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Southern Africa d13j~J])@ffi~ July 1996 ~@lill~TI2l®~lli ~jf~ii©~ July 1996 REPORT Vol. 11 No.4
Contents
Editorial: Lean and Mean ...... 1
Fighting for Control: The Indigenization Debate in Zimbabwe .... . 3
ESAP's Fables II ...... 8 Southern Africa REPORT Gay Bashing in Zimbabwe: is produced quarterly by a collective I- Mugabe's Unholy War 13 of TCLSAC, the Toronto Committee II - Outing the Gay Debate 14 for Links between Southern Africa & Canada 603-1/2 P a rliament St Toronto, Onta rio M 4X 1P9 Who Governs? NGOs in Rural Mozambique ...... 17 Tel. (416) 967-5562 Email [email protected] t Submissions, suggestions and help in Liberalizing AIDS in Africa: production are welcome and invited The World Bank Role . 21 ISSN 0820-5582 Member: Canadian Magazine Publishers Association Confronting the ANC's Thatcherism ...... 25 Indexed in: Canadian Index; Canadian Business & Current Affairs All rights reversed Namibia's Wall of Silence 30 Subscriptions Southern Africa Report subscription & TCLSAC membership rates: SUBSCRIPTION: SAR Collective Individual (1 year) $18.00 Institution (1 year) $40.00 Margie Adam, Stephen Allen, Carolyn Bassett, Lois Browne, Marlea Clarke David Cooke MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Kourosh Farrokhzad, David Galbraith, David Lisa Regular . . $35.00 Hart~an , Hor~o c ks , David Pottie, John S. Saul, Yasmine Shamsie, Marit Stiles, Unemployed Student . $18.00 Lauren Swenarchuk, Joe Vise, Jonathan Vise, Mary Vise Senior Sustainer . over $100.00 Overseas add $10.00 Cover design by A rt W ork Cover photo by Paul Weinberg - Afrapix/lmpact Visuals
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c: c:"' Q) ~ .0 Q) u"' Lean and Mean In the pantheon of heroes of the played his cards skilfully in the victory out from under the noses decades-long, region-wide war for sharp pre-independence infighting of the British, the South Africans southern African liberation, Robert that characterized the world of the and the settlers during the tense Mugabe has always seemed the Zimbabwean liberation movements. transition period. Moreover, in the leader least easy to like or to At the same time, he and his aftermath of that victory, Mugabe admire. Of course, even his critics colleagues had been equally skilful earned an even greater reputation are forced to admit that he had in finessing ZANU-PF's political for statesmanship, "realistically"
Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 1 conceding a great deal to white below, as much on cold-blooded po For the moment, then, it is dif control of important sectors of the litical calculation - this despite the ficult to feel very positive about the economy for example, while never fact that, as Marc Epprecht suggests quality of the leadership offered the quite acting on his own stated in a companion article, Mugabe's Zimbabwean people by Robert Mu preference to institutionalize the tactic may yet backfire on him po gabe, or indeed, more broadly, by his narrowly defined one-party state he litically (internationally if not na party, ZANU-PF. Rather, a further, apparently had in mind. tionally)- as on conviction (however quite mean-spirited debasing of the bizarre and spiteful). coinage of political discussion seems Nonetheless, from very early on to be his principle current contri it was also evident that a vast Small wonder, as well, that M u bution to the political scene in his gulf separated Mugabe's sometimes gabe has recently had so little trou country. Time alone will tell the full highly vocal leftist rhetoric - an ap ble in upping the stakes of racial costs of this approach. parent residue of the heady ideolog name-calling when, pushed to ad ical wars of liberation struggle days vance the interests of a newly emer * * * - from ZANU-PF's actual practice, gent black entrepreneurial class, it Lean and mean? Elsewhere in this as a party and as the vehicle of has seemed politically opportune to issue, Alexander Costy writes of a a new African elite, of enrichissez do so. Of course, as Raftopou state, in Mozambique, so lean that vous, and the devil take the hind los notes, this too could be a dan it threatens to disappear altogether most. (This latter is the reading gerous and contradictory political - at least in the important rural of the substance of the nationalist gambit for Mugabe to adopt, since district he recently studied. And achievement in Zimbabwe on which the extent to which a Zimbabwean into the resultant vacuum rush the Brian Raftopoulos builds his anal state now firmly in the thrall of the various NGOs whose activity he ysis of the current "indigenization" World Bank and the global system chronicles in his article. For her debate in Zimbabwe in the present can advance such local interests is part, Lauren Dobell writes of a issue, for example). Evident, too, very much in doubt. It is rather ruling party - Swapo in Namibia was both a distinct arrogance of easy, therefore, to dismiss Mugabe's that threatens to turn very mean power (linked to a ruthless drive racially-charged rhetoric - replacing indeed in its fevered reaction to to entrench his own political party so easily his previous invocations of a book that reveals more about ever more firmly and unassailably in socialism and "Marxism-Leninism" its abuses of power as a liberation power), and a certain querulous cul - as merely one more ploy to buy movement in exile than it cares to tural nationalism that, for example, political space. have known. brought Mugabe into much closer But is this too sour an inter Add to this, for South Africa, sympathy, during the 1980s, with Patrick Bond's heartfelt reflections South Africa's racially-driven Pan pretation? Might this attack on "white control" not, instead, rep on the contradictions that continue Africanist Congress than with the to stalk efforts to craft a progres ANC. resent some sign of a populist re vival in Zimbabwe, the projection sive post-apartheid future. Colleen Now, as much more of the sheen of a renewed attempt to advance O'Manique targets the disturbing of liberation has worn away from the interests of ordinary Zimbab trend towards "neo-liberalization" the Zimbabwean experience and the weans against those of their histor of responses to the AIDS epidemic cruel light of globalization and struc ical oppressors? Unfortunately, any in Africa, a continent-wide phe tural adjustment, of "guided democ such interpretation is difficult to sus nomenon that we hope to specify racy" and popular demobilization, tain, given the manner (as docu further with case-studies of AIDS in plays across the land, the meaner mented by Richard Saunders in this southern Africa in future issues. side of Mugabe's character stands issue) in which the ZANU govern Not that SAR itself is any leaner even more cruelly revealed. What ment has also allowed its embrace of than usual, we hasten to add (even may have looked momentarily like structural adjustment to drive many if we do continue to be rather too statesmanship was often, one now more Zimbabweans closer to the wall thin on financial resources!) - you're suspects, little more than low cun of poverty. In the process, and with getting your customary 36 pages. ning, and the cruelty that launched out much apology from the political As for "mean": no, we're trying the bloody Fifth Brigade assault on powers-that-be, an ever leaner state to keep our equanimity, and even Matabeleland in the 1980s has come has been stripped of many of the something of our sense of humour, to seem to many observers the truer functions - in the spheres of pop in a global situation that, North measure of the man. Case in point: ular education and health services, and South, is none too encouraging. the viciousness of his recent attack in particular - that once marked the We look forward to our twelfth year on gays in Zimbabwe, an attack most positive achievements of Zim of publication after a brief summer premised, as Iden Wetherell argues babwe's post-colonial period. hiatus. See you then.
2 july 1996 Southern Afri ca REPORT ------~nmm@~@ww® ______Fighting for Control: The lndigenization Debate in Zimbabwe
BY BRIAN RAFTOPOULOS Masiyiwa submitted papers to the demonstrates the distance between such elite resistance, and the in Brian Raftopoulos is Acting Director, Supreme Court seeking to declare ability of opposition parties to con Institute of Development Studies, Un i the Presidential Powers unconstitu struct a broader oppositional alter versity of Zimbabwe tional. native. In the midst of all this judi In this battle with the state The "indigenization debate" has Strive Masiyiwa has not received cial activity, the absence of the lobby been a major theme of political any support from the indigenization groups would appear to be indica tive of the state of the indigenization discourse in Zimbabwe for some lobbies which have, until now, time. But more recently, Zim been at the forefront of debate debate in Zimbabwe today. This de- · babwean President Robert Mugabe and discussion around this issue. bate has reached a crisis point, char acterized by conflicting groups, and has increased his rhetorical attacks It would seem that the lobby ruled over by a state that is unclear on multinationals and white busi groups are more concerned with about what its indigenization strat ness. Mugabe's accusations that not jeopardizing their close relations egy should consist of. How did Zim white and foreign capital have been with the state. The state itself is babwe get to such a point? Indeed, blocking black advancement in the clearly not prepared to tolerate such what is the "indigenization debate" economy certainly rings true but as attempts to develop autonomous and who are these "lobby groups," always, his threats have been short power bases in the private sector. anyway? on substance. Another argument that has been In 1995, the debate took a new raised is that Masiyiwa is a front The 1980s turn as Strive Masiyiwa, a Zim for white multinational business. If babwean businessman, set up a the state had a clear and principled During the formative years of Na new company, ECONET, to estab policy on international finance - tionalist politics in Southern Rhode lish a cellular telephone system in and if certain high-ranking members sia, in the 1950s, a central con conjunction with a US company. of ZANU PF weren't, themselves, cern of the emerging nationalist in Masiyiwa ran up against an obstacle: acting as a front for white capital tellectual elite was its desire for up in response to the formation of this - this argument would have more ward mobility. Through its edu company the Post and Telecommu force. Even the indigenization cational achievements, professional nication Corporation (PTC) refused lobbies are not on the whole averse aspirations, and social and cultural to grant ECONET a licence to oper to foreign capital except in so far practices a significant number of this ate. as they seek greater resources and elite sought to establish themselves, Masiyiwa took the case to the legislative support in their relations and to be seen as, an emergent mid dle class, even as they sought, and Supreme Court which ruled that the with the latter. establishment of a cellular network The ECONET episode is impor succeeded in presenting themselves was a constitutional right relating to tant not only because it indicates as a nationalist leadership. freedom of expression and that the a certain trend in the assertive Unfortunately for this nascent PTC monopoly was not justifiable ness of the African Business elite. elite the structures, ideology and in a democratic society. In response, Masiyiwa's use of the judiciary to policies of settler colonialism seri the President issued the Presidential challenge the state is reflective of a ously constrained their ambitions. Powers (Temporary Measures Cel broader trend among independent, However the aspirations remained, lular Telecommunications Services) ex-ZANU PF politicians and opposi even during the years of the lib Regulations of 1996, re-establishing tion parties to use the courts to chal eration struggle when the recalci- . the PTC monopoly over the provi lenge unfair election procedures on trance of settler colonialism, the im sion of cellular telephone services. the part of the ruling party. These peratives of guerrill a warfare and The regulations require that other high profile individual judicial chal the determining influences of geo parties wishing to enter this fie ld lenges demonstrate the most viable political alliances, introduced the acquire clearance from a ministerial route at present for elite challenges largely rhetorical adherence to a so technical committee established to to ZANU PF dominance. However cialist trajectory. As Mugabe admit vet applications. In May this year this emphasis on legal battles also ted in 1991:
Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 3 Our former parties, ZANU-PF and were marginalized or undertaken But by the late 1980s sev P.F. ZAPU were established and surreptitiously in both the state eral factors induced the indigeniza developed in an environment which, and in the white-controlled private tion debate to emerge with greater on the one hand, was national and sector. force. First, the clear limitations of on the other, was international. But There were several reasons for the 1980s accumulation model were as the parties established themselves the marginalization of this debate. placing pressures on the state to externally and began relating to First, the policy of Reconciliation redirect its economic policies. An in socialist countries, the Soviet Union introduced in 1980 sought a peace creasing budget deficit, limited for and China ... they not only derived ful co-existence with white capi eign investment, and growing un many thousands of tons of weapons tal which continued to dominate employment were some of the ma for the national struggle but their the private sector. The policy of jor factors which increased internal political ideology as well [Financial "Growth with Equity" introduced in business forces' criticism of the state Gazette: 28 March, 1991]. 1981 sought to achieve high rates of and external pressure from interna The strong, organic development economic growth, increased incomes tional financial institutions. This of a socialist strategy during the and a restructuring of the economy resulted in the 1990 introduction liberation struggle always remained to promote rural development. The of the Economic Structural Adjust weak, even during those brief heroic policy also included a rapid increase ment Programme [ESAP].The new attempts at a leftist turn by groups of social services for the majority. legitimacy which 'this programme such as ZIPA, who in the mid-70s The role of the black entrepreneurial provided for capital accumulation attempted to transcend the more class in the project was, for the most meant that frustrated aspirations limited agenda of the old guard part, absent. Second, the govern of the emerging African elite could nationalist leadership. The rise of ing elite was opposed to the emer no longer be ideologically repressed. an African middle class remained gence of an African business class, The way was opened for the forces a central element of the liberation autonomous of the state. They of indigenous accumulation to press agenda, even though its political feared that such a class would be their demands with greater openness discourse was often cloaked in more less reliant on the politics of patron and legitimacy. appealing populist rhetoric. The age and would therefore be less easy seeds of an indigenization project, Second, demands for greater to control. Third, the developmen African participation in ownership which saw the emergence of an talist policies and populist rhetoric African bourgeoisie, was therefore of the economy were made against of the 1980s provided a cover be a background of continuing racial an important, though contested, neath which the state elite indulged part of nationalist ideology. inequalities in the post-colonial its own enrichment. Through this economy. For example, by 1991, With Independence in 1980, covert process the leadership of the 50% of the population received an alliance of nationalist parties ruling party purchased commercial less than 15% of total annual fulminating with leftist discourse, farms, and entered into various other incomes and about 15% of total but for the most part intent on commercial ventures. The prolifer consumption, while the richest consolidating a new state and party ation of parastatals in the 1980's three percent of the population elite, took power. During the such as the Zimbabwe Development received 30% of total incomes and first eight years of independence the Corporation (ZIDCO), the Zimba were responsible for 30% of total state embarked on a combination bwe State Trading Corporation, the consumption. [World Bank, Poverty of welfarist programmes for the Mineral Marketing Corporation and in Zimbabwe: Current Knowledge African majority and consolidation many others, provided a further and Issues for the Future, 1995.] of state elite through the use means to enlarge the basis of the of state resources. During this state dependent petty-bourgeoisie, Finally, the retreat from socialist period, the language of indigenous and expand the net of political pa rhetoric linked to the broader capital accumulation was repressed tronage. Apart from such interven international consequences of the and officially such an agenda was tions, there was also the more crude 1989 debacle in Eastern Europe looked at disdainfully. The popular looting of state assets through cor- · left the ruling party without a legacy of the liberation war and rupt practices. For instance, the mobilizing ideology. The ideology the ideology of developmentalism 1988 Willowgate Scandal in which of Indigenization combined a certain through welfarist policies, combined ministers were allowed to purchase continuity with nationalist demands with elite ethnic alliances, provided cars at reduced prices from a state of the past, with renewed attempts a cementing ideology for a nation owned assembly plant, was then to capture and control the more in the making. Nevertheless, this turned into an accumulation ·op recent demands of an aggressive was a period of a broadly popular portunity, as these minsters resold and expanded African elite for a government in which the claims of the vehicles at substantially higher greater share of the post-colonial an indigenous accumulation project prices. promise. For the ruling party, this
