Zimbabwe Crisis Reports No 10
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Southern Africa d13j~J])@ffi~ July 1996 ~@lill~TI2l®~lli ~jf~ii©~ July 1996 REPORT Vol. 11 No.4 Contents Editorial: Lean and Mean . 1 Fighting for Control: The Indigenization Debate in Zimbabwe .... 3 ESAP's Fables II . 8 Southern Africa REPORT Gay Bashing in Zimbabwe: is produced quarterly by a collective I- Mugabe's Unholy War 13 of TCLSAC, the Toronto Committee II - Outing the Gay Debate 14 for Links between Southern Africa & Canada 603-1/2 P a rliament St Toronto, Onta rio M 4X 1P9 Who Governs? NGOs in Rural Mozambique . 17 Tel. (416) 967-5562 Email [email protected] t Submissions, suggestions and help in Liberalizing AIDS in Africa: production are welcome and invited The World Bank Role . 21 ISSN 0820-5582 Member: Canadian Magazine Publishers Association Confronting the ANC's Thatcherism . 25 Indexed in: Canadian Index; Canadian Business & Current Affairs All rights reversed Namibia's Wall of Silence 30 Subscriptions Southern Africa Report subscription & TCLSAC membership rates: SUBSCRIPTION: SAR Collective Individual (1 year) $18.00 Institution (1 year) $40.00 Margie Adam, Stephen Allen, Carolyn Bassett, Lois Browne, Marlea Clarke David Cooke MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Kourosh Farrokhzad, David Galbraith, David Lisa Regular . $35.00 Hart~an , Hor~o c ks , David Pottie, John S. Saul, Yasmine Shamsie, Marit Stiles, Unemployed Student . $18.00 Lauren Swenarchuk, Joe Vise, Jonathan Vise, Mary Vise Senior Sustainer . over $100.00 Overseas add $10.00 Cover design by A rt W ork Cover photo by Paul Weinberg - Afrapix/lmpact Visuals Canadian Publications Mail Product Sales Agreement No. 569607 ®@n~©~n~n __________________ ________________ _ '"'u "'a. -
Towards a Theological Synthesis of Christian and Shona Views of Death and the Dead: Implications for Pastoral Care in the Anglican Diocese of Harare, Zimbabwe
TOWARDS A THEOLOGICAL SYNTHESIS OF CHRISTIAN AND SHONA VIEWS OF DEATH AND THE DEAD: IMPLICATIONS FOR PASTORAL CARE IN THE ANGLICAN DIOCESE OF HARARE, ZIMBABWE. by WILSON T. SITSHEBO A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts of the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Theology Faculty of Arts The University of Birmingham August 2000 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT In this contextual study I investigate why and how the traditional approach to mission, engaged by Anglican missionaries, gave rise to a dual observance of ritual among Shona Anglican Christians. I begin by establishing the significance and essence of Shona views of death and the dead, then investigate the missionaries' historical background. I highlight that Christian arrogance, in the guise of racial superiority, underlies the confrontational and condemnatory approach. Traditional views were considered evil, in their place, Shona converts were forced to adopt western Christian views as the only acceptable and valid way of coping with this eschatological reality. These views did not usually fit the Shona worldviews and religious outlook, hence the adoption of dual observance. -
Internal Communication Clearance Form
PALAIS DES NATIONS • 1211 GENEVA 10, SWITZERLAND Mandates of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention; the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions; the Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt and other related international financial obligations of States on the full enjoyment of all human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights; the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression; the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights; the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences; and the Special Rapporteur on the human rights to safe drinking water and sanitation REFERENCE: AL ZWE 3/2019 1 April 2019 Excellency, We have the honour to address you in our capacities as Working Group on Arbitrary Detention; Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions; Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt and other related international financial obligations of States on the full enjoyment of all human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights; Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression; Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights; Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences; and Special Rapporteur on the human rights to safe drinking water and sanitation, pursuant to Human Rights Council resolutions 33/30, 35/15, 34/3, 34/18, 35/19, 32/19, 33/10. In this connection, we would like to bring to the attention of your Excellency’s Government information we have received concerning the Government’s response to the country’s economic crisis. -
Colonisation of Zimbabwe Pdf
