iba a votar por Mockus, pero ya no”………………...47 8. De la Ola Verde a la Naranja Mecánica…………….........56 -Análisis.…………………………………………………….63 -Referencias……………………………………………........65 -Anexo # 1…………………………………………………...68 -Anexo # 2…………………………………………………...70 3 Introducción En el año 2008, el entonces candidato Barack Obama sentó un precedente en Norteamérica: vía redes sociales pueden conquistarse varios miles de electores. Con el extraordinario apoyo de Internet, Obama fue elegido presidente. Y no cualquiera: fue el primer afroamericano en ocupar la Casa Blanca; fue el primer mandatario 2.01 del mundo, respaldado por más de 60 millones de individuos en las urnas. Como Obama en los Estados Unidos, en el año 2010 el ex alcalde de Bogotá Antanas Mockus lideró un fenómeno nunca antes visto en el país. Por más de 30 meses hizo una campaña donde redes sociales como Facebook y Twitter fueron su motor en la lucha por la presidencia de Colombia, produciendo un movimiento ciudadano de casi 4 millones de personas que “pusieron a temblar al establecimiento”2 y obligaron a “la clase política clientelista a tener que unirse para sobrevivir”3. -
Working Paper Series Paper No
DANTE B. FASCELL NORTH-SOUTH CENTER WORKING PAPER NUMBER FOURTEEN 1 The Dante B. Fascell North-South Center Working Paper Series Paper No. 14 March 2003 Was Failure Avoidable? Learning From Colombia’s 1998-2002 Peace Process Adam Isacson http://www.miami.edu/nsc/publications/NSCPublicationsIndex.html#WP The Dante B. Fascell North South Center UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI DANTE B. FASCELL NORTH-SOUTH CENTER WORKING PAPER NUMBER FOURTEEN 2 The following is a Working Paper of The Dante B. Fascell North-South Center at the University of Miami, Coral Gables, Florida. As this paper is a work-in-progress, the author(s) and the North-South Center wel- come comments and critiques from colleagues and students of security studies, environmental issues, and civil society participation. Comments may be e-mailed to the series editor, Jeffrey Stark, at [email protected]. © 2003 All North-South Center Working Papers are protected by copyright. Published by the University of Miami North-South Center. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Conventions. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author(s), not The Dante B. Fascell North-South Center, which is a nonpartisan public policy and research institution. Inquiries and submissions to the North-South Center Working Papers Series may be sent to Jeffrey Stark, Director of Research and Studies, via e-mail attachment to [email protected], including author’s name, title, affiliation, and e-mail address. ISBN 1-57454-138-2 March 2003 DANTE B. FASCELL NORTH-SOUTH CENTER WORKING PAPER NUMBER FOURTEEN 3 WAS FAILURE AVOIDABLE? LEARNING FROM COLOMBIA’S 1998-2002 PEACE PROCESS Adam Isacson A Bitter End olombians had never seen President Andrés Pastrana as angry or as dejected as he appeared on television C the night of Wednesday, February 20, 2002. -
Antanas Mockus Y Gustavo Petro: La Dimensión De Lo Actitudinal En Dos Trayectorias Políticas
ANTANAS MOCKUS Y GUSTAVO PETRO: LA DIMENSIÓN DE LO ACTITUDINAL EN DOS TRAYECTORIAS POLÍTICAS Rafael Silva Vega Número 1 | Enero 2014 ISSN-e 2357-3945 SERIE DOCUMENTOS DE TRABAJO DEL CIES ISSN-e 2357-3945 Número 1 | Enero 2014 Rector: Francisco Piedrahita Plata Secretaria general: María Cristina Navia Klemperer Director académico: José Hernando Bahamón Lozano Decano de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias sociales: Adolfo Jerónimo Botero Marino Director del Centro de Investigaciones CIES: Vladimir Rouvinski Universidad Icesi Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios Jurídicos, Sociales y Humanistas (CIES) Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales Calle 18 No. 122-135 Pance, Cali - Colombia Teléfono: +57 (2) 555 2334 - Ext. 8846 Fax: +57 (2) 555 1441 [email protected] www.icesi.edu.co/cies Comité Editorial Hoover Alfonso Delgado Madronero Jorge Ordóñez Valverde Mario Alberto Cajas Sarria Yecid Echeverry Enciso Enrique Rodríguez Caporalli Adrián Alzate García Diego Alejandro Nieto Sachica Diana Margarita Díaz Mejia Margarita Leonor Cuéllar Barona Vladimir Rouvinski Adolfo Jerónimo Botero Marino Edición Centro de Investigaciones CIES Coordinación editorial