4 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ------~mill@~@~------was also a political imperative as terms. Their demands included: the lyst which brought indigenization to the emergence in the late 1980s deregulation of laws and procedures the forefront of Zimbabwean politi of opposition parties such as the hindering black enterprises; direc cal debate. Zimbabwe Unity Movement and the tives to financial institutions to fi Lobbying for political position Forum Party had demonstrated the nance black businesses; access to fi from IBDC structures has become a potential for political opposition nance at well below market inter fe~ture ofiBDC politics. In the 1995 from disconcerted sections of the est rates; preferential allocation of cabinet shuffle, two IBDC members African middle class. government contracts and markets w~re appointed to Deputy Ministe to blacks; land redistribution de riar'positions. Certainly, this is a Indigenous business lobbies signed to build a strong black com logical step for an organization heav emerge mercial class in the agrarian sector; ily reliant on state intervention for Black business persons seized the op and anti-trust legislation to control furthering its programmes. How portunity to ensure that their in the monopoly position of white cap ever, in focusing it efforts on the terests were not marginalized un ital. state, the IBDC has neglected its der ESAP. In 1990, the Indige own democratic structures. It has nous Business Development Centre To date, the IBDC has been rel had problems providing a leader (IBDC) was formed and, with the atively effective in using what Sam ship succession structure, with the support of some state bureaucrats Moyo described as the 'entryst' ap IBDC constitution providing a com and politicians, began to lobby the proach to lobbying, involving close plex sequence of electoral proce state vigorously. In general, the contact with top level state and dures. While annual elections at IBDC sought the decisive support party officials, members of parlia the Regional and General Assem of the state to promote black en ment and business executives in the blies have the objective of expand trepreneurs through state-led policy private sector. Indeed, the IBDC's ing the democratic procedures, lead reforms and the allocation of state lobbying interventions have been, ership struggles have instead intensi resources to blacks on preferential to a significant extent, the cata- fied. In addition the actual member-
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Q) -o .<:: u"' Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 5 ------~mill~~~~------ ship base of the IBDC is not clear. tion policies. In 1994, the Chairman mains unclear. Indeed, not only is Attempts to obtain a list of members of the Select Committee on the In the AAG programme similar to that and their actual economic activities digenization of the National Econ of the IBDC but they appear to be has proved fruitless. omy, established in April1991, com attempting to forge an even closer As a result of these conflicts, plained of the: reluctance by govern alliance with the ruling party. there has been a split within the ment to show its willingness to serve In January 1995, yet another in IBDC: one faction led by Ben small and medium scale businesses digenous lobbying group was orga Mucheche, a leading figure in the when they are beset with financial nized in order to inject new life and transport sector, and another by problems by invoking the state loans direction into the antagonization de Chemist Siziba, a former president and guarantees act which it has done bate. The National Reconstruction of the IBDC. At present there is with big companies when faced with and Development Board (NRDB), little sign that the rift will be healed, closure. made up of both IBDC and AAG and there are indications that The absence of an overall pol members, aimed to bring together leading politicians have lent their icy on indigenization and the lack technocrats and astute business peo support to different factions within of transparency of the policies al ple "of all races" to develop a policy the IBDC. Thus, the IBDC's very ready in place have already resulted framework for black economic em existence has become dependent on in serious abuses. The 1994 Ten powerment. It w,as intended that changing power relations within the ant Farmer scandal in which the this Board should be independent ruling party . . . a fragile basis for Minister of Agriculture leased state and, 'not a wing of particular pres support. farms whose leases had expired with sure groups.' As well, what gains have been white farmers, to select black farm A major issue for the group was made by the IBDC are negligible. ers without transparent guidelines, the procedure for selling govern Although the IBDC counts several provided an example of the kind ment assets. The sale of govern state initiatives - such as the Set of inconsistent indigenization pro ment shares in Delta Corporation Aside programme in the construc gramme that could unfold in the to South African Breweries and the tion sector which requires that at country. sale of Astra Corporation shares in least 30% of the contract value National Foods to AM Zimbabwe of all large-scale building contracts Birds of a feather (formerly Anglo American Corpora be sub-contracted to small- and tion), had raised serious questions medium-sized enterprises - among The continuing debilitating cns1s about government commitment to its successes, for indigenous business within the IBDC and apparent stasis indigenization. The NRDB objected people these were considered insuf in new government initiatives on the that: indigenous programme led to the ficient. For its part, the state has The blacks lack information on what been divided between a formal com formation of a new organization of indigenous business persons in July is happening with regards to dis mitment to indigenization and the posal of government assets. The need to maintain strict fiscal control 1994. The Affirmative Action Group (AAG) has adopted an aggressive whole process is not transparent, over funds disbursed for this pro and the indigenous persons inter gramme. Moreover, the state has lobbying strategy using even more stridently nationalist language than ested in acquiring government as yet to produce an overall strategy sets do not know how to go about on indigenization. Several general the IBDC. As with the IBDC, the interventions of the AAG resonate it, because of lack of information. draft reports produced by the Plan The Board should demand a pub ning Commission and a Committee with the discourse of the American Black Nationalist Movement. In a lic modus operandi on sale of govern of Experts of the ruling party, re m ent assets. [Minutes of the Third main programmatic statements and statement reminiscent of Malcolm X, the AAG has warned: Meeting of the NRDB; March. 31, lists of objectives, rather than a con 1995.] crete plan worked out with the sec Those who wish to become 'uncle tors and social partners concerned. Toms' or the field Negroes or the The NRDB's attempt to unify The document says more about the window-dressed or the 'Mr Nice various indigenization lobbies did weakness of the position of the Plan Guys' . . . are using their sense not succeed as the different groups ning Commission in the structure of professionalism to defend the continued to both pursue their dif of government, than it does about indefensible at the expense of the ferent political patrons in the rul the seriousness of commitment to a nation ... be warned .. . A.A. G. will ing party leadership and maintained broadly discussed programme of in expose them . .. different emphases in their lobbying digenization. Once again beyond the bravado strategies. While both the IBDC There are also signs of a ten of public statements the member and the AAG have clamoured for sion in government over indigeniza- ship base of this organization re- business deregulation and state sub- 6 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT sidies, the AAG has placed greater that the service be provided by Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), emphasis on the control and redis the Post Office Savings Bank which in its publication Beyond ESAP tribution of white-owned wealth. understands small money which is {1996) has called for a corporate what people in the informal sector strategy between labour, the state O ther Voices: The W orld B ank need. and capital. Through such a strat and labour The World Bank has therefore egy the labour movement hopes Aside from these lobby groups, the challenged virtually all the key as to develop what it refers to as indigenization debate has drawn re sumptions and demands of the in a "truly national compromise" in actions both internally and exter digenization lobby, favouring in which "all interest groups and stake nally. The World Bank has re stead market-determined 'race neu holders participate in policy formu sponded to the current indigeniza tral' schemes that accept the racial lation, decision making and imple tion initiatives of the state with a distribution of resources as a basis mentation." In order to develop call for restraint on government in for neo-liberal 'reform.' this corporate setting the ZCTU has proposed the establishment of the tervention. In the case of land re Expectedly, the rhetoric and Zimbabwe Economic Development allocation, the Bank proposes a pro agenda of the lobby groups has also Council (ZEDC) developed on the gressive land tax. With regard to drawn the ire of certain white busi NEDLAC model in South Africa. industrial and financial wealth the ness commentators. On the one However, while this is a refreshing Bank warns, hand, white business takes the per intervention on the part of labour, it is important that changes to spective which leaves indigenization at this stage it is highly unlikely that assets ownership are based on largely at the discretion of the pri the labour movement has the lobby efficiency criteria, but there are no vate sector and totally subordinate ing strength on its own to change the mechanisms built into the proposals to market driven growth. State current direction of the indigeniza so far put forward that would interventions into the process are tion debate. ensure that new owners of such considered largely disruptive of the assets would be efficient managers white business view of 'racial har Indigenization : ideology of - an issue which generally the mony' which is centrally concerned transformation ? market is much better at revealing with the least possible disruption to than any administrative mechanism. white privilege in the Zimbabwean Finally, there is no doubt that a There is therefore a risk that economy. On the other hand, there call for more African control of the such asset reallocation will lead to is the argument that the lack of economy in Zimbabwe is a justi individuals with privileged access progress in indigenizing the economy fied intervention which has mobi to decision makers being favoured lies in cultural differences between lized large sections of emergent busi ... (World Bank, The Public Sector the races based on a dualist model ness groups in the country. More and Poverty Reduction Options in of the economy. Both of these per over, Mugabe has increased his at Zimbabwe; 1995.] spectives totally ignore the institu tacks on white business and multi nationals, accusing them of continu The World Bank has introduced tional and structural interventions of the settler state which severely pro ally blocking black advancement in a Z$700-million loan scheme for the economy. Much of his politi small businesses which has been crit scribed the ability of blacks to pri vately accumulate fixed assets. cal rhetoric over the last year has ically received by the indigenization concentrated on this theme, as he lobbies. These lobbies feel that For its part, the labour move seeks to mobilise an increasingly dis the facility could benefit established ment while broadly supporting the illusioned constituency. However, at white-owned businesses, unless spe policy of indigenization, has cri ti present, the indigenization debate in cific measures are introduced to en cised the narrow conception of the Zimbabwe has reached a crisis point, sure that black-owned companies programme being espoused by the divided by conflicting groups, and and the informal sector are given pri indigenization lobbies. As the move presided over by a state that is it ority. The Indigenization groups are ment has watched its members be self unclear about the indigenization also opposed to funds being made ing marginalised and further impov strategy it would like to pursue. Fur available through commercial banks, erished by ESAP it has called for thermore, indigenization as an ideol which they argue will continue to a broader process of black empow ogy of transformation remains pro support white control of the econ erment which reaches beyond the scribed by the elitist nature of its omy. In the words of the President accumulative agendas of the black programmatic reach. Thus, even if of the AAG: elite. an indigenization strategy was ad These financial institutions and In an attempt to move the de vanced in a more dramatic manner, their staff are incapable of dealing bate on indigenization into a more structural reform of a grossly imbal with the informal sector ... if I had general discussion of alternative de anced economy seems unlikely in the a choice I would personally prefer velopment strategies, the Zimbabwe near future. Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 7 ------~~mill~~~~ ------ Zimbabwean repairing a broken down truck, stuck in the street at night with few tools by candle light - a metaphor? ESAP's Fables II BY RICHARD SAUNDERS cial infrastructure, shifting the fo nant local demand and a worsening cus of many mass-oriented devel unemployment problem that threat Richard Saunders is SAR's Zimbabwe opment social programs away from ened to become politically trouble correspondent. redistribution towards management some. Zimbabwean industry was of defined and limited, even de an easy convert, but the country's Zimbabwe's Economic Structural clining, public resources. Now, political leadership was less easily Adjustment Programme (ESAP), as Zimbabweans await the unveil swayed. In the 1980s, Zimbabwe launched in 1990, was meant to her ing of a follow-on, second five-year had been a star performer in Africa ald a new era of modernised, com program, rising popular displeasure in the provision of social services petitive, export-led industrialisa with ESAP has brought pressure and in the reconstruction and de tion. But despite a high-performing to bear on the government and velopment of its public infrastruc economy in its first decade of in its international backers for the re ture. Average life expectancy was dependence, the country now ap evaluation of what has proven in on the rise; childhood mortality was pears firmly lodged in a quagmire practice to be a treacherous model down, and other measuring sticks of mounting debt and erratic growth of development. such as the literacy rate and the in the wake of five years of ESAP technical skills capacity were encour mandated reforms. When ESAP was first intro aging. Moreover, most of this so In a short time, ESAP's World duced, the government claimed it cial growth was financed by govern Bank-inspired reforms has ripped was the only alternative to contin ment without jeopardizing relative into the existing economic and so- ued production bottlenecks, stag- macroeconomic stability. 