Colonisation of zimbabwe pdf Continue The historical development of Zimbabwe this article should be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or fresh information available. (August 2011) Part of a series on the history of Zimbabwe's ancient history of leopard coupe c.900–1075 Mapungubwe Kingdom c.1075–1220 Zimbabwe Kingdom c.1220–1 Butua Kingdom c.1450–1683 Mutapa Kingdom c.1450–1760 White settlement pre-1923 Rozvi Empire c.1684–1834 M thwakazi 1838–1894 Rudd Score 1888 BSA Corporation Rule 1890–1923 Matabell War I 1893–1894 Second War Matabel 1896 –18 Conflict 1914–1918 World War I 1914–1918 South Rhodesia Colony 1923–1980 World War II Intervened 1939–1945 Emergency Battalion Malaya 1948–1960 Federation with NorthernRhodesia and Nyasaland 1953–1963 Rhodesian Bush War 1964–1979 Unilateral Declaration of The Bible (UDI) 1965 Rhodesia under UDI 1965–1979 Zimbabwe-Rhodesia June–December 1979 Lancaster House Agreement 1979 British affiliation 1979–1980 Zimbabwe 1980–Now Gokorhandi 1982–1987 Second Congo War 1998–2003 Coup d'état 2017 vte after Lancaster House agreed in 1979 there was a transition to internationally recognized majority rule in 1980; That year he ceremonially granted Zimbabwe independence. In the 2000s, Zimbabwe's economy began to deteriorate due to a variety of factors, including the imposition of economic sanctions by Western countries led by Britain, as well as due to the widespread spread of corruption in the government. Economic sustainability caused many Zimbabweans to move abroad or to neighboring countries. The nation was known by several names before its recognized independence as Zimbabwe in 1980: Rhodesia, South Rhodesia and Rhodesia, Zimbabwe. -
Think (Capitalist) and Grow Rich
CCK-19 INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS Think (capitalist) .and grow rich Casey C. Kelso Lusaka, Zambia May 1993 Peter Bird Martin Institute of Current World Affairs 4 West Wheel ock Street Hanover, New Hampshire, USA Dear Peter- Alfred Chioza's greed got away from him. The Zambian businessman turned farmer planted 22 acres of burley tobacco. He expected huge profits in the new free-market agricultural economy, so he figured more acres meant more money. Maybe. But it also meant a tobacco glut of horror film proportions. Now, at harvest time, the brown leaves are tied into clumps and not only packed into two huge thatch-roofed barns at his farm in Zambia's Eastern Province. Stacks of drying tobacco fill the tractor sheds, displace cars from the carport and rise to the rafters of his guest house. Inside Chioza's home, leaves hang from ceiling lights. Behind a little pass window opening onto the kitchen, densely packed tobacco ascends to the ceiling. Last year, Chioza was a wheeler-dealer selling imported South African goods at a 500 percent mark-up in the capital, Lusaka. This year, he lives in a newly built house in the countryside, where he is watching his tobacco harvest fill every available space. "I may be a farmer bearing an 'L' badge for 'learner' on my back, but I believe there is a lot of future in farming now," he said. Chioza's change in attitude underscores a dramatic transformation of agriculture taking place in Zambia. For decades, many Zambians thought of farming as the demeaning and unremunerative toil of a peasant or as the unattainable economies of scale of huge, white-owned commercial farms. -
Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa This simulation, while focused around the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict, is not an attempt to resolve that conflict: the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) already has a peace plan on the table to which the two parties in conflict have essentially agreed. Rather, participants are asked, in their roles as representatives of OAU member states, to devise a blueprint for preventing the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict from spreading into neighboring countries and consuming the region in even greater violence. The conflict, a great concern particularly for Somalia and Sudan where civil wars have raged for years, has thrown regional alliances into confusion and is increasingly putting pressure on humanitarian NGOs and other regional parties to contain the conflict. The wars in the Horn of Africa have caused untold death and misery over the past few decades. Simulation participants are asked as well to deal with the many refugees and internally displaced persons in the Horn of Africa, a humanitarian crisis that strains the economies – and the political relations - of the countries in the region. In their roles as OAU representatives, participants in this intricate simulation witness first-hand the tremendous challenge of trying to obtain consensus among multiple actors with often competing agendas on the tools of conflict prevention. Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn -
Charisma and Politics in Post-Colonial Africa
CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Sishuwa Sishuwa CSSR Working Paper No. 446 January 2020 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2020 http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://cssr.uct.ac.za/pub/wp/446 ISBN: 978-1-77011-433-3 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2020 About the author: Sishuwa Sishuwa is a post-doctoral research fellow in the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, at UCT. His PhD (from Oxford University) was a political biography of Zambian politician and president Michael Sata. Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Abstract This paper examines the interaction between charisma and politics in Africa. Two broad groups of charismatic political leaders are discussed: those who came to the fore during the era of independence struggles and saw themselves as an embodiment of their nation states and having a transformative impact over the societies they led, and those who emerged largely in response to the failure of the first group or the discontent of post-colonial delivery, and sought political power to enhance their own personal interests. In both instances, the leaders emerged in a context of a crisis: the collapse of colonialism, the disintegration of the one-party state model and economic collapse. Keywords: charisma; leadership; colonialism; one-party state; democracy. 1. Introduction The concept of charisma entered the lexicon of the social sciences more than a century ago and is credited to German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920). -
OHCHR Call for Input: the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights In
OHCHR Call for Input: The Promotion and Protection of Human Rights in the Context of Peaceful Protests October 2019 Introduction Access Now welcomes this opportunity to submit input and provide relevant information to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) on the promotion and protection of human rights in the context of peaceful protests. As an ECOSOC accredited organisation, Access Now routinely engages with the United Nations in support of our mission to extend and defend human rights in the digital age.1 Through representation in 14 countries around the world, Access Now provides thought leadership and policy recommendations to the public and private sectors to ensure the continued openness of the internet and the protection of fundamental rights. We engage with an action-focused global community, convene stakeholders through the RightsCon Summit Series, and operate a 24/7 Digital Security Helpline that provides real-time direct technical assistance to at-risk individuals and communities worldwide. Call for Input Access Now is grateful to submit input and relevant information on questions 2, 3, and 4 as outlined in the OHCHR’s call for input.2 2. Effective uses of such technologies as enablers of the exercise of human rights in the context of assemblies, including peaceful protests (e.g. how new technologies have facilitated the organisation of assemblies, including peaceful protests); a. People are increasingly exercising their right to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, online and through information and communications technologies (ICTs). Online mobilisation efforts occur on various mediums, including social media and communication apps, such as WhatsApp and Telegram. -
Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa Richard Joseph
“The third wave of democracy did sweep across much of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, but has now subsided, except for ripples and eddies.” Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa richarD Joseph n July 2009, President Barack Obama declared This is an appropriate moment, therefore, to in Accra, Ghana, that Africa no longer needs step back from the volatility and try to under- Istrongmen—it needs strong institutions. stand the deeper dynamics of political change Almost a year later, at a meeting of the African and continuity in the region. In this exercise, Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Secretary of State the perspective of Richard L. Sklar, a longtime Hillary Clinton contended that many African lead- student of African affairs and retired professor of ers seem more concerned with staying eternally political science at the University of California, in power than with ably serving their people. In Los Angeles, is helpful. Sklar has argued for the some cases, she said, democracy “as one election, importance of studying power and the means by one time” still prevails. which it is acquired and exercised. He contends How much do these views correspond with what that all governmental systems are mixed, and is taking place in African countries? What patterns everything that is good in governance may not emerge in the configuration of political power? And necessarily be “democratic.” finally, how do we assess Africa’s democratic pros- Sklar calls attention, for example, to the sig- pects in light of global developments? nificance of oligarchic entities, such as the US As once impregnable autocracies fall in North Supreme Court or the British House of Lords, Africa, the people of sub-Saharan Africa can in capitalist democracies. -
Zambia, a 'Christian Nation'