Adolfo A. Abadía | [email protected] Diseño editorial y Diseño Portada Johanna Trochez LaDeLasVioletas | [email protected] El Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios Jurídicos, Sociales y Humanistas (CIES) no se hace responsable de las ideas expuestas bajo su nombre, las ideas publicadas, los modelos teóricos expuestos o los nombres aludidos por el(los) autor(es) de los artículos. El contenido es responsabilidad exclusiva del(los) autor(es), y no reflejan la opinión de las directivas de la Universidad Icesi, del Centro de Investigaciones CIES, de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales, o de los editores de la SERIE DOCUMENTOS DE TRABAJO DEL CIES. -
Una Mirada Atrás: Procesos De Paz Y Dispositivos De Negociación Del Gobierno Colombiano
La Fundación Ideas para la Paz (FIP) es un centro de pensamiento independiente, apoyado por el sector empresarial, cuya misión es contribuir con ideas y propuestas a la superación del conflicto en Co- lombia. Desde su origen en 1999, FIP ha estado comprometida con el apoyo a las negociaciones de paz y en su agenda de trabajo e inves- tigación ha contribuido con propuestas e ideas en la construcción de paz. Estas seguirán siendo sus prioridades: el conflicto colombiano necesariamente concluirá con una negociación o una serie de nego- ciaciones, que requerirán la debida preparación y asistencia técnica si han de ser exitosas para construir un escenario de paz duradero. Working papers Una mirada atrás: procesos de paz y dispositivos de negociación del gobierno colombiano Gerson Iván Arias O. Octubre de 2008 Fundación Ideas para la paz Una mirada atrás: procesos de paz y dispositivos de negociación del gobierno colombiano Gerson Iván Arias O1. Octubre de 2008 Serie Working papers FIP No. 4 2 • www.ideaspaz.org/publicaciones • Contenido 5 Presentación 6 1. Introducción 7 2. Importancia de las estructuras o dispositivos de negociación en los procesos de paz: el caso de Colombia 7 El conflicto armado colombiano 7 Las razones para la solución política y una definición de paz 8 Los niveles de negociación dentro de un conflicto armado 8 Dispositivos de negociación y procesos de paz 10 3. Aparición y transformación de los dispositivos formales de negociación del poder ejecutivo colombiano en los procesos de paz: 1981-2006 11 Julio César Turbay Ayala: orden público y negociación 12 Belisario Betancur Cuartas: voluntarismo y prisa por la paz 16 Virgilio Barco Vargas: institucionalización y pragmatismo 18 César Gaviria Trujillo: negociar en medio del conflicto 20 Ernesto Samper Pizano: ilegitimidad e inmovilidad 21 Andrés Pastrana Arango: de vuelta al voluntarismo 23 Álvaro Uribe Vélez: acometer y rectificar 26 4. -
Violence, the Post-Conflict and Electoral Trends in Colombia
Violence, the post-confict and electoral trends in Colombia: notes for refection Violencia, posconficto armado y comportamiento electoral en Colombia: notas para la refexión Jerónimo Ríos Universidad Complutense de Madrid [email protected] Jennifer Morales Correa Universidad EAN [email protected] Abstract This descriptive exercise presented in this paper suggests a certain spatial relationship between regions in Colombia that for years had the highest levels of territorial vulnerability, in terms of exposure to the internal armed confict and structural violence, and the predominant views expressed both during the FARC-EP plebiscite and the second- round presidential elections that took place in 2018. In a similar vein to the feld of study of electoral geography, the refections posited here suggest inquiring about a possible voting for peace trend in Colombia, which is particularly perceptible in the country’s territorial periphery, where support for Gustavo Petro and backing for the Peace Agreement signed with the FARC-EP guerrillas have found more supporters. Key Words: Colombian armed confict, Peace Agreement, FARC-EP, electoral geography. Resumen El trabajo que se presenta a continuación, en un ejercicio descriptivo, sugiere una cierta relación espacial entre los lugares de Colombia que durante años presentaron mayores niveles de vulnerabilidad territorial, en términos derivados del conficto armado interno y violencia estructural, con respecto a la posición predominante tanto a tenor del plebiscito con las FARC-EP, como con las elecciones presidenciales de la segunda vuelta, acontecidas en 2018. Con una alta proximidad al campo de estudio que representa la geografía electoral, se proponen refexiones que sugerirían indagar en un posible voting for peace en Colombia, especialmente perceptible en la periferia territorial del país, en donde el apoyo a Gustavo Petro y el respaldo al Acuerdo de Paz suscrito con la guerrilla de las FARC-EP encuentra mayores adeptos. -