8 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ------~nmm@~@~------But from the mid-1980s the ment of public corporations and lay one study concluded, was quickly ruling party maintained that the offs in the government sector, would bringing the Zimbabwean working future development of the country reduce the state's deficit from the class to the brink of widespread would depend upon the leading usual 10% to 5% or less. The gov destitution. In the rural areas, participation of the local private ernment admitted this risked higher the majority population was often sector and capital inflows from unemployment and higher consumer forced to depend on government overseas. So it did not come prices in "the short term," but food aid. By the end of the drought as a shock when the first phases Zimbabweans were promised a ris in November 1992, more than half of ESAP were announced, starting ing real standard of living, long the population of the country was with government's budget statement term employment expansion and a receiving some form of drought relief in July 1990. What did come modern, growing, internationally assistance from government. as a surprise was the rapidity competitive economy. However, the return of rains in with which the program undermined But in a country where local 1993 did not improve the situation, the relative stability of Zimbabwe's production was highly integrated making it clear that the ESAP social economy. and often efficient, and where a reforms themselves were the leading Zimbabwe's adjustment program large state provided a range of factor in undermining ordinary contained the usual collection of quality social services, the reforms people's standard of living. Loan Bank-inspired reforms - trade and represented more peril than promise agreements emanating from ESAP currency de-regulation, devaluation for most. have stretched the country's foreign of the Zimbabwe dollar, movement and domestic debt to unmanageable towards high real interest rates, the An experiment gets out of proportions. And ESAP's deficit lifting of price controls, chopping control cutting fetish has led to the of "social spending" and removal of As it happened, neither the market state's slashing of real per-capita consumer subsidies. All were stan reforms, nor the different measures social spending throughout the dard ingredients of "liberalisation," that were meant to offset their 1990s, and the marked undermining as were the Bank's and IMF's in effects on the most vulnerable, went of local industry by government's creasing emphasis on reduction of according to plan. At the same time greater - not smaller - role in the government deficit, civil service as parts of the Zimbabwean private one part of the private sector, reform and shedding of public en sector displayed worrying signs of financial markets. Forced to borrow terprises. And finally, there was deindustrialization, and the public heavily from local markets to finance the string of large loans and credit debt spiralled upwards, the standard reforms and service the deficit, facilities from the Bank, the IMF of living of most Zimbabweans was government ended up distorting and international donors, aimed at also plummeting to levels not seen financial flows. Heavy public sector supporting the country's balance of in 25 years. demand crowded-out private sector payments and government's plans borrowing, and kept real interest for substantial private sector infras The initial economic shock treat rates punishingly high. tructural development. At the out ment undertaken with ESAP's launch in the early 1990s hit the The combined outcome of set, it was estimated that roughly chaotic fiscal policy and increased US$3 billion over five years would business sector and ordinary Zim babweans very hard, and the im competition from imports is the de be needed from overseas donors to velopment of a worrying pattern of make the reforms work. Zimbabwe pact of these measures was greatly exacerbated by the severe drought deindustrialization, amid a pattern would spend its way into a new free of spiralling government deficit and market on borrowed money. of the early 1990s. In 1992, after two consecutive poor rainy seasons, debt. Government and its bankers said the economy contracted by at least Social cuts and their conse 7.5%, with all sectors in Zimbabwe's the new investment would be fo quences agriculture-based productive sector cused on modernizing the manufac The primary response to the contin turing sector which would enable affected. At the same time, price control relaxation saw inflation ex ued government deficit and climbing the country to compete in interna debt servicing was increased pres tional markets and earn the hard plode and consumer demand shrink, by as much as 30%. sure to cut real spending on public currency needed to pay back ESAP's services, including the cost of over underpinning foreign loans. An op One result was a sharp decline all government administration itself. timistic target of 5% annual growth in average real wages. It was the In this regard, it soon became clear in GDP was set by the Bank and beginning of a trend that would that the fine attention to technical government. Meanwhile, govern see, by the mid 1990s, average real details which were part of the eco ment fiscal restraint elsewhere, in earnings fall to the lowest levels nomic reform process was missing · volving reduction in services, divest- since the early 1970s. ESAP, when it came to devising, imple- Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 9 ------~nmm@~@~------menting and reforming programs in scribed as deaths caused by the in 1995, government spent $53 million volving the "social" aspects of ad ability of patients to pay for the helping 265 ,000 students with tu justment. minimal length of time in the hos ition and examination fees. But this still fell far short of the actual basic Moreover, there was a shift in pital, or for prescription medicine. need , and did not begin to address emphasis in the redesign of the The Minister of Health, Dr. Timo additional heavy school attendance state's social programs, away from thy Stamps has acknowledged that a concern with issues of equity only one in ten Zimbabweans can af expenses including school levies, ma terials, uniforms and other costly and access, towards a system of ford to pay for their own he()Jth care. items. And the economic benefit to management driven primarily by the Yet fees remained in place, largely at problem of how to administer the the insistence of ESAP policy mak government from the imposition of supply of services given defined, ers. cost-sharing fees? In 1992-93, edu cational charges raised only $50 mil limited resources. The negative Meanwhile, accounts from rural social and economic consequences clinics and hospitals have urgently lion - or 0.5% of budgeted govern of this shift were immediately noted the near collapse of health ment expenditure. and abundantly clear for ordinary care services under the weight of Zimbabweans. Of particular note cutbacks and imposed self-reliance. (Anti)-social dimensions of ad was the rapid deterioration in Professional morale and service justment the country's acclaimed health and delivery within the public health To offset any negative impact of education sectors. system has wilted. Many doctors, ESAP on poorer Zimbabwean house nurses and technicians have r been Health care holds and retrenched public sector tempted into the higher-paying, workers, government introduced the Public expenditure on health care better equipped local private sector, Social Development Fund (SDF) to declined by 39% in 1994-95. This or out-of-country altogether. assist poor households with school decrease implied diminished spend The inevitable result has been fees, health fees and food money ing on common drugs, extension and the rapid entrenchment of a two-tier subsidies. Retrenched civil servants preventative health services, spe health care system, in which those were to be assisted with retraining cialist facilities and treatment, and most in need and least able to pay and seed capital for entry into the other components of quality health have been increasingly marginalised private sector. But for the most part care delivery. At the same time, the from quality services. these new programs were less care government's stricter enforcement of fully planned and implemented than a user fees system erected barriers Education other components of ESAP and were to health care in the way of poorer to prove largely ineffective in cush social groups who were, typically, The same contradictions between ioning the impact of reform on ordi those most in need of health services. cost savings and rising social need nary Zimbabweans. Worrying developments included have emerged to threaten the coun try's celebrated post-independence The funds allotted to the SDF a growth in perinatal mortality, ac fell far short of matching the rate counted for by a variety of factors, advances in primary and secondary education. In the primary sector in of government cuts in the social sec including the increasing incidence tors of health and education. Spend of unhooked expectant mothers and particular, real per capita spending and average spending per pupil fell ing cuts in the executing govern "babies born before arrival," and de ment agency hampered implementa creased access to prenatal consul to the lowest levels since indepen dence. tion of the SDF assistance. It was tancies, equipment, necessary facil made the responsibility of potential ities and, not least of all, drugs. A While government's declining beneficiaries to apply to the SDF more widespread, essential problem investment undermined the quality for relief and there was considerable involved diminishing drug supplies. of education, its imposition of user general confusion, even among gov Between 1988/89 and 1993/94, the fees effectively barred easy access to ernment officials, as to what crite real value of the national revolving education for hundreds of thousands ria qualified an applicant for assis drug fund, allocated to the agency of students from poorer households. tance, and how screening should be that supplied approximately 80% of The overall result of fee imposition carried out. Application paperwork drugs dispensed to public and pri was a decline by as much as was cumbersome, especially for the vate health institutions, declined by 5% in enrollments by children in less educated who also tended to 67%, resulting in shortages and the urban primary schools, despite a have less access to information on growing use of private channels to growth in the potential school-going the programs. Co-ordination among secure drugs and equipment. population. the different relief schemes, which In 1992 doctors and nurses be Over time, the government has evidently had an overlapping target gan referring to "ESAP deaths," de- established a relief system and in clientele, was poor. 10 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ------~nlliill~~~ww@ ______ +-' u "'a. E I y: z _j ~ Q) s"' The result was that a small tal spending (much of it construc objective, of continued and tighten proportion of those who were eligible tion) - has been heavily depen ing budget restraint. for assistance were reached with dent on donor injections of capi resources that were, in any event, tal, and has raised further questions insufficient to offset the impact of about how government wi ll man Fallout and fracturing government cuts. age to meet new recurrent expendi Promising rapid economic growth, tures in a period of public service expanding employment opportuni Continued reduced overall real retrenchments and declining recur ties and a hands-off, efficient state, spending by government now points rent spending. The seemingly ap ESAP fell far short of its main to systematic and increasing short parent solution - that recurrent ex macroeconomic targets. In reality, falls in social infrastructure invest penditure on the social sector could growth slowed and became more er ments. The one exception in this be increased in real terms - runs ratic, averaging only 1.2% (not the regard - large real growth in capi- counter to ESAP's overriding policy 5% envisaged) over 1991-94, a dis- Southern Af rica REPORT july 1996 11 ------~alliill~~~~------ dard of living. Their responses appointing performance only partly have complained increasingly that to this deteriorating situation have due to the droughts of 1992 and corporate planning. wit~in govern come at different levels. On the 1995. In fact, a range of indicators ment services is bemg Imposed by one hand, there have been sporadic reflect the entrenchment of deeper the World Bank and IMF, without protests; on the other, th~re has and systemic problems in the "re regard to the views or suggestions of been a growing institutionahsed re formed" economy, including high in those who actually work in the sys sponse from within civil society flation (which has stubbornly re tem. mained above 20%, averaging 28.8% As early a..c; 1993, the country in 1991-94, instead of falling to the Foreign consultants and their experienced its first "IMF" riots projected 10%) and a continued sub agencies appear to have direct and when the lifting of subsidies and stantial government deficit (which largely hidden access to government decontrol of market prices sent decision-making processes. Some has fluctuated around 10%, averag the price of bread soaring 30~. ing 8.8% of GDP in the early 1990s, see evidence of this influence in the A "bread boycott" by township far above the 5% level anticipated by formulation and funding of govern consumers lasted more than two the World Bank in 1990). ment's latest coping "social" pro weeks, and saw running street gram, the Poverty Alleviation Ac battles between riot police, and Most Zimbabweans have experi tion Plan, which will depend cen enced these changes in terms of em women and youtli. But though trally on the input of several hun the standard price of bread dropped ployment and falling standards of dred million dollars and other sup living. The Zimbabwe Congress of temporarily, the creeping power of port from the Bank and a collecti_on the market ensued; and in January Trade Unions estimated that about of other donors. What does seem In 55 000 jobs were lost up to 1995 1996 the price of bread was nearly controvertible, is the augmented fi double that which prompted rioting - 'about double the figure esti nancial leverage afforded expatriate mated by government. Real incomes two years earlier. Other short-lived, institutions - governmental, multi often spontaneous protests over the for those still in the formal sec lateral and private - in light of the tor dropped sharply during ESAP negative market price effects . of growing fiscal crisis of the Zimbab ESAP liberalisation have met w1th (and they continue to fall) , under wean state. mined by persistently high inflation similar fates. and slow growth in most wage pack Moreover, foreign agencies have Trad~ unions have scrambled to ets. In the burgeoning informal shown increasing willingness to re maintain membership and bargain spond with pressure when gove:n sector of hawkers, small scale and ing strength in the face of ~ost.il e ment's actions do not meet w1th backyard production, cross-border "liberalisation" measures, wh1le In their satisfaction. In May 1995, the traders, streetkids, prostitutes and digenous business lobbies have ~p IMF backed up its demands for fur others, real incomes probably fell plied pressure for gover~ment ass1s~ even more sharply. The public sec ther spending cuts by withholding tance in the face of the1r members balance of payments support cred tor, too, has suffered unpreceden~ed decimation by tough market compe- job losses and falling real salanes. its. Later, other donors including tition. · About 22 ,000 public service employ the Bank were to follow suit. The cruellest irony of ESAP is perhaps Meanwhile, the large majority ees have been retrenched, alongside of Zimbabweans have turned away large cutbacks in real recurrent ex that a policy which aimed to halve the government deficit and finance a from their weakened government, penditure on services. But though [note the very low turnout in the the state may be "smaller" in terms higher short-term debt th~ough ~x panded industrialisation, m reahty recent election , for example - ed. ] of personnel, it is not necessarily and fo cused on their own survival, more efficient. ended by doubling the national debt, putting additional pressure· on the reliant on their own pocketbooks. Declining conditions of work government deficit and stuntin~ an If most households had sufficient and uncompetitive pay have chased anticipated process of locally-dnven income, this new order would not many better-skilled public servants re-industrialisation. pose as much of a dilemma. The out of government, feeding a grow reality is that diminished household ing popular perception that gov Response from the grass roots incomes hold little likelihood of ernment's main economic policy is Ordinary Zimbabweans are sorely recovery to pre-ESAP levels, for being driven by "foreign experts." aware of this process of rapid na many years to come. While the state Among those who feel most threat tional impoverisation - the most continues to borrow heavily to pay ened and disenfranchised by the new tangible outcome of the modernising back swelling debt obligations, most anti-social planning regime, and who experts' handiwork. And increas Zimbabweans will be compelled are most critical of it, are trade ingly, Zimbabweans are making the increasingly to make savings of a unions and civic organisations. Pub links between ESAP, budget cuts more basic sort to sustain their lives lic sector associations, in particular, and the decline in the national stan- -and those of the next generation. 