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 7; July 2016 Zambia, a ‘Christian nation’ in Post Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) Era, 2011-2016 Austin M. Cheyeka Department of Religious Studies University of Zambia P. O. Box 32379, Lusaka Zambia Abstract The declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation in 1991 has become a field of research because of its many faces, the interpretations it has accrued which generate debate and things it has spawned; numerous Pentecostal churches and political parties with the ‘Christian’ name tag. What is more, it has given birth to organizations such as ‘Christian Nation Coalition’, ‘Christian Nation Foundation’ and most significant, a national chapel (House of Prayer for All Nations Tabernacle) yet to be constructed in the capital city next to State house where the declaration occurred. In this article I extend my research on the Christian nation rhetoric beyond Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) era, by examining its status during the Patriotic Front rule from 2011 to 2016, before the August 11, 2016 general elections. In 2011 the party of the president who declared Zambia a Christian nation lost power to a new party of Mr. Michael Chilufya Sata, a staunch Catholic, who, after his demise, was succeeded by Edgar Chagwa Lungu of unknown religious or denominational affiliation. I argue in the article that while Sata hardly used the Christian nation rhetoric, Lungu made the most of it during his campaign thereby revitalizing the Christian nation fervor and prompting some Pentecostal big men and women to rally around him. My stark conclusion is that: Lung perceptively reconfigured the Christian nation rhetoric for political mileage. -
AC Vol 45 No 9
www.africa-confidential.com 30 April 2004 Vol 45 No 9 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL TANZANIA 3 SUDAN Troubled isles The union between the mainland Mass murder and Zanzibar – 40 years old this Ten years after Rwanda’s genocide, the NIF regime kills and displaces week – remains a political hotspot, tens of thousands of civilians in Darfur – with impunity mainly because the ruling CCM has rigged two successive elections on Civilians in Darfur continue to die as a result of the National Islamic Front regime’s ethnic cleansing and the islands. Some hope that former in the absence of serious diplomatic pressure. United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan has warned OAU Secretary General Salim that international military intervention might be required to stop the slaughter in Darfur, while senior UN Ahmed Salim of Zanzibar will take officials refer to the NIF regime’s scorched earth policy as ‘genocide’ or ‘ethnic cleansing’. Yet last week over from President Mkapa next the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNOHCHR) in Geneva again refused to recommend strong year and negotiate a new settlement with the opposition CUF. action against Khartoum and suppressed its own highly critical investigation, which found that government agents had killed, raped and tortured civilians. On 23 April, the NIF exploited anti-Americanism to defeat a call from the United States and European MALAWI 4Union to reinstate a Special Rapporteur (SR) on Human Rights. At 2003’s annual session, Khartoum had successfully lobbied for the removal as SR of the German lawyer and former Interior Minister Gerhard Bingu the favourite Baum, an obvious candidate for enquiries in Darfur. -
Tracking Conflict Worldwide
CRISISWATCH Tracking Conflict Worldwide CrisisWatch is our global conict tracker, a tool designed to help decision-makers prevent deadly violence by keeping them up-to-date with developments in over 70 conicts and crises, identifying trends and alerting them to risks of escalation and opportunities to advance peace. Learn more about CrisisWatch July 2021 Global Overview JULY 2021 Trends for Last Month July 2021 Outlook for This Month DETERIORATED SITUATIONS August 2021 Ethiopia, South Africa, Zambia, CONFLICT RISK ALERTS Afghanistan, Bosnia And Herzegovina, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Ukraine, Ethiopia, Zambia, Armenia, Azerbaijan Cuba, Haiti, Syria, Tunisia RESOLUTION OPPORTUNITIES IMPROVED SITUATIONS None Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire CrisisWatch warns of three conict risks in August. Ethiopia’s spreading Tigray war is spiraling into a dangerous new phase, which will likely lead to more deadly violence and far greater instability countrywide. Fighting along the state border between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the deadliest since the Autumn 2020 war, could escalate further. More violence could surge in Zambia as tensions between ruling party and opposition supporters are running high ahead of the 12 August general elections. Our monthly conict tracker highlights deteriorations in thirteen countries in July. The Taliban continued its major offensive in Afghanistan, seizing more international border crossings and launching its rst assault on Kandahar city since 2001. South Africa faced its most violent unrest since apartheid ended in 1991, leaving over 300 dead. The killing of President Jovenel Moïse in murky circumstances plunged Haiti into political turmoil. Tunisia’s months-long political crisis escalated when President Kaïs Saïed dismissed Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi and suspended parliament.