Industriall Letter to Santos EN
Geneva, 4 October 2012 His Excellency Juan Manuel SANTOS President of the Republic of Colombia Carrera 8, n°7-26 Palacio de Narino, Bogota Fax: +(57 1) 566.20.71 Intimidation and repression against striking workers in Puerto Gaitán Dear Mr. President, I am writing on behalf of IndustriALL Global Union which represents more than fifty million workers throughout mining, energy and manufacturing industries, in some 140 countries throughout the world. USO, Unión Sindical Obrera, is an important member of this large global union family. Hereby, I would like to express our deep concern about acts of repression and intimidation perpetrated recently, in Puerto Gaitán, by security and intelligence forces as well as private security forces, on USO representatives and on striking workers. On several occasions, the deployment of security forces has prevented USO representatives meeting with striking workers. We can only express our indignation and protest in front of such a violation of the fundamental right of Freedom of Association. We call on the Colombian government to guarantee these rights enshrined in the Colombian Constitution and ILO Convention 87. These practices are also in contradiction of the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights. IndustriALL Global Union is following very closely the situation of the labour conflict in Puerto Gaitán between Termotecnica, CEPCOLSA and the striking workers represented by the USO. We have been pleased to take note that in the Conclusions of the High level Tripartite Mission to Colombia 14-18 February 2011, all full respect of human rights including fundamental principles and rights at work were underlined by the government as one of its key policies. -
Memory in Search of History and Democracy Editor’S Letter by June Carolyn Erlick
fall 2013 harvard review of latin america memory in search of history and democracy editor’s letter by june carolyn erlick The Past Is Present Irma Flaquer’s image as a 22-year-old Guatemalan reporter stares from the pages of a 1960 harvard review of latin america Time magazine, her eyes blackened by a government mob that didn’t like her feisty stance. fall 2013 She never gave up, fighting with her pen against the long dictatorship, suffering a car bomb Volume Xiii no. 1 explosion in 1970, then being dragged by her hair from her car one October ten years later and disappearing. Published by the david Rockefeller Center I knew she was courageous. I became intrigued by her relentless determination—why did for Latin American Studies she keep on writing? However, the case was already old even in 1996, when the Inter Ameri- Harvard university volume Xiii no. 1 can Press Association (IAPA) assigned me the investigation for its new Impunity Project. Irma David Rockefeller Center was one of Guatemala’s 45,000 disappeared—one of thousands in Latin America, men and for Latin American Studies women forcibly vanished, mostly killed. Yet I learned from the investigation that disappear- director ance is a crime against humanity, a crime not subject to a statute of limitations. Merilee S. Grindle memory And I also learned from Irma’s courageous sister Anabella that it really is a crime that executive director in eVery issue never ends. “They took my moral support, my counselor; in killing my sister, they stole my Kathy Eckroad human right,” Anabella told IAPA members at a Los Angeles meeting. -
G Aceta Del C Ongreso