12 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ------~nmm~~~ww® ______Gay Bashing in Zimbabwe tile demonstrators in Auckland and I Mugabe's Unholy War Maastricht. But it will be interest - ing to see if he can resist the temp tation to become involved in the un BY IDEN WETHERELL the unlikely coalition that emerged folding row over the World Coun Iden Wetherell is assistant editor of the around the issue, comprising conser cil of Churches' proposal to host its weekly Zimbabwe Independent vative whites and black traditional eighth assembly, scheduled for 1998, ists, many attached to evangelical in Harare. Zimbabwe may soon find itself once churches. Here was a chance for Mu again embroiled in a row over gay gabe to mobilize that constituency The WCC has insisted that a di rights as the World Council of while showing that Zimbabwe's op alogue be opened with gay advocates Churches prepares fo host its 1998 positional civic movement had gone in Zimbabwe ahead of the assembly assembly in Harare. The small too far: "Look what happens when and that gay delegates be allowed to Southern African country made society is no longer led by the party express their views at the meeting. headlines last year when President and government," appeared to be The head of the Zimbabwe Coun Robert Mugabe vilified homosexuals Mugabe's pitch to voters ahead of cil of Churches, Anglican Bishop of in a speech at the opening of the national elections held earlier this Harare Jonathan Siyachitema, was Zimbabwe International Book Fair year. one of the first to congratulate the whose theme was human rights. president on his anti-gay stance and "If we accept homosexuality as The president was also un has since repeated his view that ho a right, as is being argued by doubtedly seeking to deflect atten mosexuality is a sin. The law would the association of sodomists and tion from press reports surround take its course against gay protesters sexual perverts, what moral fibre ing his own marital record, reveal at the assembly who were not bona shall our society ever have to ing a highly selective approach to deny organised drug addicts, or moral indignation. More seriously, fide delegates, he recently said in a even those given to bestiality, the he probably hoped his gay-bashing clear warning to local gays. rights they might claim under the would camouflage misdirection of rubrics of individual freedom and public resources that has resulted But he is facing mounting op human rights?" Mugabe told in a 20% reduction in per capita position. The Zimbabwean Ec a shocked audience that included gross domestic product since inde umenical Support Service, one of Nobel laureates Nadine Gordimer pendence in 1980 and led to very several Zimbabwean based groups and Wole Soyinka. real hardship among the urban poor. preparing for the assembly, has Whatever the case, the campaign condemned "political appeasement" With the bit between his teeth, came to a grinding halt in early and accused Siyachitema of compro and basking in the approbation September 1995 when Mugabe at mising his pastoral responsibilities. of Zimbabwe's ,churches, Mugabe tended a summit of regional heads of The gay movement itself is consider thereafter expanded upon this state in Johannesburg. Confronted ably more resilient after last year's theme at every opportunity, call by a well-orchestrated gay lobby baptism of fire and is now fortified ing upon his ruling ZANU PF's which kept him locked in at Jo by donor funding and a network of Women's League - an organisation hannesburg airport for several hours international supporters. with a record of political thuggery - on arrival and an unrelentingly hos to arrest individuals they suspected tile press, the Zimbabwean leader While Mugabe may have burnt of being gay. came to appreciate at last that his his fingers on the gay issue last There has been considerable campaign did not enjoy the univer year he is still searching for an speculation as to what exactly sal support Zimbabwe's supine state issue to express his championship possessed Zimbabwe's president in media had suggested. Expecting to of "African values" while at the adopting this extreme position. In be received as the conquering hero same time reflecting his growing the past he has spoken in vit who had delivered to South Africa resentment of Nelson Mandela's riolic terms about white farmers, its freedom, he was characterised as inclusivist "Rainbow Nation" to the Jews, and political critics. But an intolerant African dictator. south - representing as it does nothing quite matched the malevo a standing rebuke to Mugabe's lence of his gay-bashing campaign. Thereafter he avoided the IS own narrow definition of African One explanation could be found m sue, except when provoked by hos- nationhood. The struggle of Sou t hern Africa REPORT july 1996 13 ------~~mill©~©~------~--- Zimbabwe's tiny gay community observance and political reform m compell ed to weigh in again. In (increasingly black in composition) the southern African nation of which case Zimbabwe's churches for the right to be heard is 10 million. Mugabe sees reform will be expected this time around only a small part of a much of any sort as a threat to his to do more than merely sanctify wider struggle for human rights power base and may therefore feel presidential bigotry. book fair. Even the government controlled Herald has adopted what II -Outing the Gay Debate amounts to a "don't ask, don't tell" policy towards homosexuality. It BY MARC EPPRECHT supporters, neither violence nor sys often reports non-judgementally on Marc Epprecht teaches history at the tematic intimidation of gays and les gay rights activities in the West and University of Zimbabwe and is the bians have ensued. The organization its editorial line appears to favour author of several articles on gender and which supposedly offended African the decriminalization of consenting history in southern Africa. values so deeply last year (Gays and homosexual sex between adults. In Lesbians of Zimbabwe or GALZ) this way, it is helping to create an President Mugabe's "anti-homo" has been granted permission to dis ideological space for acceptance of campaign following the Zimbabwe play its publications at this year's homosexuality in a ~ociety which has International Book Fair in 1995 met with intense criticism and even mockery in the international com munity. Perhaps most galling to Zimbabwean nationalists on this score was the not-so-discreet con descension shown in some South African papers. Zimbabwe's major aid donors meanwhile applied direct pressure upon Mugabe to temper his remarks. Many Zimbabweans were taken aback by such a strong reaction against what they under stand as an internal "cultural" mat ter. Tolerance of homosexuality (if not homosexuality itself) has thus been widely cited as yet another in tolerable case of Western imperial ism. The issue is still commonly alluded to in resentful or sarcastic terms in the pro-government media on topics as varied as structural ad justment and corporal punishment in schools. African nationalists certainly have a point. Who needs remind ing that Western hypocrisy on hu til man rights is profound, not least "'::J of all on this issue? Compared til >..., to Pat Buchanan or to the mur u derous "gay-bashing" which takes "'c. place in North America, Zimbab E weans as a whole actually have good reason to be proud of their basi t Ol cally tolerant and reasonable atti "'Ol tude. For example, notwithstand co ing the vehemence of Mugabe's de co nunciations of homosexuality and the sometimes violent rhetoric of his Robert Mugabe 14 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ------~~mill~~~~------traditionally regarded it as offensive Contradictory as Hatendi 's let Universal heterosexual marriage, or nonsensical. ter was, it was a breakthrough in it must be emphasized, does not Nonetheless, the bitter debate an important sense. For the first necessarily denote universal hetero about whether homosexuals are peo time, a respected public personage sexual orientation. African cultures ple deserving the same human rights suggested that instinctive reaction throughout the region in fact pro as other citizens or whether they may have to be qualified if history vide mechanisms to ensure that ster are "like dogs" (as Mugabe asserted) provided sufficient evidence for tol ile marriages could still appear to may be on the verge of a reprise. erance. Interestingly, the Herald be fruitful. Hence, a man who was GALZ has sensibly restrained am has not published any letters in re "gay" in orientation and repulsed bitions for this year's book fair sponse, for or against. It appears by the very thought of sex with his (mainly to publicize its counselling that the editor has decided to stop wife, could invite her to take her own services and answer stereotypical a debate which seems certain ulti lovers. Lobola ("bride price") en questions about what is homosexu mately to embarrass President Mu sured that any offspring would be ality). However, there is a strong gabe. This could also explain the socially recognized as his. Fictions possibility that foreign publishers sudden removal of Siyachitema as about his own social manhood, with may display "obscene" or deliber president of the ZCC (July 4) and all the economic and political ben ately provocative materials. Free his replacement by a man of more efits which accrued to it, could be lance homophobes may also disrupt moderate reputation and sense of maintained regardless of his actual the fair. This possibility is com discretion. Negotiations between sexual feelings. the WCC, ZCC, GALZ, donors, and ing at a sensitive time as Zimbabwe The silence of the guardians of the government will continue outside is presently negotiating to host the custom, of anthropologists and of the glare of public controversy. World Council of Churches confer Native Commissioners (who tried ence in 1998. The WCC has made it civil offenses in the rural areas in clear that homosexuality will be on H istory tells more the colonial years) should therefore the agenda, that it leans towards a not be taken to prove that homosex liberal policy on the issue, and that This hushed approach may actually uality did not exist. Rather, the si it will not tolerate the harassment be more reflective of Zimbabwean lence was a way of expressing dis of its members who are homosex traditions than the confrontational, approval of a known phenomenon. ual. This puts it on a direct colli obsessive homophobia of Christian Rare admissions of this have been sion course with many Zimbabwean mission-educated leaders such as preserved in colonial court docu church leaders and could again bring Mugabe and Siyachitema. The ments. In 1921, for example, a Ma the country's reputation into inter fact is, homosexual practices were zoe headman told a Salisbury magis national disrepute. known among black Zimbabweans trate that "native custom" dictated The opening salvo in the looming prior to the coming of whites. a fine of one beast for attempted contest came last month when the They were almost certainly quite sodomy. This put the "crime" at president of the Zimbawean Council rare and they were talked about about the same level of disapproval of Churches denounced homosexual even less. This rarity can easily as other sexual crimes like adultery. ity as a sin about which there could be explained without essentialist be no compromise. Bishop Jonathan arguments about African culture or That ambiguous sexual feelings Siyachitema called for "the law to nature. In pre-colonial Zimbabwe, existed among Africans prior to the take its course," meaning that ho as throughout the region, wealth coming of whites is also strongly mosexuals should be imprisoned and was primarily measured in people. suggested by the appearance of ho their literature or educational ma Children, in addition to their mosexual "crimes" in the very first terials impounded and destroyed. social importance, were also valued year of operation of the colonial His predecessor as Anglican bishop as crucial economic and political courts. In 1892, five cases of sodomy (Bishop Hatendi) weighed in about assets. Heterosexual marriage was and indecent assault by men upon a week later with a rambling let the vocation those children were men or boys were tried in Salisbury ter to the Hera/d. While he sug taught from their earliest years. It and Umtali. Of these only one in- · gested that the Christian churches was also virtually the only sensible volved a whiteman. Over the next in Zimbabwe which tolerate homo path to a relatively secure old thirty years, hundreds of other such sexuality are "parrots" of the West, age. Choosing not to marry cases are recorded, the overwhelm and while he equated homosexual was thus simply not a viable ing majority of which were Africans ity with HIV /AIDS as another in life choice, for men and women "assaulting" Africans, They took famous "import," Bishop Hatendi alike, with rare exceptions. Sex place at the mines, on commercial called for an investigation into the for non-reproductive purposes was farms, in urban compounds, at po actual history of homosexuality in considered evidence of immaturity lice camps, in prisons, and even in Zimbabwe. or witchcraft. the townships where female prosti- Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 15 ------~nlliill~@~~------tutes were readily available. In most Africa). In other words, Zimba They have, however, quietly but sig of these cases the men practiced safe bwe was typical of other industri nificantly strengthened their posi sex, that is, ejaculation between the alizing areas in the region. When tion over the past year. Above all thighs. The men were from both large numbers of men were uprooted they have acquired formidable in outside and within Zimbabwe. from their communities and denied ternational friends, including those A small number of the accused the means to manhood as it was with cash. The Dutch agency Hivos appeared before the courts as traditionally understood, they de has donated $600,000 to GALZ as a repeat offenders, and we may veloped new expressions of mas part of its mandate to help build a probably assume that these men culinity. This included not only plural and democratic society. This actually were "gay" in the sense relatively open homosexuality (in will enable it to open a perma of preferring sex with other males cluding ritual transvestism at some nent office with paid rather than over sex with women. The mines). Signifiers of real manliness volunteer co-ordinators. South of majority of cases, however, seem for African men in this oppressive the border, sexual orientation has to have been men who considered context also included heterosexual been enshrined as a human right in themselves heterosexual. They prostitution and predatory (as op the new constitution, promising the only indulged in sex with males posed to responsible, marriage and emergence of a lively and politically for what we might call strategic child-oriented) sex. combative queer cqmmunity there. or convenience reasons. Finding To identify a relationship be Voices have also emerged within a proper wife was difficult for tween racial capitalist structures, ur Zimbabwe to challenge the party migrant workers while prostitutes banization, and increasingly diver line. The recent launch of the sym were often downright dangerous. In gent sexual identities and practices pathetic weekly newspaper, Zimba the cramped quarters which migrant among Africans is not the same as bwe Independent, promises to pro workers commonly shared, their saying "the whites did it!" (that is, vide an especially influential voice bodies squeezed against each other introduced perversion). On the con on this issue. under a single blanket, sex between trary, African men who engaged in Clearly, matters relating to sexu men also commonly happened "by homosexual practices were acutely ality are difficult at any time in any accident." conscious that whites disapproved. context. Here in Zimbabwe they are Now courts, by their nature, give One of the striking ironies of the all the more sensitive on account of testimony to non-consensual rather "anti-homo" chauvinism of Zimbab the long history of imperialist moral than consensual sex. People in love wean nationalists these days is that izing and hypocrisy. Yet the climate or who have made mutually agree eighty or a hundred years ago it was is changing. At least one in ten Zim able economic arrangements rarely Europeans who were most vocally babweans is HIV positive and de scandalized by African men's be appear before them. Not sur bate about sexual practices is nec prisingly, therefore, the courts of haviour. There was much hypocrisy essarily coming out into the open. early colonial Zimbabwe principally in this regard, no doubt, but the Matters which were hitherto consid record cases involving "accidents," salient point is that African men did ered shameful are now routinely dis "dreams," homosexual rape or coer not look to Europeans for lessons. cussed in the mass media. In sharp cion of "picannins" (boys or young Simplistic, functionalist or contrast to the knee-jerk homopho men). Yet ample evidence also at apologetic explanations of male ho bia of some leaders, the more pro tests to relatively long-term, ap mosexual practices are clearly dif nounced trend is thus toward in parently stable homosexual relation ficult to sustain in the face of the creasingly forthright discussions of ships which went sour. In one case historical evidence. There has been sexuality and patriarchy, of which from Kadoma in 1915, the "hus a diversity of homosexual relation homophobia is an important aspect. band" actually paid lobola for his ships among African men which is all This surely bodes well both for peo "wife" to his "father-in-law." The the more remarkable given the dis ple's health and for the emergence "marriage" came to court because approving glare of both custom and of a kind of democracy which is in the "wife" was unhappy with the colonial ideologies. Although histor clusive and respectful of minority presents he was receiving. ical evidence of female sexuality is groups. infinitely more difficult to come by, Homosexual relationships among One thing is certain. If the "anti men were in fact commonly medi we may probably assume that it was homo" campaign does take off again ated by cash and presents in much similarly more diverse than cultural this year, Zimbabwean intellectuals chauvinists would like us to believe. the same way as scholars have found will be less able than before to in the "mine marriages" of J ohan At present, GALZ is keeping a sit on the fence or to hide behind nesburg (see T. Dunbar Moodie's low profile, leaving such research specious arguments about culture or and Patrick Harries' recent books (and even some of their own lead "there are more pressing issues." It on male migrant culture in South ership) to straights and foreigners. promises to be a lively fair. 16 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ______lli~@~------Who Governs? NGOs in Rural Mozambique BY ALEXANDER COSTY in the province. As a Renamo ments of the former rebel movement. Alexander Costy, a graduate student at stronghold during the conflict, some A pressing problem of "dual ad the University of Toronto, is presently areas of Sofala Province continue to ministration" prevails, whereby offi conducting research on Mozambique's be contested by government and ele- cially unrecognised Renamo author- transition to peace. A recent United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) document on War-Torn Societies described postwar transi tions in the following terms: "The historical time span from war to peace is a long period in which both seem to co-exist, where peace has come to some areas but not to oth ers, where conflict lingers and re mains an omnipresent threat and oc casionally flares up again. Recon struction and rebuilding take place throughout this period." (UN RISD, Rebuilding War-Torn Soci eties. Geneva: 1995. p. 5) Indeed, a troubling combination of normality and insecurity seems to have settled across the districts and localities between the Rio Save and the Zambezi in the province of Sofala. On the one hand, there are readily visible signs of peace: Dozens of new pr~mary schools and rural clinics have been built un der the UNHCR's (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) Quick Impact Projects .... u (QUIPs) recovery programme, and ro c. extensive demining and road reha E bilitation have restored links be I tween town and country. Further ~ more, with demobilisation, repatria Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 17 ______llil~@~------ities claim effective control over sub health, education, water and sani As a result, NGOs are strongly stantial tracts of territory, to the ex tation, demining, agricultural exten positioned to act effectively to pro clusion of the state, making access sion and vocational training. Given duce results in key relief and devel by government workers difficult and, their relative organisational strength opment sectors. Though they are on occasion, dangerous. and economic weight, NGOs have formally bound to fulfil basic project had significant impact on Sofala's re A prominent feature of this post requirements negotiated with the covery, not only in material terms, war landscape is the impressive ar government, NGOs in practice en but also politically. ray of international and (to a lesser joy a wide margin of discretion in extent) national non-governmental deciding the modalities and timing In the national capital, NGOs organisations engaged in Sofala's re of their interventions in the districts, covery process. There is no question must contend with ministries, donor and often leave little room for gov that NGOs have helped in count governments and multi-lateral agen ernment input in day-to-day oper less ways to lay the foundations for cies. In the field, they are any ations. Frequently, agencies run peace in the province. Yet they thing but small fry. By local stan "closed shops" which do not con dards, the NGOs working in Sofala may also be sustaining "lingering" form to government criteria or pri are powerful organisations. Detailed orities for the region. One US-based local conflicts and, to some extent, budgetary information is difficult to impeding political reconciliation in food relief group which is now ex a way that can ultimately subvert come by. What is clear, however, is panding into agricultural extension work explained that they welcomed prospects for decentralised democ that with individual annual budgets racy. In what follows, and with a of U .S.$200,000 and up, even mod the presence of Department of Agri culture officials "in so far as they are cautious eye on current plans for de est NGO projects are able to mo centralisation and the holding of lo bilise human and material resources willing to participate in the train cal elections, I take this opportu which, for the moment at least, far ing programmes we operate," admit nity to offer a few "first impressions" exceed those of local authorities. ting that they run a "separate pro- about some untended political side effects of humanitarian intervention in Sofala's troubled districts. M a r ginalising local gove rnment At the height of the emergency pe riod between 1991 and 1994, the NGO roster in Sofala included some of the biggest names in humanitar ian assistance, like World Vision, the Lutheran Federation and Medecins sans Frontii~res, as well as a wide variety of smaller European, Ameri can and South African groups. To day, in this transitory phase from "relief-to-development," while some have withdrawn, others are seeking to stay, either by applying for ex tensions to emergency project fund >..., ing, or by bidding for longer-term u ro development contracts. In early a. 1996, at least twenty international E NGOs and six prominent national I organisations were active in Sofala, ~ many with operations in two or <( more districts. In their ongoing sup port for resettlement and demobil isation, political re-integration and .r: decentralization, NGOs provide es u 0 sential services: from food distribu ~ tion to infrastructure rehabili tation, <( 18 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ______rill,~@~------gramme in the province." In the to further erosion of already weak most observers, including the gov health sector, too, NGOs are no links between provincial and local ernment itself, are quick to recognize torious for running alternative sys levels of government, to a reinforce this. tems, staffing newly built clinics ment of suspicions, and a sense of But can NGOs remain neutral with medical workers whose profes alienation that is potentially damag in a politicised environment? In sional qualifications are not recog ing to intergovernmental relations. the experience of a Diario corre nised by provincial health authori Increasingly, marginalisation spondent who covers the troubled ties. also appears to define the relation districts: "NGOs must adopt a to In the districts, considerable ship between district authorities and tally political attitude. In a cer facing-off occurs between local ad the community. Where it can, gov tain way they must be supportive ministrations and NGO workers. ernment routinely takes credit for of Renamo, not because they sup Much of it revolves around the nuts the material benefits which NGOs port it politically, but in order to and-bolts issues of access to food bring to communities in the form better integrate themselves with the and fuel supplies, vehicles and power of credits, clinics, wells and new local community. They draw up generators, and other coveted assets bridges or schools. But inhabitants programmes which, in one way or of international assistance which, are well aware of the overwhelming another, support Renamo. This is from the perspective of local com economic superiority of the outside strictly in order for NGOs to achieve munities, are strongly associated not agencies operating in their midst. their own technical objectives. The only with welfare, but also with NGOs easily become the primary international NGO in Moanza has power and prestige. Typically, con food or wage providers in a district, had to do this in order to expand trol over the allocation and use of in some cases employing dozens of the health service throughout the these resources remains overwhelm local labourers, extensionists, tech area. In Cheringoma, too, the NGOs ingly in the hands of NGO person nical and logistics personnel, drivers have had to cater to the desires nel for the duration of the project. and guards. As a result, wages and of the (Renamo) political leader Local officials complain of being cut food quotas become inflated to the ship in order to work with the com off from access to vehicles and other point where district authorities are munity." Not surprisingly, simi resources, which they see as having unable to compete. By contrast to lar claims have been made by Ren been formally assigned to them, and NGOs which so efficiently vaccinate, amo elements located in government thus being denied the chance to im rehabilitate, build and employ, local controlled areas, who view NGOs prove their working standards and government is seen to have little to as supporting government policy to performance. Perhaps not without offer on its own. Once again, on the their detriment. reason, NGO workers are wary of of eve of decentralisation, district ad Despite their technical empha ficials' personal or political motives ministrations are being drained in sis, then, an implicit politicisation of when requests are made for car keys advance, not only of valuable hu or food supplies. NGOs can occur in the more trou man resources, but also of the pop bled districts. Moreover, in dis But a more fundamental issue ular legitimacy and support upon tricts where political power and ad arises. At a time when district au which, paradoxically, they must in ministrative control are under dis thorities are preparing to take on creasingly depend. pute, the situation is more complex new administrative functions and re Entering the political fray than simply making peace with the sponsibilities under the 1993 Munic "powers that be." NGO interven ipalities Law , they are feeling in Many NGOs deliberately intervene in Renamo-dominated areas with tions become the object of polit creasingly marginalised. This stems ical flare-ups between the govern partly from the officials' infrequent the explicit objective of facilitating their political "integration" into the ment and Renamo, and foreign agen contacts with their superiors in the cies are quickly blamed for taking provincial capital. Indeed, local offi reconstruction and pacification pro cess. As politically "neutral" ac sides. NGOs must thus cater to both cials have few opportunities to leave sides simultaneously. In the words of their district for consultations in tors they have been able to intervene one field director: "When they en Beira and, unhappily, few city bu where government cannot. Indeed, ter these districts, they contact the reaucrats are willing to endure the NGOs have played a crucial role administration. But if they do not penury of long travel and poor ac in making inroads into areas pre open up to Renamo, they will create commodation associated with evalu viously inaccessible to government tensions. Renamo may prevent the ation tours in most districts. NGO workers, such as the remote com population from participating in the workers, by contrast, move continu munities of Maringue, Moanza and project or responding to it." ously between city and field bases, Cheringoma districts. Given recent and maintain daily radio contact history, NGOs are simply more ac On paper, the policy of NGOs with Beira. Recent interviews with ceptable in Renamo-controlled areas to intervene in disputed districts re Caia and Gorongosa officials point than agents of the former enemy and flects their desire to promote rec- Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 19 ______Till~@~------~---- onciliation, by "integrating" oppos issues of the day: the role of and mobilisation is not unlike the ing political factions and their con individuals and local groups in a rhetoric employed by the now dis stituencies into a single, nationwide democratic society, decentralisation, credited grupos dinamizadores, and process of reconstruction and de reconciliation and empowerment. could well receive a similarly am velopment. In practice, however, Special attention is given to the bivalent response from peasants. this is clearly problematic. True, problems of demobilisation, and to Post-war transitions, continues NGOs in many cases possess the fi the prospects and challenges faced the UNRISD study, are moments of nancial clout to affect the local en by women, children, the youth, the confusion about the relative pow vironment, but they do not appear elderly, by emergent NGOs and ers and responsibilities of govern to be able to neutralize it polit small business, by the press and ments and of the many humanitar ically. Instead, they can be ab political parties. ian actors which arrive on the scene. sorbed into it, and become part of For now, these political initia There is ambiguity over the rela the local or provincial power equa tives are held mainly in the city. But tionship "between the international tion. For local leaders in exception a principle objective for KULIMA in community, and what remains of ally distressed areas like these, and the coming months is to bring civil state and local authorities, and re for the community at large, the ma society to the countryside, " ... to the mains of civil society." The chal terial and political stakes involved districts in order to do the same type lenge is to addr;ss the question of in relief and development projects of work we have been doing here in "what should and can be the relative are extremely high. In their struggle the city. The districts have been role, responsibility and authority of for popular support, Renamo leaders destroyed. We can help by creat external and local actors in defining and government cadres alike jump ing carpenters' associations and pot appropriate policies and measures to at every opportunity to claim credit ters' associations. So through infor sustain peace and rebuild war-torn for themselves or vilify the oppo mation seminars and courses we will countries." nent. Many of these opportunities, be able to contribute." ADESSO's This challenge is especially apparently, are supplied by NGO ac director explains. "We talk a lot salient for the people of Sofala. Hav tivities. NGOs engaging in a pol about civil society here in Africa be ing moved from war to· peace and icy of equitable treatment seem to cause our society is disturbed and then to multi-party democracy, the be treading the fine line between a confused. The basis of all these ills province now readies itself for a dif desired political reconciliation and is in the formal (government) struc ficult but exciting experiment in lo the unintended reproduction of lo tures." Like KULIMA, his group is cal democracy. District adminis cal conflicts among wartime protag poised for action in the countryside, trations have been severely weak onists. awaiting only the funds to begin "to ened by years of fighting, popula promote the civil society, educate tion movements, and more recently, Anointing the new prophets the people around the province to the overwhelming burden of inter Beyond the political side-effects of have a culture of production." national humanitarian assistance. If what are primarily technical relief For the districts, these short the local elections are to mean any and development operations, some statements have some serious im thing, the new equation must make NGOs in Sofala are engaged in the plications. District administrators ample room for local administrators business of "changing attitudes and can expect the influx of NGOs to to find legitimacy and confidence perceptions" about the recent past, continue. This may be a good among their constituents, to become and "discussing alternatives" about sign, but not necessarily. It may more closely involved with the prob the future. In Beira, this consists continue to reproduce some of the lems and concerns of the communi of organising political seminars and problems already discussed. True, ties which they will serve, to pro workshops to strengthen local civil these problems will not now be vide a greater measure of political society, mainly by encouraging self posed so much by direct interna and economic security in their dis help and promoting a new form tional intervention as by enthusiastic tricts and to offer tangible services of inclusive, pluralised politics. national non-governmental agencies and local development policy guid These projects, financed by foreign from Beira. Statements by groups ance. This means that NGO inter groups and implemented by local like ADESSO, KULIMA and others ventions, national or international, ones like KULIMA and ADESSO, betray a certain city smugness about technical or more explicitly politi draw representatives from a wide the lessons that rural communities cal, must take a back seat in local cross section of Beira's emerging, must now learn and the ethics they political and economic life. Contin youthful middle class: the political must adopt, and an unsettling confi uing to ignore or bypass local gov parties, the professions and the dence in the civilising effect of their ernments, or to throw their weight local media and social and cultural own organisational structures and around in local politics as they ap leaders. Discussion topics draw philosophies. Paradoxically, zealous pear presently to do, may damage from the important development city talk about rural empowerment the democratisation process. 20 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ______@JJ1@~------Liberalizing AIDS in Africa: I I "' The World Bank Role BY COLLEEN O'MANIQUE Based at Toronto's York University, Colleen O'Manique ha.s done extensive work and research on the issue of AIDS in Uganda. "Get AIDS and see the World." This rather caustic comment came from one of the participants at the International Conference on AIDS in Paris in 1990, a reflection on the epidemic of conferences that accompanied the global spread of HIV. Needless to say, very few in the global conference circuit that this most recent pandemic has created are African. According to the 1994 report AIDS in the World, 90 percent of global resources for AIDS prevention are concentrated Ill ro ::J in North America and Europe, Ill areas representing 20 percent of the >..... global population and 16 percent of u ro HIV -infected people. Sub-saharan a. Africa's share, with 10 percent of the E world's population and 66 percent of ro infections, is only 2.8 percent. c:: c:: Q) Still, AIDS programmes and ~ .0 projects have mushroomed on the .9:! ro African continent in line with the u steady growth of the global AIDS industry. Many grassroots organi WHO/GPA was the principle co programme ... an informal global ai zations are attempting to mitigate ordinating and funding mechanism liance bound by a common commit the devastating impact that AIDS for countries receiving bilateral and ment to challenging AIDS" (AIDS deaths are having in their commu multilateral development assistance and Society Bulletin, July/ August nities. But the majority of inter for AIDS control and prevention. 