GACETA DEL CONGRESO 35REPUBLICA Lunes 7 de febreroDE COLOMBIAde 2005 Página 1 G A C E T A D E L C O N G R E S O SENADO Y CAMARA (Artículo 36, Ley 5a. de 1992) IMPRENTA NACIONAL DE COLOMBIA I S S N 0 1 2 3 - 9 0 6 6 www.imprenta.gov.co AÑO XIV - Nº 35 Bogotá, D. C., lunes 7 de febrero de 2005 EDICION DE 24 PAGINAS EMILIO RAMON OTERO DAJUD ANGELINO LIZCANO RIVERA DIRECTORES: SECRETARIO GENERAL DEL SENADO SECRETARIO GENERAL DE LA CAMARA www.secretariasenado.gov.co www.camara.gov.co RAMA LEGISLATIVA DEL PODER PUBLICO S E N A D O D E L A R E P U B L I C A A C T A S D E C O M I S I O N COMISION PRIMERA Los textos de las excusas son los siguientes: ACTA NUMERO 32 DE 2004 La excusa del Senador Oscar Cuello Campo está transcrita en el (diciembre 2) Acta número 29. Sesiones Ordinarias – Cuatrienio 2002-2006 Bogotá, D. C., 2 de diciembre de 2004 Legislatura 2004-2005 – Primer Período Doctor En la ciudad de Bogotá, D. C., el día dos (02) de diciembre del dos JUAN FERNANDO CRISTO mil cuatro (2004), se reunieron en el Salón Guillermo León Valencia Presidente del Capitolio Nacional, previa citación, los miembros de la Comisión Primera del honorable Senado, con el fin de sesionar. Comisión Primera I Senado de la República Llamado a lista y verificación del quórum Ciudad La Presidencia indica a la Secretaría llamar a lista y contestaron Respetado Presidente. -
Elections in Colombia: Return of Uribism and Uncertainty of the Peace Process Written by Edgar Andrés Londoño Niño
Elections in Colombia: Return of Uribism and Uncertainty of the Peace Process Written by Edgar Andrés Londoño Niño This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Elections in Colombia: Return of Uribism and Uncertainty of the Peace Process https://www.e-ir.info/2018/06/28/elections-in-colombia-return-of-uribism-and-uncertainty-of-the-peace-process/ EDGAR ANDRéS LONDOñO NIñO, JUN 28 2018 The 2018 Presidential elections in Colombia show several particularities in comparison with past elections. For the first time, a dispute between economic and political models was not as strong as usual because, for the first time in Colombia’s history, a leftist candidate went to the second round and became a feasible alternative. In addition, for the first time in 50 years the presidential poll was free of the threat of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC in Spanish), so the candidates’ proposals went beyond the fight against terrorism. Colombia, where the vote is not compulsory, has one of the highest abstention levels of the world, traditionally above 50% in the last 20 years, the two exceptions were the elections of 1998 and 2018, when more than half of the electoral registration participated. In the 2014 elections, the abstention levels were 59.35% and 52.03% in the first and in the second round, respectively. In the 2018 elections, abstention levels decreased to 46.62% in the first round and 46.96% in the second round. -
WOLA Colombia Monitor
WOLA Colombia Monitor JULY 2002 A WOLA BRIEFING SERIES Produced by the Washington Office on Colombia Cracks Down Latin America, the Colombia Monitor n May 26, Alvaro Uribe Vélez earned the Colombian presidency in a re- combines timely analysis sounding first-round victory. This edition of the Colombia Monitor provides of policy dynamics in Obackground on the history of Colombian elections, a review of this year’s Washington with on-the- March congressional and May presidential elections, and an assessment of the chal- ground monitoring of lenges awaiting, and concerns about, the Uribe administration, which assumes office on the impact of U.S. policy August 7. It also outlines the unfolding debate about Colombia in Washington, particu- in the Andean region. The larly around the emergency supplemental appropriations bill that will, among other intent of this briefing things, alter the U.S. mission in Colombia to include involvement in series is to broaden and counterinsurgency operations. inform the public and policy debates about how to strengthen Democracy and Elections in Colombian History democracy, human rights, The Conservative and Liberal parties are pillars of Colombian political history. Their and prospects for peace. nineteenth-century origins are some of the oldest in Latin America and one scholar has called them the “functional equivalent of subcultures.”1 Until the late 1950s, the parties did This issue provides an more than represent social cleavages in Colombia: they were the social cleavage. Indeed, the analysis of the Colombian infamous la violencia (“the violence”), a civil war lasting from the 1940s until the 1960s, presidential election and largely stemmed from land disputes and the “hereditary hatreds” of familial party loyalties.