1995 p.9). UN AIDS came out of a ventions remain externally-funded Recently, however, the program was growing concern within the UN sys and donor-driven. Moreover, al reorganized to integrate other UN tem that WHO's approach was too though general health care expen sponsored initiatives more closely narrowly medical and technicist to diture either remained static or de with those of the WHO. deal adequately with the emerging clined throughout the continent in In January of 1996, UN AIDS of impacts and consequences of the var line with fiscal restructuring, fund ficially became operational, combin ious AIDS epidemics. ing for AIDS-specific programmes ing WHO's programme with those of Within UN AIDS, the WHO continued to climb. UNICEF, UNESCO, UNDP and the is expected to remain central to The World Health Organiza World Bank. The reorganization is country-level programming, but the tion's Global Program on AIDS meant, in the words of new Direc UNDP takes over the official coor (WHO/GPA) led the global insti tor Dr. Peter Piot, ... "to make UN dinating role. Needless to say, the tutional response from 1986. The AIDS a more efficient, client friendly World Bank is the strongest finan- Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 21 ------@JJ1m~------ cial power. Corresponding to the of people with weak immunity The World Bank AIDS agenda Bank's recent interest in social pol climbs. Less than a decade These ideas are clearly articulated icy, its influence in shaping the re ago, tuberculosis was considered in the 1993 World Development sponse to AIDS is potentially quite a stable, endemic health problem; Report Investing in Health, which significant. today, in association with the marked the beginning of the World Thus far, the evidence suggests HIV /AIDS pandemic, tuberculosis Bank's hijacking of the global health that the World Bank's response to is resurgent. The interaction of the agenda away from WHO. Global AIDS fits firmly into the neoliberal two suggests a view of a future with AIDS policy is no exception. One canon, which valorizes the individ rapidly worsening epidemics, each of the five main clusters of public ual, privatization, neo-charity, and intensifying the other. health care interventions elaborated cost-recovery, all the while ignor in the report is an AIDS prevention ing the social and political contexts The increased burden of disease program and educational program fuelling the particular epidemics in places immense pressure on public targeting "high risk" groups, which Africa. health facilities and undermines includes the regulation and control familial and community coping of sources of blood transmission as So, how is one to understand strategies. In many countries AIDS the dimensions of this epidemic and well as community treatment of the is expected to reverse the gains made sick through low-cost protocols. what can we expect from the World in child survival and life expectancy. Bank in this new "client friendly" HIV epidemics in Africa will hence alliance? have devastating long-term social, Consistent with the health policy AIDS in Africa economic and political consequences proposed by the World Bank's unique to the continent. Investing in Health, AIDS policy is The past decade saw AIDS grow to being brought into line with the neo epidemic and tragic proportions in The public health response to liberal ideology that ascribes health Sub-saharan Africa. Although levels AIDS in Africa evolved in a con mainly to the private domain, with of HIV infection were consistently text of massive debt crises and dra the public sector responsible only higher in central and east Africa, conian adjustment and restructuring for the most minimal cluster of today no African region remains programs, which included the with vertical, cost-effective interventions untouched and each year countries drawal of the state from the social targeted at the poor, or with regard with previously low rates report in spheres, privatization, and open to AIDS, at "high risk" groups. creasing incidence of seroprevalence. ing up national economies to global The "private sphere" consists of According to the Department of market forces. Iri this regard, AIDS three very different social actors; the Health in South Africa, 7.6 percent policy was formulated within a so individual and the family (and here, of sexually active adults were HIV cial and political context which cir women are singled out as important positive at the end of 1994, up from cumscribed policy choices. health promoters and caregivers) , 4.5 percent at the beginning of the charities and NGOs, and private year. Surveys carried out in the rest But the problem goes deeper. businesses. of the southern African region reveal AIDS policy in African countries in The global multisectoral strategy similarly significant rises. creasingly reflects the broader neo liberal agenda that accompanies the arrived at a moment when the fac Although other health conditions current global order. Within the tors augmenting HIV spread are fur remain statistically more important emerging neoliberal consensus, indi ther exacerbated by globalization, in Africa, to the extent that viduals and families must become these factors themselves linked to deaths from other communicable "empowered" at the local level to the policies of multilateral institu infectious diseases, parasitic diseases protect themselves from infection tions such as the IMF and the World and malnutrition still outnumber and to cope with the multiple ef Bank. The Bank, however, re those from AIDS, rising levels fects of the epidemic. Added to linquishes any responsibility for its of HIV infection pose problems the itinerary of AIDS control pro own role in the process. The Oc unique to the virus. AIDS grammes are income generation for tober 1995 article "Bank Rattled disproportionately affects the most women, women's legal education, by Claim that Policies spread HIV" productive sector of the population. programmes targeted at orphans in AIDS Analysis Africa documents The most obvious consequences (school fees relief, income genera the Bank's response to a report include rising dependency ratios, tion, support for extended families) , which analyzed the role of structural productivity losses in agriculture and other interventions aimed at adjustment programs in promoting and industry, and the loss of people mitigating the social and economic conditions that facilitate the spread with critical talents and rare skills. impact of the epidemic, or at "em of HIV. HIV infection aggravates other powering" people and communities The World Bank responded that infectious diseases as the number to do so for themselves. such claims were "unscientific" and 22 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ______(IDJ1(Ql~------ ~ ::J "'Vl > ..... u "'0. E ~ Q) .!!! (:J As part of an AIDS education workshop, a traditional healer do es skin piercing using rubber gloves and sterilized blades a "bad joke." To quote World ity of women, who, faced with lim the establishment of a comprehen Bank health economist Phillip Mus ited options, engage in transactional sive STD /HIV prevention and con grove: "We accept that economic de sex in order to feed their families or trol program to decrease the risk of velopment helps spread AIDS, that meet school fees; these are the social HIV infection for those with treat is true of almost any disease ... and economic realities with which able STDs; (2) active condom pro It sounds clever to say that devel individuals live and make "choices" motion for both disease prevention opment should b,e tailored to take concerning sexual behaviour. Al and family planning; (3) IEC (In account of this, but no-one really though most commonly understood formation, Education, Communica knows how to do that. People talk as a disease provoked by high lev tion) messages specifically targeted about promoting local development, els of "promiscuity," the conditions to different audiences to change be but that means taking the economy that augment the spread of HIV in haviour; (4) the reduction of the back 50 years" (p.l5). Sub-saharan Africa are no different need for blood transfusions; (5) the than those that fuel other diseases. treatment of AIDS at primary facili Nevertheless, the authors of the Underlying "biological" and "behav ties and at home rather than at hos report, Peter Lurie, Robert Lowe ioral" factors are unequal gender re pitals to realize significant cost sav and Percy Hintzen, join a growing lations, shrinking rural subsistence ings. In addition, these more gen number of critics analyzing the rela economies, increased migration and eral policies are recommended: in tionship between structural adjust urbanization, instability and civil tensifying public expenditure review ment and rising levels of HIV in war. and control, with a view to rais fection. Such factors as increased The World Bank spelled out its ing allocations to the health sector labour migration and the separation response to AIDS clearly in its AIDS through reductions elsewhere, while of households, the high demand for Assessment and Planning Study of also reducing inefficiencies within family labour in the face of declin Tanzania. This study identified the health system; pursuing eco ing incomes, the growing vulnerabil- the "most promising" options as (1) nomic reform vigorously, so that the Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 23 ------~n~~ full growth potential of the economy WHO and its member states com targets for intervention. Instead, can be realized; seeking increased mitted to a holistic vision of primary policies and projects are designed external funds, through donors and health care that encompased socio to treat the effects (biological, commercial investors, to compensate economic transformation and devo social, economic) of AIDS, and for reduced domestic savings caused lution of power to local communi more importantly to "empower by AIDS. ties. people" to better cope with the This response reflects, or at the outcome of HIV-related deaths or In neo-liberal discourse, "em protect themselves from infection. very least is consistent with, the powerment" and "self-reliance" broader neo-liberal political agenda The World Bank understanding mean that communities fend for of "African AIDS" is largely a to the extent that, apart from a themselves - the function of the few vertical, technicist interventions depoliticized articulation to the state reduced merely to oversee extent that it fails to acknowledge such as condom distribution and ing or monitoring the activities of STD treatment, people with AIDS the vested interests that underlie the donors and private charities. In current global order, an order that are left to fend for themselves un the context of increased depen til the "full growth potential" of deeply shapes the pattern of spread dency ratios, AIDS-related produc of HIV, and disease in general. the economy can be realized. The tivity losses, shifting demographics burden of the multiple impacts of At the same time it is profoundly AIDS falls on "local communities" and cutbacks in health and social political, further ' entrenching its (read women) who are to be "em services, prospects for the ''realiza social and moral agenda on the powered" to "cope better" through tion of the full potential of the econ African continent. Asa Cristina "community-based strategies" and omy" through vigorous economic re Laurel! and Oliva Lopez Arellano's "coping mechanisms." The radical form seem rather grim, caring for comments on the World Bank's discourse of primary health care has AIDS patients at home somewhat vision for health ring true: " . .. what been appropriated by the major in ill-conceived. is really at stake is the determination stitutions. This is not what the in The policy response fits nicely of whose health is profitable for ternational health community had into the World Bank global agenda. investment and, eventually, the in mind two decades earlier when, The factors that fuel the spread power of decision over who should in 1978 at Alma Ata, Kazakhastan, of HIV are not considered proper live and who should die." Did You Know? Facts about AIDS/HIV and TB Botswana Dr Brian Williams, director of the Epidemiology Re Results of a 1992 AIDS testing of almost 400 teachers search Unit of the Medical Research Council, says and government officials found that 42 percent were South Africa may have the highest rate of TB in the HIV -positive. world. In late 1993, 30 percent of TB patients in Johannesburg According to 1994 statistics, there were 125,000 people hospitals were HIV-positive. with HIV out a total population of 1.4 million. One in every five women visiting ante-natal clinics is South Africa HIV infected. Ninety thousand cases of tuberculosis were reported in In KwaZulu-Natal and Mpumalanga, 14.4 percent of 1995 and 3,000 people were expected to die from the the residents are infected, compared to a national aver disease in that year. age of 7.57 percent. Zimbabwe In 1989 the TB notification rate among coloureds in South Africa was 548 per 100,000. By 1993 it had The number of new TB cases rose from 6,002 in 1988 reached 670 per 100,000 and by 1994 it was 726. to 6,925 in 1989. The number then shot up to 8,987 in 1990, 12,130 in 1991, 15,237 in 1992, 20,125 in 1993, Among Africans, the TB notification rate in 1994 was and 23,959 in 1994. 180 per 100,000. In 1989 it had been 198 per 100,000. AIDS is the leading killer of children under five in the Among Asians it was 43 per 100,000 in 1994 and among country. whites it was 17 per 100,000. If current projections hold, one-third of children in Zim For the overall population, the TB notification rate babwe will be orphaned by the year 2010. in 1994 was 205 per 100,000. In 1989 it was 211 per Data courtesy of Africa Information Afrique (AlA) 100,000, so not much progress was made during those Information on AlA can be obtained by emailing aia five years. can@web. net 24 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT j ______@@@~~@ ______Confronting the ANC's Thatcherism BY PATRICK BOND pervisor of the overwhelmingly or of time before "IMF riots" break Patrick Bond is completing books thodox team that specified the eco out over South Africa's home on South Africa and Zimbabwe for nomic model. grown structural adjustment. In publication later this year. May, the International Institute of Finance in Washington, DC Capitulation to capital "Globalisation" - which amounts projected that foreign money now mainly to the near total command What the hell, then, was the parked in South Africa (where of the international economy by SACP doing on the sidelines offering real interest rates are at least financial- and merchant-based capi a ringing endorsement? Denying triple those of advanced capitalist tal- is forcing a world-wide progres that arms were twisted by Erwin countries) could expect only eight sive rethink of the nature of political and other ministers, Cronin told months of safety. "The three parties, their relation to social move the Mail f3 Guardian, "Wisdom year perspective is terrible and the ments, and the nature of government informed us that a certain degree five-year perspective is impossible." power. In South Africa we see signif of support is important." And, Yet no one on the left is talking icant fractures opening within and added the formal SACP statement, of a pre-revolutionary situation, around the Mass Democratic Move there would be a chance to take given that South Africa's progressive ment over what concessions should forward "discussion, elaboration and forces (and their petty-bourgeois be made to the twin evils of neo debate" because "questions of detail leaderships) tend to buckle, at key liberalism and statism. It boils down and implementation require ongoing moments, to pressure to blindly back to the problem of whether - as a scrutiny." the ANC's ruling crew, and, in the senior SA Communist Party parlia Such questions of detail and process, police their constituents. mentarian expressed it at an eco implementation may or may not nomic policy seminar late last year - This is not unique to South include calculations of the length progressives in government are now Africa, for as international financial merely managing the affairs of the bourgeoisie. The problem became acute at the time this issue of Southern Africa Report was going to press, as the SACP attempted to extri cate itself from an embarrassing predicament. Having endorsed the government's conservative economic strategy, SACP intellectual Jeremy Cronin tried to explain that this was "not just running cover for the ANC and government," but rather a chance to debate a long-awaited poi ley. The Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy document {see sidebar} launched by Trevor Manuel in mid-June quickly earned the newly-installed Finance Minister the nickname "Trevor Thatcher" from the Mail f3 Guardian newspaper. Trade and Industry Minister Alec Erwin, a former socialist "syndical t ist" (and current SACP member) who had served as Cosatu's main strategist during the 1980s, was even more involved in the details, as su- Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 25 ______@@@~~@ ______ analyst Simon Nocera told the ditional socialist conceptions of chal ganisational component parts - can Wall Street Journal in May, "The lenging capitalist state power coex take forward an agenda of true social only guys who have the credibility ist? Not easily, it seems. change. to implement tough fiscal and Looking backward to the fu monetary policy are the left." In ture Within this position there has al South Africa, some fractions of the ways been a healthy debate about left - now serving in government - Are there hints to be found in whether and when to launch or to have gone further right than anyone the vibrant legacy of past social strengthen a left political party that struggle? At least one fairly popular wo~ld have dared J?redict, leaving will more forcefully complement so their ex-comrades m labour and attempt at reconciliation emerged cial and labour movements, with social movements bewildered. from the civil society debates of many leading comrades anticipat the early 1990s, and may be worth ing growing ideological coordination Hence the South African N a reviewing. Crudely compressing from the SACP (but others having tiona! Civic Organisation (SANCO) the logical circularity, the argument doubts about its apologetic tenden appears paralysed by misgivings proceeds as follows: cies). over "land invasions" by the land a) mass social and labour move starved urban homeless, and will The broad strategic agenda has ments are crucial transformative ingly endorses fruitless Operation also led some to. revisit the ques forces in society because - notwith Masakhane efforts to make township tion of socialist ideology. Some sug standing their many flaws - they residents pay for substandard ser gest that contesting the politics of most authentically reflect the as vices that they cannot even afford. state-led "development" in this way pirations of their working-class, (To be fair, progressives in SANCO offers a basis for reviving socialist poor and otherwise oppressed con wring hands about this behind the momentum by encapsulating decom stituents; scenes, and on the optimistic side, modified, destratified experiments in the loose federation of civics is also b) the movements' social demands grassroots development. But these back to mass action against finan have originated through years of are still too few and far between in cial institutions, regularly lambast concrete struggle against racism, South Africa to offer any real guide. ing the incompetent housing min capitalism and patriarchy, and fol In practice, no matter who or istry for its bank-centred, developer lowing from the residual power of how many proponents there are of driven policy.) these oppressive forces, the fulfil the importance of working "in and ment of long-sought demands re And there is certainly broader against the state" (as it was termed quires the firm hand of a progressive, resistance to neo-lib state pol once in Britain) and in progressive democratic state; icy - reflected in disgust over organs of civil society, this orienta the economic plan within Cosatu c) such a state must be "strong tion regularly conflicts with South and amongst a younger generation but slim" so that resources can Africa's never-ending eruption of within the SACP, for instance - be captured and redistributed on eclectic progressive activity. and this now extends across nearly the one hand, but on the other the entire spectrum of social move hand these resources must be care Such activity often amounts ei ments. Nearly every progressive fully channelled through a new breed ther to narrow, corporatist deal social force - urban communities of accountable "comrade" civil ser making under present conditions of the rural landless, arts and cui~ vants to accountable comrades at widespread political confusion or to ture activists, community health the civil society base in order that an "anarchic" kind of self-a~tivity of the masses that in turn runs the workers, disabled people, environ (probably inevitable) bureaucratisa mentalists (until Pallo Jordan took tion and petty-bourgeoisification do risk of isolation and even repression. over the ministry) and progressive not wash away radical organic initia The deal-making is characterised by technocrat takeovers; having been trade unionists - are intensely pissed tives; and party to a fair number of such trans off with their counterpart govern d) in ensuring the durability of a), b) ment department, whether because actions I can testify to their debili and c), there is an urgent need to in tating effect on movement integrity of sabotage-minded old guard tech tensify broader social struggles and nocrats, slick plans by yuppie policy and also to their unworkability in demands for redistributive policies, practice ("deals that don't make any wonks or piteous ministerial leader while recognising that given the bal ship. sense," we came to call this line of ance of forces the state will not offer work). But how to translate bitter dis a basis for socialist transformation Self-help against capital and appointment into a more general in the near future, and that instead the state? critique and a breakthrough strat only strengthened, class-conscious, egy? Can developmental statism, non-racial, non-sexist social and ~t. the other extreme, actually ex "people-driven" approaches and tra- labour movements - and their or- Istmg self-activity of the masses is 26 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ------@@@~~@ ______ generally characterised by a proud At the intern;:ttional scale, this true self-government is nearly non populist belief in the ability of peo kind of conflict is becoming quite im existent, anti-development struggles ple to sort out problems for them portant, as avaricious international are purely defensive, and socialist, selves, by hostility to technocratic "aid" agencies turn to the mirac feminist, democratic and other lib solutions, and by a healthy suspi ulous delivery capacity of NGOs erating ideologies are waning. cion about the motivations of state and even community-based organi Although there are not many op managers and the development in sations. (Their aims are mainly to timistic examples in South Africa, dustry. In this category fit the pave the way for their home coun the potential remains - in strong wave of courageous (though occa tries' transnational corporations and working-class organisation- for pro sionally patronage-related) land in hence to lower the global social viding a modicum of countervailing vasions, which due to their suc wage in large part through shrinking power. This will probably entail cess, high visibility and threat to the Third World states and demolishing some attempts at elaborating the rule of property have - at the be their already inadequate social poli strategic framework outlined above, hest largely of the bourgeois press cies.) particularly in light of arguments - rapidly brought "queue-jumping What's a self-respecting NGO emerging elsewhere (such as Chia squatters" (as if there existed coher activist to do? Having won sym pas) about radicalising civil society. ent "queues" ) into the category of bolic battles for reform of, for ex New South African "other" (recently In the more important sphere of ample, even the World Bank - most occupied mainly by "illegal immi daily practice, South African left Bank missions now pay fairly close grants" from Southern Africa). ists continue searching for the dif attention to local "participation" (as ficult combination of "militant par But this kind of local militancy well as to good governance, trans ticularism" (in the words of the late offers mixed blessings for the left. parency, gender sensitivity, environ British Marxist Raymond Williams) On the one hand, self-help rhetoric mental awareness, all disfigured of and social struggles against the sta undergirds, for instance, the ex course by neo-liberal costing prin tus quo. These involve alternative tremely impressive National Home ciples) - the petty-bourgeoisie who means of living, producing, consum less People's Federation (and their populate NGOs (yours truly in ing, etc, that include (but are not particularly tough technocrats in the cluded) face the danger of inordi limited to) spontaneous self-activity People's Dialogue NGO). On the nately swelled heads regarding the -as well as ongoing advocacy on be other hand, the self-help approach stature of "people-driven develop half of constituencies' just stake of also warms the heart of capital and ment." the larger social surplus. its intelligentsia, by challenging the Localising global struggle If this allows activists to re rule of property in only the most dis discover and celebrate their 1980s tant way and by diverting attention The question of wealth/income dis and early 1990s philosophical roots, from traditional movement demands tribution is ultimately one of our while thinking globally and acting that the state increase its commit most helpful reality checks. And it locally, it should not be too long ment to solving social problems. is here that hundreds of years of hu before the rash of myopic, techno The self-help rhetoric and ac man experience shows that "advo cratic plans to reform the World tivism has not prevented the Home cacy" around the distribution of a Bank and promote environmentally less People's Federation from raising social surplus must ultimately take friendly international Keynesianism R9 million from the government for precedence over the establishment give way to more instinctual forms their housing savings fund (by pres of utopian community experiments of resistance. in self-rule - though new relations suring the late Minister Joe Slovo Globalising local struggle and his successor). But to illus of production/reproduction must al For it is probably the case - as schol trate the danger, the group was ways be forged simultaneously. ars like Giovanni Arrighi, Terrence also glowingly praised in June by a But we face the harsh reality conservative columnist of the ultra in so many places across the world Hopkins and Immanuel Wallerstein have argued - that the most serious bourgeois Sunday Independent; any of a quarter-century of defeat on challenge to globalisation will oc time neo-liberals feel the urge to the left; perhaps a longish cycli cur when "popular movements join cut back state housing commit cal downturn, perhaps more endur ments, they can dredge up the exam ing. Even mildly leftist govern forces across borders (and conti ple of the Federation's R8,000 self ments are hard to find, advocacy nents) to have their respective state constructed homes and members' struggles and campaigning are at officials abrogate those relations of apparent willingness to live on cheap an unprecedented low point, revo the interstate system through which land (where resistance from neigh lutionary movements are thoroughly the pressure is conveyed." bouring landowners is also lower) far defeated, working-class organisa The hundreds of urban IMF ri from commerce or industry. tions are divided and confused, ots against neo-liberalism in the Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 27 ______@®@~~®------~---- Vl ro :::J ~~--..... ~~~ 5 ...., u ro Q. E u w~ 1980s plus the anti-free trade actions been no loans (only brutal policy finding new common targets - now in Chiapas, anti-GATT demon advice) after two years of ANC rule that Pretoria is ostensibly in friendly strations in India and the anti -there are many other opportunities hands - at the global scale. Hence, privatization campaign in Haiti for South African progressives to to return to an easy example, the show that massive popular uprisings take the world stage and refl ect upon merits of actually shutting down (via against globalization are an ongo how the anti-apartheid struggles defunding) the Bretton Woods In ing feature of political and economic once endorsed by the international stitutions now heavily outweigh re change. community are entirely consistent formist arguments, and if northern In South Africa, the capacity with a new attack on globalisation. taxpayers take this up via toughen of democratic social forces to think ing the "50 Years Is Enough" cam globally and act locally - and in do The mass organisations of civil paign (for example, at the Octo ing so to locate the vulnerabilities society will play a leading role ber meetings of the Bank and IMF of the international system and de in this. Opposition to globali in Washington, DC), they will find velop political strategies accordingly sation should increasingly emerge increasing numbers of southern ac - was conclusively demonstrated by from small farmers, civics or pri tivists, conscientised by innumerable the successful 1980s anti-apartheid mary health clinics which op lo cal struggles against Bank/Fund sanctions campaign. That capacity pose the market-oriented, "cost policies and projects, cheering them did not die; it has been continually recovery" -based land, housing, and on. enhanced - even if at a low level health policies that the Bank is al A small piece of advocacy re of activity - by ongoing solidarity ready promoting heavily in South mains the contribution to the labour actions with trade unions in Africa. broader analysis made by progres Europe and North America. If Southern Africans and North sive intellectuals. With SAR con In addition to holding firm Americans with experience fighting tinuing to provide a crucial forum , against World Bank loans, and all neo-liberalism are to continue join we owe it to our comrades to debate that they represent - and there have ing hands, it may occur through these issues damn hard. 28 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ______@@@~~@ ______ .. Growth, Employment and Redistribution .. What's in it for the masses? If the proposed macroeco ation, attention to the needs of disabled people - are nomic reforms are adopted, South African government being foiled by lack of facilities in the townships and guilefully promises that results will include a one per countryside. cent decline in the interest rate and a much stronger Social movements are fully aware of these policy mis currency by year-end. There are even predictions of takes and implementation disasters. Hence even if the 126,000 new jobs in 1996. By the year 2000, the strat technical assumptions in the strategy turn out to be egy aims for a six percent annual growth rate and correct (which many on both the left and right of the 400,000 job created. economics profession seriously doubt), political owner But the reforms chosen to reach these targets over ship of the government's strategy appears skin-deep. whelmingly benefit big capital in the short term. Re Yet unfortunately, even after ANC leaders condemned sponding graciously, the South African Chamber of an earlier version of the macroeconomic strategy as Business termed the strategy "a major step in the right "Thatcherite," the Democratic Movement and other or direction" and the South African Foundation (a newly ganic grassroots forces - as represented in the RDP reconstituted collection of the fifty largest firms) lauded Council, for instance - were not consulted about an the ''creative and decisive response which speaks of alternative strategy. courage and conviction." "In the present climate of instability," warns the new Financial institutions now have permission to double document, "a fiscal expansion would precipitate a bal the money they can export from South Africa. There ance of payments crisis." But government's strategy are new tax holidays for manufacturers who increase does not even consider means of taxing imported lux their investments. Privatisation is squarely on the ury goods consumed by South Africa's elites, as the agenda. Deficit spending - which traditionally boosts Reconstruction and Development Programme had in employment and services for low-income people - will sisted. be cut back dramatically. This may be because most of the 16 economists who de Wages decline vised the strategy are from institutions such as the Fi In contrast, government predicts that workers in the nance Ministry, Development Bank of Southern Africa, private sector will see their wages decline by 0.5% (after World Bank, Reserve Bank and Stellenbosch Bureau of inflation) this year. Government even recommends "a Economic Research. Their free-market ideologies have less onerous wage schedule for young trainees," which proven ineffectual or downright oppressive, here and unions may view as the beginning of the controversial across the Third World. "two-tier labour market" recommended by the South Yet having won the battle over the strategy, there are African Foundation. And there is little to celebrate in still problems for conservative forces in government and the strategy regarding community development. Many business. Because as workers and community residents old-style policies - pit latrines instead of toilets (in - and women and disabled people, who are barely men stead of houses), high mast lighting instead of electric tioned in the strategy - learn more about the govern ity, communal taps instead of access to water on each ment's emerging policies, they will wonder what is in plot - are hidden within the strategy. Worse, govern it for them. And they will think about the bargaining ment's hostility to desperately-needed cross-subsidies power they will have under the strategy's proposed Na for recurrent costs - paying for water, sanitation and tional Social Agreement, and how they might increase electricity - appears to be growing. this power. Other pillars of what was once considered a broader After all, business has shown that it can cajole, threaten National Growth and Development Strategy - such as and simply go on "investment strike." Even after the social development infrastructure and human resource lifting of exchange controls - meant to soothe foreign development - have been reduced to molehills in the and local investors - capital flight can intensify and new strategy. Ambitious targets regarding redistribu the rand can crash, ironically leading business leaders tion of income have been forgotten. to call for still further liberalisation. Government can Yet South Africa has already had three years of "job pursue what are widely recognised by big business as less growth." Grand programmes to build houses have "sound economic policies" yet foreign direct investment been hijacked by hostile banks and hesitant construc nevertheless stays home, leaving only "hot money" to tion firms. Land reform and restitution is proceeding erratically flood in and out of South Africa. at a snail's pace. Even the best intentions - free pri In short, none of government's pleading to capital seems mary health care for all, redistribution of educational to do much good. The day the strategy was unveiled, resources, women's reproductive rights, youth recre- the rand lost five cents against the US dollar. Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 29 ------~~~@n~------Namibia's Wall of Silence BY LAUREN DOBELL Lauren Dobell is a doctoral candidate at Oxford University and a student of Namibian politics. Namibia: The Wall of Si lence, by Siegfried Groth (Pe ter Hammer Verlag, Wup pertal, Germany 1995) 211 pages. Namibia's collegial multi party parliament, its exem plary national constitution and its regular, peaceful elec tions are a continuing source of pride to its citizens and of satisfaction to local and international observers. As a measure of the degree to which democratic prac tice is entrenched, however, a smoothly functioning elec toral system is in itself in sufficient. To be considered genuinely "consolidated," a democratic polity must have demonstrated itself able to cope with stresses or shocks without sacrificing the basic political freedoms upon which it depends. Such a shock was administered to N ami bia's ruling party with the release of Siegfried Groth's book, Namibia: The Wall of Silence, earlier this year. Swapo's initial response to the oppositional activity it engendered was not especially encouraging. At the heart of the en SIS IS the ISSUe of for mer "detainees," who al lege widespread mistreatment of suspected dissidents dur ing the liberation struggle by Swapo's leadership in ex ile, and are demanding a full confession and apology 30 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ------~@mill~~fuill ______from the perpetrators, possibly own closet. Having been quietly col democratic dissent, and a decisive through a process modelled after the lecting dust for some years, these test for the resilience of the magic South African Truth Commission. now appear set for a good rattling. wand of national reconciliation. But the ramifications of their campaign reach well beyond the The "detainees issue" did make The book itself question of rehabilitation for those itself felt in Namibia's independence accused by their movement of elections. Swapo detainees released Turning first, then, to the book and having been spies and traitors, in July 1989 formed a political party its contentious contents. The author and restitution for the families of and united with the vocal Par is a German Lutheran pastor whose those who never returned from ents' Committee (comprising rela ties to Namibia date back to the the "Swapo dungeons." .At stake tives of detainees or missing per early 1960s, when he was sent by the too is the government's policy of sons). Together they captured some Rhenisch Mission in Wuppertal to national reconciliation, the past and of Swapo's support and helped to work with the Evangelical Lutheran future role of the once-powerful deny it a two-thirds majority vote. Church in Namibia. Subsequently Council of Churches in Namibia, the Since then the issue has been largely banned from entering Namibia, he composition of the Swapo leadership dormant. Exhortations from the ministered, on behalf of the same and, ultimately, the quality of president to observe national rec churches, to Swapo's followers in ex Namibia's democracy itself. onciliation, the judicious incorpora ile. His account of what he person tion of many former detainees into ally witnessed in the Swapo camps, National reconciliation? the public service, the discrediting and what others told him about Swapo's policy of national recon of others, fatigue and fear of so widespread corruption among the ciliation, the essential contours of cial ostracism have all contributed leadership and the harassment, im which were determined before inde to effectively quelling the few subse prisonment, torture and disappear pendence, differs significantly from quent attempts by former detainees ances of people branded as dissi the ANC's approach to the same to revive the issue. In late 1994 dents makes for painful reading; the fundamental challenge of putting a parliament stifled a motion by op emotional cost to Groth of finally nation's ugly and painful past be position politician and former de speaking out is very clear. hind it. South Africa's Govern tainee Eric Biwa requesting the re ment of National Unity established lease of a promised official list of Crisply described in a fore a Truth and Reconciliation Com some 2,100 people still unaccounted word as "not history, but sto mission, reasoning, in the words of for so that formal death certificates ries," Groth's loosely-woven narra Justice Minister Dullah Omar, that could be issued to families, permit tive draws mainly on his own mem "reconciliation is not simply a ques ting guardianship to be established, ories and diary entries for a deeply tion of indemnity or amnesty or let marriages to take place, and inheri personal and anecdotal account of ting bygones be bygones. If the tances to be settled. The issue ap the Swapo crises of the mid-1970s wounds of the past are to be healed peared to be effectively squelched. and 1980s. Although he is at pains ... if future violations of human That is, until the long-awaited re to situate the movement's paranoia rights are to be avoided, if we are lease of Siegfried Groth's book pro and excesses against a backdrop of a successfully to initiate the building vided a catalyst for the resurrection brutal apartheid regime, Groth does of a human rights'culture, disclosure of the controversy. little to explain the wider context of the truth and its acknowledgment in which the Namibian liberation is essential." The book was immediately at struggle was fought, nor the inner tacked by senior Swapo leaders, dynamics which, from the late 1960s As amibia's ruling party, including President Sam Nujoma onward, repeatedly threatened to Swapo chose another route to recon and party Secretary-General Moses tear the movement apart. ciliation. In the government's view Garoeb as "false history," its author resurrecting the past served no use as an "enemy of Swapo" (and, by Naturally, it is from the per ful purpose. A successful transi implication, of Namibia). Sponsors spective of a devoted Christian, not tion, the argument went, required of a formal book launch were ac that of a political historian, that cooperation among former enemies, cused of having declared war on na Groth seeks to understand the ter and delving into past wrongs would tional reconciliation. All the atten rible fates visited on so many of only incite a desire for vengeance tion risked portraying the book it his parishioners-in-exile. The au and distract the nation from the self as the issue, rather than for what thor's faith, however sorely tested it tasks of reconstruction and devel it provided: a lightning rod for seri has been, pervades the book; indeed opment. An unspoken but critical ous and legitimate discontent among its generous dose of biblical content subtext were the Swapo leadership's many Namibians, a bellwether for may, in places, make it tough go concerns about the skeletons in its Swapo's tolerance of criticism and ing for more secular readers. It is Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 31 not, however, to these that the book or part of Swapo's fibre? Groth is putting Swapo cadres at risk; edu is primarily pitched. The account reluctant to condemn individuals or cation and ethnic background were serves several purposes: as a cathar to pass judgement on the movement. most salient according to the evi sis for the author, as an attempt to The "securocratic" wing within the dence). Namibian political scientist provide some small solace to the vic Swapo leadership is held directly Joe Diescho probably came closest tims and their families , as a plea for responsible for the abuses which to the truth in a recent interview a confession from the perpetrators, occurred, but it is the individual with The Namibian: the majority and for some serious soul-searching and collective complicity of the were simply "people who had the by those who protected them by churches and clerics inside Namibia courage to ask (inconvenient] ques their silence. The general reader will and abroad which shoulder the tions." find the accounts of individuals' ex brunt of the blame in this account. periences within the movement mov Like Groth himself, the churches The Wall of Silence has un ing, but fragmentary. Groth calls his remained silent about what they doubtedly made waves inside Nami account of the spy drama a "body knew or suspected: a product of bia. It is not so much what Groth without limbs," but it is in fact the a mistaken and terribly damaging himself reveals about this history reverse: it is the central narrative solidarity. To break down the "wall that matters. Very little of what thread that is lacking. of silence" is the challenge Groth he says is new, and others have con throws out with this book. And in tributed more det'aii, better substan Several of the chapters follow a this respect it seems he may just tiated, to the collective record [Ed similar pattern, tracing the story of succeed. itors ' note: see in particular, in courageous Namibians whose expe this regard, Colin Leys and John rience of apartheid cruelty at home Ironically, albeit perhaps in S. Saul, Namibia's Liberation Strug sent them into exile, where they evitably, the book remains to some gle: The Two-Edged Sword (Lon fell victim to forces they could not extent complicit in the very "si don and Athens Ohio: James Currey comprehend. Groth's own ana lence" it sets out to break. Groth and Ohio University Press, 1995), lytical tool - the measuring stick tells only some of what he knows. to which Lauren Dobell herself con of morality - is ill-suited to the He cites few sources, and in quot tributes an important chapter.] One task of explaining actions that were ing his informants appears to be giv is left to wonder why the book has rooted rather in more terrestrial in ing the gist rather than the verba struck such a chord among certain stincts: anti-intellectualism, ethnic tim content of their remarks. Most sections of the Namibian population, rivalry, jealousy, ambition, logisti of the names of the victims are and elicited such an extravagant re cal confusion and political pragma pseudonyms, and only a few of sponse from the top ranks of Swapo. tism, played out within a frame the best-known "securocrats" are work set by regional and interna named. He does, however, break a The reception tional forces. Groth is to some ex longstanding taboo in holding Sam tent captured by the red herring of N ujoma, as president, responsible Partly it is a matter of authorship. ideology here: the role of commu for what was taking place in his or The Swapo leadership has always nism in informing the movement's ganisation, whether or not he was been allergic to criticism of any leaders is overplayed, and Marxism fully apprised of what was happen kind, but the closer the source is conflated with its Stalinist dis ing. Altogether, it is a very par to the centre of power, the .less tortions. At the same time, how tial contribution to the whole truth, easy it is to dismiss, and the ever, Groth's account reflects the in as the author humbly acknowledges. more immoderate the reaction. In comprehensibility to the victims of His faith allows him to accept the contrast to previous accounts of the their betrayal by a movement fight exceptional (the "miraculous" es "crisis of 1976" and the "Swapo spy ing for freedom from a common op cape of some obvious targets) and drama" (Groth doesn't deal with pressor. What may appear under to sidestep many important ques the lesser-known "Kongwa crisis" of standable with the perspective ac tions, leaving the reader frustrated. the late 1960s), The Wall of Silence corded by time and distance from Many of the chapters simply trail is, in effect, speaking from within the event, certainly wasn't to those off: some did this, some did that. the solidarity fold. Groth was a caught up in it. Some survived, some didn't. Most fellow-traveller, and his defection seek to find some sort of redemp hurts, although not nearly as much tion for Swapo. Groth almost cer as others would. It is fear of Swa po's r espon sibilit y tainly exaggerates the role of Chris fissures appearing further up that Throughout the account runs the tian belief as a cleavage within the has prompted certain senior Swapo underlying question: were the movement. (In another account of leaders to lash out as they have. The atrocities and the authoritarianism life in the camps, Pekka Peltola em hierarchy of concerns that informed a product of terrible circumstance phasises trade union membership as their manoeuvres in the weeks 32 july 1996 Southern Africa REPORT ______lli@1TITIDJ1@J1@1 ______following the release of the book next day book stores reported brisk secrecy within the leadership as a would appear to read, in descending sales and the battle escalated. Let whole. But there are signs that order, as follows: 1) protecting ters to the editor flooded into Nami some of their colleagues are weary themselves , 2) preserving the unity bia's newspapers, and passionate ed of their guilt by association, and of the Swapo leadership's "inner itorials flowed out; NBC radio's chat that the bonds are eroding. So circle," 3) maintaining the loyalty shows were abuzz with calls com too, seemingly, is Swapo's control of the broader party membership, mending and condemning the efforts over the party wings, especially its 4) assuaging international concerns, to resurrect the detainee issue. youth league, workers and students. and 5) quieting the nation, although The "old guard" may be in for a insofar as 5) appeared a prerequisite More telling blows were still to rough ride at the forthcoming Swapo for some of the others, the strategy land. The major umbrell a organisa Congress, and it's certain that its was not always altogether linear. tion of progressive non-government strong arm tactics are intended to organizations, NANGOF, and the bring the more irreverent elements And certainly developments sug branch of the national students' or to heel. gested that there were reasons for ganization [(N ANSO) still affiliated concern (or optimism, depending on to Swapo] both declared their sup What then, to make of all this? the perspective) all along the spec port for the proposed CCN confer The Wall of Silence has helped trum. The release of the book in ence, which had become emblem to unleash forces inside Namibia the original German prompted some atic, for both supporters and detrac that give cause simultaneously for former detainees to present a peti tors, of a step towards a Truth Com optimism and alarm. On the tion to the Council of Churches of mission. Such public urgings from one hand there are exciting signs Namibia, requesting the organiza historical allies for Swapo to "come that "ci vii society" in Namibia is tion to undertake a booklaunch and clean" caused party Secretary Gen finding its feet and finding a voice, to thereby acknowledge the ''weighty eral Moses Garoeb to "go ballistic" binding together to create a political responsibility" Groth imputes to it as the headline in The Namibian put space for legitimate criticism and for initiating a genuine healing pro it, declaring Swapo and its support democratic dissent. There are cess. The ensuing debate within the ers ready to back to war to defeat signs too that more radical elements CCN executive threatened to split those "evil forces" that were threat within Swapo may be building it, with the major Northern churches ening peace and stability in Nami up to a much needed shake-up initially rejecting any part in spon bia. within Swapo's government and soring a launch. The CCN even party ranks. On the other hand, tually determined to hold a con Garoeb's outburst concealed a Namibians have little experience of ference within the year to discuss more rational calculation on the defying the party which retains so the issue more generally. A Break part of those within the leadership much of its liberation movement ing the Wall of Silence (BWOS) who have most to fear from full glamour, and some of its most Committee was then formed, com disclosure. These are, in fact, powerful leaders have demonstrated prising former detainees and their a small minority within Swapo's that they are prepared to crack supporters, together with a num form erly exiled leaders , who have down hard on calls for a Namibian ber of CCN employees. These de relied for years on a pact of Truth Commission. The vexing termined to lauRch the book un paradox noted in other transitions to der its own auspices, and undertook democracy is as true of Namibia as translations from English into the anywhere else: the more important more widely spoken Afrikaans and it is to deal with the past, the harder Oshivambo, the latter directly ad it is to do so. dressing Swapo's traditional support ll base. Certain Swapo leaders ' con ARTCRAFT I ACTION PRINT Near the end of his book Groth cern grew apace as the weekly meet Specialists in Multicolour and recalls meeting Swapo founding ings of the BWOS swelled in size, Black & White pre-press, member Andimba Toivo ya Toivo and its spokespeople became more printing and finishing · at an independence day banquet. outspoken. The President was the Newsletters * magazines * brochures Initially reluctant to greet him, first to lash out (and it was highly Envelopes of all sizes are our forte Toivo relents, saying "You 're not suggestive to see who followed him). Business and Personal Stationery a good fri end of Swapo, but Having apparently never heard the I do welcome you to Namibia." adage "no publicity is bad public Desktop output ***& camera work services Would that all of Swapo's leaders ity," he commandeered fifteen min 2370 Midland Ave., Unit C-10, Scarborough, made the crucial distinction between Ont MlS 5C6 (416) 412-<>412/Fax 412-<>414 utes of air time on national tele unquestioning support for Swapo vision to condemn the book. The Call today for estimate and advice! and being a loyal friend to Namibia. Southern Africa REPORT july 1996 33 Southern Africa Report is now indexed! Vol. 1 No. 1 to Vol. 11 No. 1. Ten years - and what years they have been! SAR has covered some of the most dramatic, tragic and inspiring moments in the history of Southern Africa. Writers from Africa, Canada, the U.S. and Europe have described liberation struggles, emerging democracies, changing international policies. They have covered the wars, the peace, the elections, the hopes, the disappoint ments and the on-going struggles to build just and democratic societies. Now SAR is indexed - by subject, by country and by author. Order your copy by sending us the coupon below. $4.00 Cdn. $5.00 Cdn. outside Canada (price includes taxes and postage). Return to: Southern Africa Report, 603 ~ Parliament St., Toronto, Ontario M4X 1P9 Name: ...... Address: ...... ...... postal code ...... Amount enclosed: ...... 03 C') 0 0 Ol Price: $4.00 Cdn. in Canada, $5.00 Cdn. outside Canada (includes taxes and postage)...... 1111111